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Conybeare, William John, 
1815-1857. 

The life, times, and travels 


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MAP OF THE COUNTRIES 
ADJACENT TO THE 


NORTHEAST CORNER OF THE MEDITERRANEAN; 
‘TO ILLUSTRATZ THE EARLY PASSAGES OF 
ST. PAUL'S LIFE, 


AND WIS FIRST JOURNEY 


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THE 


Sitio tives AND TRAVELS 


bel PA OL. 


BY 


we 
THE REV. W. J. CONYBEARE, M.A. 


LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, 


AND 


THE REV. J. 5. HOWSON, M.A. 


PRINCIPAL OF THE OOLLEGIATE INSTITUTION, LIVERPOOL. 


WITH INTRODUCTION 


BY MATHEW SIMPSON, D.D. 


BISHOP OF THE METHODIST EPISOOPAL OCHUROH. 


It is very meet, right, and our bounden duty that we should at all times and in all placea 
give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, Holy Father, Almighty, Everlasting God, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord, according to whose most true promise the Holy Ghost came down from heaven, 
lighting upon the Apostles, to teach them, and to lead them to all truth ; giving them bo'dness 
with fervent zeal constantly to preach the Gospel to all nations ; whereby we have been brought 
out of darkness and error, into the clear light and true knowledge of thee, and of thy Son Jesus 
Christ.”—Proper Preface to the Trisagium for Whitsunday. 


TWO VOLUMES IN ONE, UNABRIDGED 


SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION. 


NEW YORK: 


E. B. TREAT & CO., 654 BROADWAY; 
0. W. LILLEY, CHICAGO, ILL; A. H. HUBBARD, PHILA., PA. 


A. Τὶ TALCOTT ἃ CO., PITTSBURGH, PA. 
1869, 


PUBLISHERS’ PREFACE. 


Tue Publishers, in presenting “ Tur Lire anp Episrixs or Sr, 
Pav,” by the Rev. W. J. Conypzare and Rev. J. S. Howson, 
need no apology. It has commanded the admiration of scholars 
and intelligent readers of the Bible both in this country and 
Europe, and has passed through the ordeal of criticism in both 
countries and received the highest commendation. The ex- 
pense of the English edition, however, is such as necessarily to 
limit its circulation in this country, and the desire has been 
repeatedly expressed that the work should be published in a 
form and at a price which would bring it within the reach of 
ministers, students, and intelligent readers generally. The 
present edition, it is believed, will meet the existing want. 
Though offered at one third of the cost of the London copy, the 
work has in no way suffered from abridgment, but has ‘been 
preserved complete in every respect. The notes, coins, maps, 
plans, and wood engravings generally have been retained, and 
yet the size of the work has been reduced from the unwieldy 
quarto to a convenient octavo form. 3 

The introduction by the Rev. Marraew Simpson, D. D., the 
eloquent and revered Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
is at once the best explanation of the character, and the most 
emphatic commendation that could be given of the genuine 
worth of this admirable work, and to that, those not fully 
familiar with the volume are referred. 


BISHOP SIMPSON’S INTRODUCTION. 


Tux life of St. Paul is full of interest, not only to the Christian 
Church, but to every student of history. By birth a Jew, he was 
intensely attached to his race, and yet he became the great apostle 
to the Gentiles. Educated a Pharisee, hoping for the supremacy 
of Judaism, and hating its opponents, persecuting them even to 
death, we behold him a sudden convert to the cross, and his soul 
swells with a world-wide philanthropy. Living in a stirring and 
an eventful age, he becomes one of its chief actors, and propagates 
a religion which changes the face of the world. 116 declares its 
sublime truths alike to the dwellers in Arabia, to the tumultuous 
masses in the Grecian cities, or to the accomplished and powerful 
Roman governors and officers of state. In the intermingling of 
nationalities he becomes a citizen of the world, and is at home in 
Jerusalem, in Athens, and in Rome. Persecuted in Judea, 
mobbed in Greece, and put to death in Rome, yet the productions 
of his pen have been translated into more than two hundred 
languages, and thousands of readers peruse his glowing pages, 
where only a few trace the speculations of Plato or the orations 
of Cicero. 

Such a life is worthy of profound study. It stands out boldly 
in the pages of history. We long to analyze its elements, to exam- 
ine the surrounding circumstances, and to understand the causes 
of its wonderful power and influence. Such a task have our 
authors undertaken, and nobly have they performed it in the vol- 
ume before us. Careful inquiry, diligent research, and extensive 
erudition are manifest in every chapter. The materials as to his 
early associations and his personal habits are scanty, it is true, yet 
a few glimpses afford us a partial view. As great naturalists are 
able from viewing a small bone of an animal, even of an extinct 
race, or a single scale of a fish from a distant ocean, to describe 
the skeleton, and to portray the habits and modes of life which such 
a being must manifest, so have our authors, from the slight allu- 
sions given, endeavored to bring vividly before us the life of St. 
Paul. To accomplish this, every department of knowledge has 


ιν INTRODUCTION. 


been made tributary. As Napoleon, in his life of Caesar, has given 
as the groundwork that wonderfully clear, accurate and panoramic 
view of the condition of tie lands of the Mediterranean at that age, 
ΒΟ have Conybeare and Howson wrought out the picture of Judea 
and of the Jewish colonies in the age of the apostle. They have 
traced the changes in the form of government, the intermingling 
of Jewish customs with Roman law, and the influences which 
must have operated upon the various governors. They have 
shown the condition of the literature, the schools, the dialects, 
and the sects in the Iloly Land. Passing to Asia Minor, to Greece, 
and to the adjacent islands, they have traced the mythology and 
philosophy with which Christianity came in contact, and have 
shown to us the fields of the apostle’s conflicts. We stand on the 
Acropolis, wander through the amphitheatres, gaze on the race- 
course, witness the games, or enter the abodes, and behold the 
customs and manners of the various inhabitants. 

To illustrate his travels and writings, they have appealed to the 
history of the age in which he lived. They have collected the 
records made by travellers who have visited those lands, in the 
centuries past, as well as in the present period. Inscriptions on 
tablets and monuments have been deciphered and examined. Old 
coins and urns, exhumed from buried ruins, and deposited in pub- 
lic or private museums, add their testimony as to the state of art 
and the habits then prevailing. The currents of the sea and of 
the atmosphere, the storms and teimpests still sweeping through 
and over the Mediterranean, unchanged by the lapse of centuries, 
add their voices to attest the correctness of the narrative. The 
islands and banks, the headlands and straits, remain to-day as they 
are sketched by St. Luke. The old Roman ship with its sails and 
oars, laden with its articles of trade and commerce, seems to ride 
the waves before us, as it bears its passengers from port to port. 
Biographical sketches of the leading men who were contemporary 
with the apostle, and who figure in the same scenes, also add 
coloring and life to the picture. Thus fragments of history and 
travel, of art and science, of philosophy and language, are skilfully 
combined, as scattered rays are converged to a focus, to pour their 
light upon the apostle’s person and labors. 

It is freely admitted that many of the sketches are purely con- 
jectural. A vivid imagination has described not what the apostle 
assuredly saw, but what he might have seen. As St. Paul jour- 
neyed from place to place, yonder mountain towered, or yonder 


INTRODUCTION. ν 


plain revealed its loveliness to the eye. Legends of the past 
clustered around that monument, or memories of heroes lingered 
on the battle-field of yore. Here he may have reasoned with this 
dhilosopher, or listened to the fervid eloquence of that orator 
But in all such eases, the authors tell us what is fanciful and what 
is real We may cast aside the fancies, as we would strip off 
some trivial ornament, yet the bold outlines of the figure remain 
clearly imprinted upon the mind. 

The Christian Church has ever admired and reverenced the 
character of St. Paul. The Roman Church commemorates his 
conversion by a feast on the 25th of January. It was established 
by Innocent ILI. in 1200, though Baronius states that it had been 
observed in the earlier ages, and had fallen into disuse. So emi- 
nent was he considered that ancient writers often designated him 
as “Tue Apostle.” So highly were his writings prized by the 
early Christians that we find a portion of the Scriptures, con- 
sisting chiefly of his Epistles, designated as ὁ ἀπόςτολος, His exam- 
ple has fired many a-youthful heart and stimulated to many a 
heroic deed. Possibly because of his utter fearlessness and of his 
heroic daring, he is in medigval pictures usually represented 
with a sword as his special badge of distinction, as that of St. 
Peter is the keys, and of St. Andrew the cross. 

Valuable as the illustration of a life so pure, holy, and com- 
manding must ever be, there are special reasons why at the present 
time we welcome such a work, and desire its extensive diffusion. 

Infidelity no longer occupies the purely negative positions as- 
sumed in the last century by many of its votaries. It no longer 
contends, that the history of Jesus and of his apostles is a fabri- 
cation of a later age, and designed to impose upon the credulous. It 
accepts the fact of the life, teaching, and suffering of our blessed 
Saviour, and of the ministry and labors of his apostles, but en- 
deavors to explain away all that is supernatural or miraculous in 
the inspired narrative. It professes to admire, and even to reverence 
the person of Christ, and to exalt him as a man and as a teacher to 
the highest possible elevation; yet it denies his claim to be the 
Son of God; derides his miracles as deceptions, and admits him 
to have been guilty of duplicity and imposture. The Gospels and 
the Acts of the Apostles they admit to be histories, true and accu- 
rate in their outline, but they find myths interwoven everywhere 
to suit their convenience. So, too, they deal with the apostles. 
They trace their history, extol their heroism and their labors, ad- 


vi INTRODUCTION. 


mit that by their teachings the thoughts of humanity have been 
modified and the condition of the world has been changed. Yet 
with all this to explain away the supernatural, they admit them 
to have been weak and visionary, enthusiastic and fanatical, the 
deluded dupes of others or the grossest impostors themselves. 
The most subtle German critics have sought to find diserep- 
ancies and errors to invalidate the accuracy of the narrative, and 
thus to weaken its authority. Colenso, himself holding the office 
of a bishop, and professing to be a sincere Christian, has sought to 
weaken or destroy the faith of the Church. Others throw an air 
of romance around the inspired history, rejecting portions dis- 
tasteful to them, and incorporating their own fancies much 
after the manner of historical novels. Renan travelled in the 
lands of the Bible, became familiar with the localities and scenery, 
and has given to the world a semi-historical and semi-romantic 
life of Christ, easy in style and graceful in illustration. He writes 
the biography as a professedly enthusiastic admirer, yet at 
every possible point suggesting difficulties and deriding his 
claims to divinity. He writes as a friend, but stabs as an enemy. 
To such a writer we may apply the answer of the Saviour to Ju- 
das, ‘‘ Betrayest thou the Son of Man with a kiss?” So, too, he : 
writes the lives of the apostles. Paul is intellectual, ardent, 
daring, heroic. Yet in his conversion he represents him as weak 
and silly. He tells us that after Stephen’s death, he was troubled 
with fears. “ That going toward Damascus he suffered with ophthal- 
mia, and was temporarily blinded and prostrated by a sun-stroke. 
That in his delirium he thought he saw a form and heard the 
voice of Jesus. That he remained exceedingly nervous until 
Ananias soothed him by his friendly hand and cheered him by his 
words of kindness, and then, his nervousness passing away, he 
found that he could see. Such is the explanation of the wonderful 
conversion of the great apostle—a conversion which changed a 
learned and bitter persecutor into an ardent advocate—a conver- 
sion which so vividly impressed him, that he relates it everywhere 
—attests it before Roman governors, and under its powerful influ- 
ence goes calmly forward to bonds, imprisonment, and death. 
One purpose pervades all such works. It is to impair the 
authority of the Sacred Volume—to cast doubts upon the 
eredibility of portions—to give the air of a myth, or romance, 
to the narrative—that thus, in the midst of mists and shadows, 
men may hesitate to believe in the Son of God. To coun- 


INTRODUCTION. Vii 


teract this no method can be more effective than to bring vi- 
vidly before us the leading personages actively engaged in 
the early propagation of Christianity—to show them in their 
connection with received historic facts, and to prove by the 
unchanging face of nature that they must have stood and acted 
where and when the inspired penman describes them. The 
times are favorable for this. The eyes of the world are 
turning to the lands of the East. Egypt is reviving from the 
lethargy of ages. The valley of the Euphrates is attracting ex- 
plorers. Phoenicia and Palestine are once more to be on the 
highway of nations. The canal through the Isthmus of Suez 
will change the route of eastern commerce, and the Mediter- 
ranean will be filled with the fleets of all countries. The lands 
visited by St. Paul will be revisited by multiplied thousands ; 
and when the legends of ancient mariners and the songs of Homer 
shall have been forgotten—when the exploits of the crusaders 
shall live only in neglected pages of history—the name of the 
great apostle shall be indissolubly connected with the cities in 
which he sojourned, and with the waters upon which he sailed. 
How refreshing is it, also, in this commercial age, to study a 
character so free from selfishness. Not a single act or event in 
his history suggests the idea, “ Will it pay?” But everywhere 
thoughts of truth, of right, and of duty cluster around his move- 
ments. He was earnest and sincere, even when a persecutor of 
the disciples of Christ. But when converted, these qualities were 
sublimely manifested in his suffering “the loss of all things” for 
Christ’s sake. Not for a moment did he hesitate to espouse the 
cause which he had assailed. Not once did he ask, “ What will 
Gamaliel say?” “What will the Jews do?” Convinced that 
Jesus of Nazareth was the true Messiah, he hastened, at the peril 
of his life, to proclaim him as such in every open synagogue. To 
him the frowns of former friends, the rebuke of his revered pre- 
ceptor, the scorn of his associates, the loss of his reputation, the 
closing of every apparent avenue to fame, and the terrors of per- 
secution, bitter’ and unrelenting as he well knew, were of little 
moment when he heard the voice of duty urging him onward. 
Nor was this because his nature was cool and phlegmatic. On 
the contrary, he was ardent, impulsive, sensitive, a lover of the 
beautiful and the grand. He was educated and refined—had 
studied in the highest school of his nation, and had sat at the feet 
of its ablest teacher. Gamaliel had, by special permission, stu- 


Vill INTRODUCTION. 


died Grecian literature, that he might serve his nation in impor. 
tant trusts. Te was a skilful astronomer, delighted in the study 
of nature, and admired the beautiful in all its manifestations. 
Such a teacher must have left his impress upon the pupil whe 
revered him, and must have awakened within him kindred 
thoughts and sentiments. Above all these, however, there was 
a conviction of the unseen and the eternal. He walked on the 
verge of the invisible, and he felt within himself the power of a 
divine life. We hear him saying, “I live, yet not I, but Christ 
liveth in me.” He recognizes in others the same holy influence, 
which he terms “ Christ in you, the hope of glory.” Tow grand 
is his conception of life! His pathway is marked out by his Crea- 
tor. His race has commenced. Angels and redeemed spirits 
look down upon him as he hastens toward the heavenly Jerusa- 
lem, ever “looking to Jesus, the author and the finisher of his 
faith.” 

Such a conviction imparts almost inconceivable strength, either 
for labor or suffering. Hence we find him in the city of Corinth, 
the centre of pride and of luxury, laboring day after day with 
his hands, that he may not be chargeable to the Church, to 
whom he is imparting the truths and consolations of religion. 
Full of burning zeal, the limits of no'country or province contined 
him. From Judea to Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and the islands, 
he passed in rapid succession, longing to visit Spain, and “ to 
preach the gospel in Rome” also. If we consider the extent of 
the countries through which he passed, the slow and perilous 
modes of travelling, and the dangers which he braved, we shall 
form some idea of his ceaseless and resistless energy. In the 
midst of all these labors of travel, of preaching, and of daily toil, 
he found time to write. 16 remembered the converts in Corinth 
and Ephesus, in Galatia, in Philippi, and in Thessalonica, and sent 
letters of consolation and instruction. He heard of the infant 
church at Rome, and dispatched his greetings thither, and pre- 
pared for the Hebrews scattered abroad his most labored Epistle. 
The same consciousness of the Divine presence cheered him in _ 
every hour of trial and of gloom. Stoned, scourged, imprisoned, 
he felt that God was with him. He was determined “to finish 
his course with joy.” Though Nero might condemn, he dreaded 
not the execution, for he knew the “righteous Judge” would 
present him a martyr’s crown. He who would rise to the gran- 
deur of the apostle’s life, must have a profound conviction of the 


INTRODUCTION. 1X 


power of the gospel, and must realize the influence of the Divine 
presence in his own heart. 

There is another view in which the life and teachings of St. 
Paul possess a deep interest for our age. The Jews, as a people, 
are in danger of plunging into utter infidelity. Long have they 
looked and waited for a Messiah to come. Diligently have they 
studied the predictions of their prophets, and carefully have they 
calculated when he should appear. But the centuries have come 
and gone, and none, save Jesus of Nazareth, has appeared to 
present even plausible claims to that great office. Weary with 
longing and looking, their ablest minds are beginning to turn 
away from prophecy, and to doubt whether there is to be a reali- 
zation of their hopes. Their temple is in Moslem hands; their 
sacrifices have long ceased ; they ure scattered into all lands, and 
yet are strangely kept separate from the families in the. midst of 
which they dwell. They need to-day to hear the voice, and to 
listen to the reasonings of their brother—the great apostle—their 
‘kinsman, according to the flesh.” While he is called the apos- 
tle to the Gentiles, he was in one sense pre-eminently the apostle 
to the Jews also. At Damascus, within a few days after his con- 
yersion, it is said: “ And straightway he preached Christ in the 
synagogues, that He is the Son of God;” and again, he “ con- 
founded the Jews which dwelt at Damascus, proving that this is 
very Christ.” On his visit, years after, to Thessalonica, it is 
said: “ Paul, as his manner was, went in unto them, and three 
Sabbath days reasoned with them out of the Scriptures, opening 
and alleging that Christ must needs have suffered, and risen 
again from the dead; and that this Jesus, whom I preach unto 
you, is Christ.” 

To-day, such a voice is needed in the large and costly 
synagogues which are being erected in our principal cities. 
Could the Jews behold one of their own race, educated in their 
own literature, sharing in all their prejudices against the cross of 
Christ, yet by divine power changed into an ardent disciple ot 
Jesus, and consecrating his energies and his life to that holy ser- 
vice, they too might be induced to listen and to learn. What 
they require, is to be convinced that Jesus is the promised Messiah. 
On them no life and teachings can have more influence than St. 
Paul’s. And, as in commerce and the higher arts, China has-re- 
mained almost stationary, until advancing civilization has swept 
round the globe, and its great waves have returned to her shores, 


>.< INTRODUCTION. 


so the words, the life, the spirit of St. Paul, after having stirred 
and ἔς the whole gentile world, are returning once more 
to arouse the waiting and doubting Jews. 

Lhe ministry of St. Paul is also the connecting link between 
the apostles who accompanied and were instructed by the blessed 
Saviour when upon earth, and the ministry of the Church in 
all ages. In his selection, the great Head of the Church has pro- 
claimed his purpose to select his own agents. St. Paul was not 
chosen either by the apostles or by Christian congregations. He 
received his authority, not from men but from God. Entering 
directly into the ministry, amidst the church in Damascus, with- 
out the sanction of Peter, James, or John, or of any earthly coun- 
cil, he declares himself ‘‘ not one whit behind the very chiefest of 
the apostles.” The infant church recognized him as God’s chosen 
one, apostles received him as a fellow-servant, and God worked 
with him by signs and miracles. It is the prerogative of God to 
call to the office of the ministry, and it is the office of the church 
to examine, to recognize, and to sanction that call. Forms may 
be adopted as becoming and convenient, and persons may be select- 
ed by whom these forms may be administered. The forms should 
be appropriate, and the officers to administer should be selected 
with care, that thus the ministry may be fitly commended to the 
attention and the confidence of the world. Yet all these matters 
are conventional and secondary, while the call of God is of nba 
impor tance. 

It is at least worthy of note, that the apostle who had never 
seen Jesus during his sojourn on earth, had never listened to his 
glorious teachings, and had not been selected as one of the twelve, 
should work out for himself the highest position in the apostolate. 
He appears to have done far more for the cause of his Master than did 
any other, and if we except St. Peter and St. John, more than all 
the other apostles combined. Indeed, it appears strange that St. 
Peter, who by many has been regarded as the Head of the Church, 
and through whom his professed successors claim to have received 
supreme power in the church, is scarcely heard of in scriptural 
history after his mission to Joppa and the council 1 in Jerusalem. 
Once St. Paul meets him in Antioch and withstands him to his 
face, “because he was to be blamed.” He doubtless visited 
Corinth, as some of that Church claimed to be “ of Cephas,” and 
he either visited the churches to which St. Paul had written, or the 
Epistles had been sent also to Jerusalem, as he speaks of things in 


INTRODUCTION. Xi 


them “hard to be understood, which they that are unlearned and 
unstable wrest, as they do also the other Scriptures, unto their own 
destruction.” Is this difference in our information, as to the life 
and labors of St. Peter and St. Paul, simply an illustration of 
how the pen can give publicity and immortality to the actions of 
men? If so, we are taught the necessity of recording as well as 
doing, that a wide-spread and permanent influence may be exer- 
cised upon the world. It may be, however, that, foreseeing the 
effort that would be made to magnify unduly the position of St. 
Peter among the apostles, God designed to present to the church 
the history of another, who was stronger and more influential. 
St. Peter does not appear to have had any voice either in select- 
ing St. Paul for the ministry, or in sending him from Antioch on 
his great missionary tour, or to have directed his work among 
the churches. In other words, the great missionary movements 
of the church were chiefly outside of St. Peter’s direction. 

As an organizer St. Paul appears to have excelled all his asso- 
ciates. He could adapt himself to the peculiarities of any race or 
any locality. He visited the synagogue and reasoned with the 
Jew, and he stood on Mars’ Hill and quoted to the Athenians the 
sentiments of thetr own poetry and philosophy. He took his 
illustrations from the habits, customs, employments, and amuse- 
ments of the people whom he addressed. Yet, looking far beyond 
his own age, he desired to give order and permanence to the 
church in all lands. Hence he writes to Timothy, his son in the 
gospel, as also to Titus, directing them how to instruct and to 
organize the churches in every city. Through them he speaks to 
all ministers in all ages, extending thus an influence to the end of 
time. Intent on the great thoughts of the gospel, he touched but 
lightly on ceremonies. Notwithstanding he preached in Corinth 
“Ca year and six months,” and added many converts to the church, 
yet he thanks God that he baptized none but Crispus and Gaius 
and the “ household of Stephanas.” His great mission was to 
preach the gospel, “not in words of man’s wisdom,” but with 
divine influence and unction, and to arrange such agencies as 
should perpetuate the work which he had commenced. For this 
purpose, he gathered around him active workers. In his Epistles, 
he refers to a number of these by name, and commends them to 
the confidence and affection of the churches. He also employed 
the assistance of pious women, but in what mode, and to what 
extent, we are ποῦ informed. He commends to the church at 


XIL INTRODUCTION. 


Rome, Phebe, a servant of the church at Cenchrea, or, as some 
translate it, a deacon of the church. He also makes respectful 
allusion to several others. And in writing to the Philippians, he 
says: “And I entreat thee also, true yoke-fellow, help those 
women which labored with me in the gospel, with Clement also, 
and with others, my fellow-laborers, whose names are in the book 
of life.’ Yet to the Corinthians he says: “ Let your women 
keep silence in the churches; for it is not permitted unto them to 
speak.” 

How far, and in what mode, the services of women can be 
employed in the church, is a question which at present deeply 
interests the religious world. Unquestionably, pious women in 
all ages have done much for the cause of Christ; and to-day 
a vast amount of such moral influence is unemployed. It is equally 
true that Christianity alone has elevated and educated women, 
and made them capable of being not only the ornaments of society, 
but active and earnest laborers in its refinement and puritication. 
Possibly, the few glimpses we have of their service in apostolic 
times were designed to teach us that, in their service, the church 
must be determined by the wants of the age and the circumstances 
of society. 

In this age of missionary enterprise, we look back with interest 
upon the first missionaries, and the results attending their efforts. 
We behold the apostie visiting the great central cities, and 
establishing in them churches, which should gradually enlighten the 
entire provinces. Wherever he went he became a bond of sympathy 
between the scattered Cnnistians, and he taught them to aid each 
other. Poor and strugguny as the infant churches were, yet in 
Macedonia and 1n Gurmcn cuey presented their offerings to assist 
their suffering brethren in Jerusalem. Irom every point, greet- 
ings were sent to the various churches, and the chief workers were 
saluted, and exchanged salutations, by name. ‘The great idea 
soucht to be realized was the fulfilment of the Saviour’s prayer : 
“That they all may be one.” That the great leader in accom- 
plishing this had been educated a Phsmece! of the “strictest sect,” 
and was exclusive in his ideas and associations, may appear ideale 
but we must remember that the conversion which ohanaed him 
from a persecutor to a disciple, also swelled his heart with beney- 
olence for the whole world. From that moment he yearned for 
the conversion of the Gentiles, and in his spirit was forever broken 
down the wall of partition, not merely between Jew and Gentile, 


INTRODUCTION. ΧΗΣ 
vut between all classes and races of humanity. He saw all con: 
cluded under sin, that the promise throngh Christ might be given 
to them that believe; and he looked forward with glowing anti- 
cipation to that fulness of time, when there should be gathered 
together “in one, all things in Christ, both which are in 
heaven and which are on earth.” Century after century has 
passed away; gradually has the gospel broken down barrier after 
barrier, and the families of earth are being drawn more closely 
together. Missions are being established in all lands, and all 
nations are studying one Bible and bowing before one cross. 
Improvements are opening up a highway upon the seas, and bind- 
ing with indissoluble bonds the extremities of a continent. Men 
of all races and of all classes are finding a home in our western 
world; and the gospel is proving itself to be the power of God in 
so influencing the hearts of men, that for the first time in earth’s 
history, these races of the East and of the West, of the North and 
of the South, dwell together in peace and safety. Such a consum- 
mation can only be through Him who is ‘‘ Head over all things to 
the church, which is his body, the fulness of Him that filleth ali 
in all.” 

No one ean rise from the perusal of this volume without being 
both surprised and edified by the vast amount of materials se 
diligently collected and arranged as to cast new light upon varions 
passages in God’s word. oth to the systematic minister and to 
the general reader, this work is vastly superior to any commentary 
upon the Pauline Epistles. And, in commending it to the Amencaz 
public, the earnest hope is entertained that it may have an exten- 
sive circulation. 


ΠΥ τ a at ἢ fe tie ae 
Ὡ hake saa Lodi ἂς: ἢ 


πὰ ἘΝ Δ ἐς ASE ΠΤ Μ Νὰ dial ὁ 


π᾿ at ἯΙ ἊΝ ily CN ie One: Ch 
Hi Ἦ dive iia . baa ea Μὰ ἵν, ΤῊΝ 


at neji i item ἢ ἐχῳ!, " ny ie ᾿ (‘Abn 
Hy ἽΝ ΤῊΝ: ΤΥ thi Bids ἣν ΤΠ 4 ua 
} Sh pe By. τὰ λοι pais: if ie ἡ aupulid ΓΗ͂Σ sites 


ἜΝ 


INTRODUCTION. 


Gan pu:pose of this work is to give a living picture of St 
Paul hisaself, and of the circumstances by which he was sur- 
rounded. 

The biography of the Apostle must be compiled from two 
sources; first, his own letters, and secondly, the narrative in the 
Acts of the Apostles. The latter, after a slight sketch of his 
early history, supplies us with fuller details of his middle life; 
and his Epistles afford much subsidiary information concerning 
his missionary labours during the same period. The light concen- 
trated upon this portion of his course, makes darker by contrast 
the obscurity which rests upon the remainder; for we are left to 
gain what knowledge we can of his later years, from scattered 
hints in a few short letters of his own, and from a single sentence 
of his disciple Clement. 

But in order to present anything like a living picture of St. 
Paul’s career, much more is necessary than a mere transcript of 
the Scriptural narrative, even where it is fullest. Every step of 
hig course brings us into contact with some new phase of ancient 
life, unfamiliar to our modern experience, and upon which we 
must throw light from other sources, if we wish it to form a dis- 
tinct image in the mind. For example, to comprehend the in- 
fluences under which he grew to manhood, we must realise the 
position of a Jewish family in Tarsus, “the chief city of Cili- 
cia ;” we must understand the kind of education which the son 
of such a family would receive as a boy in his Hebrew home, or 
in the schools of his native city, and in his riper youth “at the 
feet of Gamaliel” in Jerusalem; we must be acquainted with the 


ΧΥΪ INTRODUCTION. 


profession for wh ch he was to be prepared by this traming, aud 
appreciate the station and duties of an expounder of the Law. 
And that we inay be fully qualified to do all this, we should have 
a clear view of the state of tle Roman empire at the same time, 
and especially of its system in the provinces; we should also un- 
derstand the political position of the Jews of the “ dispersion ;” 
we should be (so to speak) hearers in their synagogues; we should 
be students of their Rabbinical theology. And’ in like manner, 
as we follow the Apostle in the different stages of his varied 
and adventurous career, we must strive continually to bring out 
in their true brightness the half effaced forms and colouring of 
the scene in which he acts; and while he “ becomes all things to 
all men, that he might by all means save some,” we must form 
to ourselves a living likeness of the ¢hings and of the men among 
which he moved, if we would rightly estimate his work. Thus 
we must study Christianity rising in the midst of Judaism, we 
must realize the position of its early churches with their mixed 
society, to which Jews, Proselytes, and Heathens had each con- 
tributed a characteristic element; we must qualify ourselves to 
be umpires (if we may so speak) in their violent internal divi- 
sions; we must listen to the strife of their schismatic parties, 
when one said “I am of Paul, and another, I am of Apollos ;” 
we must study the true character of those early heresies which 
even denied the resurrection, and advocated impurity and law- 
lessness, claiming the right “to sin that grace might abound,”! 
“ defiling the mind and conscience ”? of their followers, and mak- 
ing them abominable and disobedient, and “ to every good work 
reprobate ;* we must trace the extent to which Greek philosophy, 
Judaizing formalism, and Eastern superstition blended their taint- 
ing influence with the pure fermentation of that new leaven 
which was at last to leaven the whole mass of civilized society. 
Again, to understand St. Paul’s personal history as a mission- 
ary to the heathen, we must know the state of the different popu: 
lations which he visited; the character of the Greek and Itoman 
civilization at the epoch; the points of intersection between the 
political history of the world and the scriptural narrative; the 
social organization and gradation of ranks, for which he enjoins 
respect; the position of women, to which he especially refers in 
many of his letters; the relations between parents and children, 


Row. vi. 1. LM ty thy 18 3 Tit. i. 16. 


INTRODUCTION. XVii 


slaves and masters, which he not vainly sought to imbue with the 
loving spirit of the Gospel; the quality and influence, under the 
early empire, of the Greek and Roman religions, whose effete 
corrup‘ness he denounces with such indignant scorn ; the public 
amusements of the people, whence he draws topics of warning or 
illustration; the operation of the Roman law, under which he 
was so frequently arraigned; the courts in which he was tried, 
and the magistrates by whose sentence he suffered ; the legionary 
soldiers who acted as his guards; the roads by which he travelled, 
whether through the mountains of Lycaonia or the marshes of 
Latium; the course of commerce by which his journeys were so 
often regulated; and the character of that imperfect navigation 
by which his life was so many times? endangered. 

While thus trying to live in the life of a bygone age, and to 
eall up the figure of the past from its tomb, duly robed in all its 
former raiment, every help is welcome which enables us to fill up 
the dim outline in any part of its reality. Especially we delight 
to look upon the only one of the manifold features of that past 
existence, which still is living. We remember with pleasure that 
the earth, the sea, and the sky still combine for us in the same 
landscapes which passed before the eyes of the wayfaring Apos- 
tle. The plain of Cilicia, the snowy distances of Taurus, the cold 
and rapid. stream of the Cydnus, the broad Orontes under the 
shadow of its steep banks with their thickets of jasmine and 
oleander; the hills which “stand about Jerusalem,”? the “arched 
fountains cold” in the ravines below, and those “ flowery brooks 
beneath, that wash their hallowed feet ;” the capes and islands of 
the Grecian Sea, the craggy summit of Areopagus, the land- 
locked harbour of Syracuse, the towering cone of Etna, the volup- 
tuous loveliness of the Campanian shore; all these remain to 
us, the imperishable handiwork of nature. We can still look 
upon the same trees and flowers which he saw clothing the moun- 
tains, giving color to the plains, or reflected in the rivers; we 
may think of him among the palms of Syria, the cedars of Leba- 
non, the olives of Attica, the green Isthmian pines of Corinth, 
whose leaves wove those “fading garlands,” which he ccntrasts* 

1 2 Cor. xi. 25, “thrice have’ I suffered shipwreck ;¥ and this was before he was 
wrecked upon Melita. 

“The hills stand about Jerusalem; even so standeth the Lord round about his 


people.” Ps. exxy. 2. 
? 1 Cor. ix. 25. 


XVlil INTRODUCTICN. 


with the “ineorru stible crown,” the prize for which he fought 

Nay we can even still look upon some of the works of man which 

filled him with wonder, or moved him to indignation. The tem: 

ples “made with hands”! which rose before him—the very apo: 

theosis of idolatry—on the Acropolis, still stand in almost un- 

diminished majesty and beauty. The mole on which he landed 

at Puteoli still stretches its ruins into the blue waters of the bay. 

The remains of the Baian Villas whose marble porticoes he then 

beheld glittering in the sunset—his first specimen of Italian lux- 

ary—still are seen along the shore. We may still enter Rome as 

he did by the same Appian Road, through the same Capenian 

Gate, and wander among the ruins of “ Ciesar’s-palace”* on the 

Palatine, while our eye rests upon the same aqueducts radiating 
over the Campagna to the unchanging hills. Those who have 

visited these spots must often have felt a thrill of recollection as 

they trod in the footsteps of the Apostle; they must have been 

eonscious how much the identity of the outward scene brought 
them into communion with him, while they tried to image to 
themselves the feelings with which he must have looked upon the. 
objects before them. They who have experienced this will feel 

how imperfect a biography of St. Paul must be, without faithful 
representations of the places which he visited. It is hoped that 
the views which are contained in the present work, and which 
have been drawn for this special object, will supply this desidera- 
tum. And it is evident that, for the purposes of such a biogra- 
phy, nothing but true and faithful representations of the real 
scenes will be valuable; these are what is wanted, and not ideal 
representations, even though copied from the works of the great- 
est masters ; for, as it has been well said, “nature and reality paint- 
wd at the time, and on the spot, a nobler cartoon of St. Paul’s 
preaching at Athens than the immortal Rafaelle afterwards has 
done.” 

For a similar reason Maps have been added, exhibiting with 
as much accuracy as can at present be attained the physical fea- 
tures of the countries visited, and some of the ancient routes 
through them, together with plans of the most important cities, 
and maritime charts of the coasts where they were required. 

While thus endeavouring to represent faithfully the natural 


: Acts xvii. 24. 3 Phil. 1. 13. 
8 Wordsworth’s “ Athens and Attica,” p. 76. 


INTRODUCTION. xix 


objects and architectural remains connected with the narrative, it 
has likewise been attempted to give such illustrations as were 
reedful of the minor productions of human art as they existed in 
the first century. For this purpose engravings of Coins have | 
been given in all cases where they seemed to throw light on the 
circumstances mentioned in the history; and recourse has been 
had to the stores of Pompeii and Herculaneum, as well as to the 
collection of the Vatican, and the columns of Trajan and Anto- 
ninus. 

But after all this is done—after we have endeavoured, with 
every help we can command, to reproduce the picture of St. 
Paul’s deeds and times—how small would our knowledge of him- 
self remain, if we had no other record of him left us but the 
story of his adventures. If his letters had never come down to 
us, we stouid have known indeed what he did and suffered, but 
we should have had very little idea of what he was.!' Even if we 
could perfectly succeed in restoring the image of the scenes and 
circumstances in which he moved,—even if we could, as in a ma- 
gic mirror, behold him speaking in the school of Tyrannus, with 
his Ephesian hearers in their national costume around him,—we 
should still see very little of Paul of Tarsus. We must listen to 
his words, if we would learn to know him. If faney did her 
utmost, she could give us only his outward not his inward life. 
“His bodily presence” (so his enemies declared) “ was weak and 
contemptible ;” but “ his letters” (even they allowed) “ were weigh- 
ty and powerful.”? Moreover an effort of imagination and memo- 
ry is needed to recal the past, but in his Epistles St. Paul is present 
with us. “His words are not dead words, they are living crea- 
tures with hands and feet,” * touching in a thousand hearts at this 
very hour the same chord of feeling which vibrated to their first 
utterance. We, the Christians of the nineteenth century, can 
bear witness now, as fully as could a Byzantine audience four- 
teen hundred years ago, to the saying of Chrysostom, that “ Paul 
by his letters still lives in the mouths of men throughout the 
whole world; by them not only his own converts, but all the 


1 For his speeches recorded in the Acts, characteristic as they are, would by them. 
selves have been too few and too short to add much to our knowledge of St. Paul; 
but illustrated as they now are by his Epistles, they become an important part of hie 
personal biography. 

2 2 Cor. x. 10, 

* Luther, as quoted in Archdeacon Hare’s “Mission of the Comforter,” p. 449. 


ΧΧ INTRODUCTION. 


faithful even unto this day, yea and all the saints who are yet te 
be born, until Christ’s coming again, both have been and shall 
Se blessed.” ! His Epistles are to his inward life, what the moun: 
. tains and rivers of Asia and Greece and Italy are to his outward 
‘ife,—the imperishable part which still remains to us, when all 
that time can ruin has passed away. 

Tt is in these letters then that we must study the true life of 
St, Paul, from its inmost depths and springs of action, which were 
“hidden with Christ in God,” down to its most minute develope- 
ments, and peculiar individual manifestations. In them we learn 
(to use the language of Gregory Nazianzene) “what is told of 
Paul by Paul himself.”? Their most sacred contents indeed rise 
above all that is peculiar to the individual writer; for they are 
the communications of God to man concerning the faith and life 
of Christians; which St. Paul declared (as he often asserts) by 
the immediate revelation of Christ himself. But his manner of 
teaching these eternal truths is coloured by his human character, 
and peculiar to himself. And such individual features are natu- 
rally impressed much more upon epistles than upon any other 
kind of composition. For here we have not treatises, or sermons, 
which may dwell in the general and abstract, but real letters, 
written to meet the actual wants of living men;. giving immedi- 
ate answers to real questions, and warnings against pressing dan- 
gers; full of the interests of the passing hour. And this, which 
must be more or less the case with all epistles addressed to par- 
ticular Churches, is especially so with those of St. Paul. In his 
ease it is not too much to say that his letters are himself—a por- 
trait painted by his own hand, of which every feature may be | 
“known and read of all men.” 

It is not merely that in them we see the proof of his powerful 

1 De Sacerdotio, IV. 7. The whole passage is well worth quoting: 

Πύθεν avd τὴν οἰκουμένην ἅπασαν πολὺς ἐν τοῖς ἁπάντων ἐπὶ ςόμασιν ; Πόξεν οὐ rao’ 
ἡμῖν μόνον, ἀλλά κὶὶ παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις, καὶ "Ἕλλησι μάλιςα πάντων ϑαυμάζεται ; οὔκ ἀπὸ 
τῆς τὸν ᾿Επιςολῶν apetng; Av ἧς οὐ τοὺς τύτε μόνον πιςοὺς, αλλά καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων 
uéxpt τῆς σήμερον γινομένους, καὶ τοὺς μέλλοντας δὲ ἔσεσθαι μέχρι τῆς ἐσχάτης τοῦ Xpicov 
παρουσίας ὠφέλησέ τε καὶ ὠφελήσει" καὶ οὐ παύσεται τοῦτο ποιῶν, Ewe dv τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων 
διαμένῃ γένος. "Ὥσπερ γὰρ τεῖχος ἐξ ἀδάμαντος κατασκευασϑὲν, οὕτω τὰς πανταχοῦ τῆς 
οἰκουμένης Ἐκκλησίας τὰ τούτου τειχίζει γράμματα. Καὶ καθάπερ τὶς ἀριςεὺς γενναιό- 
τατος ἔζηκε καὶ νῦν μέσος, αἰχμαλωτίζων πᾶν νόημα εἴς τὴν ὑπακοὴν τοῦ Χριςου, καὶ 
καθα:υῶν λογισμοὺς καὶ πᾶν ὕψωμα ἐπαιρόμενον κατὰ τῆς γνώσεως τοῦ Θεοῦ. Ταῦτα 
δὲ παντα ἐργάζεται, δι’ Ov ἡμῖν κατέλιπεν Ἐπιςολῶν τῶν ϑαυμασίων ἐκεινων, καὶ TIX 
ϑείας πεπληρωμένων σοφίας. 

3 πὶ Παῦλος ἀὐτὸς πεοὶ Ταύλου φησ. Greg. Naz. Oratio Apologetica. 


INTRODUCTION. ΧΧῚ 


intellect, his insight into the foundations of natural theclogy,! and of 
moral philosophy ;* for in such points, though the philosophicay 
expression might belong to himself, the truths expressed were taught 
him of God. It is not only that we there find models of the sub- 
limest eloquence, when he is kindled by the vision of the glories to 
come, the perfect triumph of good over evil, the manifestation of the 
sons of God, and their transformation into God’s likeness, when they 
shallsee Him no longer® “ina glass darkly, but face to face,”—for 
in such strains as these it was not so much he that spake, as the Spirit 
of God speaking in him ; +—but in his letters, besides all this which 
is divine, we trace every shade, even to the faintest, of his human 
character also. Here we see that fearless independence with 
which he “withstood Peter to the face, because he was to. be 
blamed ;” ‘—that impetuosity which breaks out in his apostrophe 
to the “foolish Galatians ;” *—that earnest indignation which bids 
his converts “beware of dogs, beware of the concision,”7 and 
pours itself forth in the emphatic “God forbid,’* which meets 
every Antinomian suggestion ;—that fervid patriotism which 
makes him “wish that he were himself accursed from Christ for 
his brethren, his kinsmen according to the flesh, who are Israel- 
ites ;” —that generosity which looked for no other reward than 
“to preach the glad tidings of Christ without charge,” ” and made 
him feel that he would rather “die, than that any man should 
make this glorying void ;’—that dread of officious interference 
which led him to shrink from “building on another man’s found- 
ation ;” "—that delicacy which shows itself in his appeal to Phil- 
emon, whom he might have commanded, “yet for love’s sake 
rather beseeching him, being such an one as Paul the aged, and 
now also a prisoner of Jesus Christ,” * and which is even more 
striking in some of his farewell greetings, as (for instance) when he 
bids the Romans “salute Rufus, and her who is both his mother and 
mine ;” “—that scrupulous fear of evil appearance which “ would 
not eat any man’s bread for nought, but wrought with labour and 
travail night and day, that he might not be chargeable to any 


3 Rom. i. 20. 3 Rom. ii. 14, 15. 
3 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 4 Mat. x. 20. 5 Gal. ii. 11. 
6 Gal. iii. 1. 7 Phil. iii. 2. 


* Rom. vi. 2. 1 Cor. vi. 15, ἄρ. It is difficult to express the ferce of μὴ γένοιτο by 
any other English phrase. 
Rom. ix. 3. 10 1 Cor. ix. 18 and 15. a Rem. zy. 20. 
Philem n 9. ® Rom, xvi. 13. 


xxi INTRODUCTION. 


them;7? that refined courtesy which cannot bring itself to blame 
till it has first praised,* and which makes him deem it needful 
almost to apologize for the freedom of giving advice to those who 
were not personally known to him ;*—that self-denying love 
which “will eat no flesh while the world standeth, lest he make 
his brother to offend ;” “—that impatience of exclusive formalism 
with which he overwhelms the Judaizers of Galatia, joined with 
a forbearance so gentle for the innocent weakness of scrupu.ons 
consciences ;°—that grief for the sins of others, which moved him 
to tears when he spoke of the enemies of the cross of Christ, “ of 
whom [ tell you even weeping ;”*—that noble freedom fron. 
jealousy with which he speaks of those who out of rivalry to 
himself, preach Christ even of envy and strife, supposing to. add 
affliction to his bonds, “ What then? notwithstanding every way, 
whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached; and I therein 
do rejoice, yea and will rejoice ;” —that tender friendship which 
watches over the health of Timothy, even with a mother’s care 55 
—that intense sympathy in the joys and sorrows of his converts, 
which could say, even to the rebellious Corinthians, “ye are in 
our hearts, to die and live with you ; ” *—that longing desire for the 
intercourse of affection, and that sense of loneliness when it was 
withheld, which perhaps is the most touching feature of all, be- 
cause it approaches most nearly to a weakness, “ When I came 
to Troas to preach Christ’s gospel, and a door was opened to me 
of the Lord, I had no rest in my spirit, because I found not Titus 
my brother; but taking my leave of them, I went from thence 
into Macedonia.” And “when I was come into Macedonia, my 
flesh had no rest, but I was troubled on every side; without were 
fightings, within were fears. Nevertheless God, who ecmforteth 
those that are cast down, comforted me by the coming of Titus.” " 
“Do thy diligence to come shortly unto me; for Demas hath 
forsaken me, having loved this present world, and is departed 

1 1 Thess. ii. 9. 

2 Compare the laudatory expressions in 1 Cor. i. 5-7, and 2 Cor. i. 6-7, with the 
heavy and unmingled censure conveyed in the whole subsequent part of these Epistles, 

3 Rom. xv. 14, 15. “And I myself also am persuaded of you, my brethren, that ye 
also are full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to admonish one another 
Nevertheless, brethren, I have written the more boldly unto you in some sort, as put 
ting you in mind.” 

4 1 Cor. viii. 13. 5.1 Cor. viii. 12, and Rom. xiv. 21. 6 Phil. iii. 38, 


7 Phil. i. 15. 8 1 Tim. v. 23. 9.2 Cor. vii 8. 
” 9 Cor. ii. 13, and vii. 5 


INTRODUCTION. XX11) 


anto Thessalonica; Crescens to Galatia, Titus unto Dalmatia; 
only Luke is with me.” ! 

Nor is it only in the substance, but even in the style of these 
writings that we recognize the man Paul of Tarsus. In the pa 
renthetical constructions and broken sentences, we see the rapidity 
with which the thoughts crowded upon him, almost too fast for 
atterance; we see him animated rather than weighed down by 
“that which cometh upon him daily, the care of all the 


2 as he pours forth his warnings or his arguments in a 


ehurches, 
stream of eager and impetuous dictation, with which the pen of 
the faithful Tertius can hardly keep pace. And above all, we 
trace his presence in the postscript to every letter, which he adds 
as an authentication in his own characteristic handwriting, 
“which is the token in every epistle; so I write.”> Sometimes 
as he takes up the pen he is moved with indignation when he 
thinks of the false brethren among those whom he addresses; 
“the salutation of me Paul with my own hand,—if any man love 
not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema.”® Sometimes, 
as he raises his hand to write, he feels it cramped by the fetters 
which bind him to the soldier who guards him,’ “I Paul salute 
you with my own hand,—remember my chains.” Yet he always 
ends with the same blessing, “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ 
be with you,” to which he sometimes adds still further a few last 
words of affectionate remembrance, ‘‘ My love be with you all in 
Christ Jesus.” § 
But although the letters of St. Paul are so essential a part of 

his personal biography, it is a difficult question to decide upon 
the form in which they should be given in a work like this. The 
object to be sought is, that they may really represent in English 
what they were to their Greek readers when first written. Now 
this object would not be attained if the authorized version were 
adhered to, and yet a departure from that whereof so much is in- 
terwoven with the memory and deepest feelings of every reli- 
gious mind should be grounded on strong and sufficient cause. 
t is hoped that the following reasons may be held such. 

1 2 Tim. iv. 9. ? 2 Cor. xi, 28. 

3 Rom. xvi. 22, “1, Tertius, who wrote this Epistle, salute you in the Lord.” 

4 Gal. vi. 11. “Ye see the size of the characters (πηλίκοις γράμμασιν) in which | 
write to you with my own hand.” 


δ 2 Thess, iii. 17, 6 1 Cor. xvi. 22. 7 Coloss. iv. 18. 
4 1 Cor. xvi, 24. 


χχὶν - (INTRODUCTION. 


1st. The authorized version was meant to be a standard of au. 
thority and ultimate appeal in controversy ; hence it could not 
venture to depart, as an ordinary translation would do, from the 
exact words of the original, even where some amplification was 
absolutely req 1ired to complete the sense. It was to be the ver- 
sion unanimously accepted by all parties, and therefore must 
simply represent the Greek text word for word. This it does 
most faithfully so far as the critical knowledge of the sixteenth ' 
century permitted. But the result of this method is sometimes . 
to produce a translation unintelligible to the English reader.’ 
Also if the text admit of two interpretations, our version endea- 
vours, if possible, to preserve the same ambiguity, and effects 
this often with admirable skill; but such indecision, although a 
merit in an authoritative version, would be a fault in a transla 
tion which had a different object. 

2d. The imperfect knowledge existing at the time when our 
Bible was translated, made it inevitable that the translators should 
occasionally render the original incorrectly ; and the same cause 
has made their version of many of the argumentative portions of 
the Epistles perpiexed and obscure. 

3d. Such passages as are affected by the above-mentioned 
objections might, it is true, have been recast, and the authorized 
translation retained in all cases where it is correct and clear; 
hut if this had been done, a patchwork effect would have been 
produced like that of new cloth upon old garments; moreover 
the devotional associations of the reader would have been of- 
fended, and it would have been a rash experiment to provoke 
such a contrast between the matchless style of the authorized ver- 
sion and that of the modern translator, thus placed side by side. 

4th. The style adopted for the present purpose should not be 
antiquated; for St. Paul was writing in the language used by his 
Hellenistic readers in every day life. 

5th. In order to give the true meaning of the original, some- 
thing of paraphrase is often absolutely required. St. Paul’s style 
is extremely elliptical, and the gaps must be filled up. And more- 
over the great difficulty in understanding his argument is to trace 
clearly the transitions* by which he passes from one step to an- 

: Being executed at the very beginning of the seventeenth. 
ἢ Yet had any other course been adopted, every sect wculd have had its own Bible, 


as it is, this one translation has been all but unanimously received for three centuries, 
3 In the translation of the Epistles given in the present work it has been the especial 


INTRODUCTION. xXXYV 


other. For this purpose something must be supplied beyond the 
mere literal rendering of the words. 

For these reasons the translation of the Epistles adoptéd in this 
work is to a certain degree paraphrastic. At the same time no- 
thing has been added by way of paraphrase which was not vir- 
tally expressed in the original. 

It has not been thought necessary to interrupt the reader by a 
note, in every instance where the translation varies from the 
Authorised Version. It has been assumed that the readers of 
the notes will have sufficient knowledge to understand the reason 
of such variations in the more obvious cases. But it 8 hoped 
that no passage of real difiiculty has been passed over without 
explanation. 

The authorities consulted upon the chronology of St. Paul’s lite, 
the reasons for the views taken of disputed points in it, and for 
the dates of the Epistles, are stated (so far as seems needful) in 
the body of the work or in the Appendix, and need not be fur- 
ther referred to here. 

In conclusion, the authors would express their hope that this 
biography may, in its measure, be useful in strengthening the 
hearts of some against the peculiar form of unbelief most cur- 
rent at the present day. The more faithfully we can represent to 
ourselves the life, outward and inward, of St. Paul, in all its ful- 
ness, the more unreasonable must appear the theory that Chris- 
tianity had a mythical origin; and the stronger must be our 
ground for believing his testimony to the divine nature and mira- 
culous history of our Redeemer. No reasonable man can learn 
to know and love the Apostle of the Gentiles without asking 
himself the question ** What was the principle by which through 
such a life he was animated? What was the strength in which 
he laboured with such immense results?” Nor can the most 
sceptical inquirer doubt for one moment the full sincerity of St. 
Paul’s belief that ‘the life which he lived in the flesh he lived 
by the faith of the Son of God, who died and gave Himself for 
him.”! “To believe in Christ crucified and risen, to serve Him 


atm of the translator to represent these transitions correctly. They very often depend 
apon a word, which suggests a new thought, and are quite lost by a want of attention 
to the verbal coincidence. Thus, for instance, in Rom. x. 16,17. Τίς éxicevce τῇ 
ἀκτῇ ἡμῶν, "Apa ἡ πίςις ἐξ ἀκοῆς. “ Who hath given faith to our telling? So then 
faith cometh by telling ; how completely is the connection destroyed by such inatten- 
tion in the authorized version: “ Who hath belicved our report? So then faith 
cometh by hearing.” 1 Gal. ii. 20. 


. 


XXvi INTRODUCTION. 


on earth, to be with Him hereafter ;—these, if we inay trust the . 
account of his own motives by any human writer whatever, 
were the chief if not the only thoughts which sustained Paul of 

Tarsus tlirough all the troubles and sorrows of his twenty years’ 
conflict. His sagacity, his cheerfulness, his forethought, his im 

partial and clear-judging reason, all the natural elements of his 
strong character are not indeed to be overlooked: but the more 
highly we exalt these in our estimate of his work, the larger share 
we attribute to them in the performance of his mission, the more 
are we compelled to believe that he spoke the words of truth and 
soberness when he told the Corinthians that ‘last of all Christ 
was seen of him also,’! that ‘by the grace of God he was what 
he was,’ that ‘whilst he laboured more abundantly than all, it was 
not he, but the grace of God that was in him?” ? 


P. S—It may be well to add, that while Mr. Conybeare and 
Mr. Howson have undertaken the joint revision of the whole 
work, the translation of the Epistles and Speeches of St. Paul is 
contributed by the former, end the Historical and Geographical 
portion of the work principally by the latter ; Mr. Howson hav- 
ing written Chapters I., I1., IIL, IV., V., VL, VIL, VILL, 1X., 
ee Mies, ΧΙ XLV ee VL, ΧΧΌΧΧΙ OXI. Qk X 1 ee ae 
weth the exception of the Epistles and Speeches therein contained ; 
and Mr. Conybeare having written the Introduction and Appen 
diz, and Chapters ΧΙ, XV., XVIL, XVIII., XIX, XXV,, 
AXVI., XXVIL, X XVII. 


a 5 Cor, xv. 10. * Stanley’s Sermons, Ὁ. 186. 


CONTENTS 


OF 


ΠΗ es VO LU ΜΡ: 


LerRopucrion = = s ἐς & < 4 ὼ Ἧ 5 
Prerace To ΤῊΣ AMERICAN EDITION - - - - - . e xxi 
CHAPTER i. 


Great Men of Great Periods——Period of Christ's Apostles—Jews, Greeks, 
and Romans.—Religious Civilisation of the Jews.—Their History and its 
Relation to that of the World—Heathen Preparation for the Gospel.— 
Character and Language of the Greeks —Alexander.—Antioch and Alex- 
andria.—Growth and Government of the Roman Empire.—Misery of Italy 
and the Provinces.—Preparation in the Empire for Christianity.—Disper- 
sion of the Jews, in Asia, Africa, and Europe.—Proselytes.— Provinces of 
Cilicia and Judxa.—Their Geography and History.—Cilicia under the 
Romans.—Tarsus.—Cicero.—Political Changes in Judea.—Herod and 
his Family—The Roman Governors—Conclusion - += - -— = 


CHAPTER II. 


Jewish Origin of the Church.—Sects and Parties of the Jews.—Pharisees 
and Sadducees.—St. Paul a Pharisee—Hellenists and Arameans.—St. 
Paul’s Family Hellenistic but not Hellenising—His Infancy at Tarsus.— 
The Tribe of Benjamin.—His Father’s Citizenship.—Scenery of the Place. 
—His Childhood.—He is sent to Jerusalem.—State of Judea and Jerusa- 
lem.—Rabbinical Schools—Gamaliel.—Mode of Teaching —Synagogues. 
—Student-Life of St. Paul—His early Manhood.—First Aspect of the 
Church.—St. Stephen—The Sanhedrin—St. Stephen the Forerunner of 
St. Paul—His Martyrdom and Prayer - - - + 7 - ° 


Note on the Libertines and the Citizenship of St. Paul - - - - 2 


XXVill CONTENTS. 


4 CHAPTER ΠΙ. 
PAGE 
funeral of St. Stephen.—Saul’s continued Persecution—-Flight of the 
Christians—Philip and the Samaritans.—Saul’s Journey to Damascts.— 
Aretas, King of Petra.—Roads from Jerusalem to Damascus.—N eapolis. 
—History and Description of Damascus—The Narratives of the Miracle. 
—It was a real Vision of Jesus Christ—Three Days in Damascus.—Ana- 
nias—Baptism and first Preaching of Saul.—He retires into Arabia.— 
Meaning of the term Arabia.—Petra and the Desert——Conspiracy at Da- 
mascus.—Escape to Jerusalem.—Barnabas.—Fortnight with St. Peter. 
Conspiracy.—Vision in the Temple—Saul withdraws to Syria and 


Cilicia} $y Heamamae Fae ie τ tee τος = ol: Ξ ΖΕ Ὸ 
4 


CHAPTER IV. 


Wider Diffusion of Christianity —Antioch.— Chronology of the Acts.—Reign 
of Caligula.—Claudius and Herod Agrippa I—The Year 44.—Conversion 
of the Gentiles—St. Peter and Cornelius—Joppa and Cesarea.—St. 
Peter’s Vision.—Baptism of Cornelius——Intelligence from Antioch.—Mis- 
sion of Barnabas.—Saul with Barnabas at Antioch—The Name “ Chris- 
tian.” —Description and History of Antioch.—Character of its Inhabitants. 
—Earthquakes.—F'amine.—Barnabas and Saul at J erusalem.—Death of St. 
James and of Herod Agrippa.—Return with Mark to Antioch.—Providen- 
tial Preparation of St. Paul—Results of his Mission to Jerusalem - - 108 


CHAPTER VY. 


Second Part of the Acts of the Apostles—Revelation at Antioch.—Public 
Devotions.—Departure of Barnabas and Saul—The Orontes.—History 
and Description of Seleucia.—V oyage to Cyprus——Salemis.——Roman Pro- 
vincial System.—Proconsuls and Proprators.—Sergius Paulus.—Oriental 
Impostors at Rome and in the Provinces.—Elymas Barjesus.—History of 
Jewish names.—Saul and Paul an) ee ἐπι ae nn 


CHAPTER VI. 


Bld and New Paphos—Departure from Cyprus.—Coast of Pamphylia.— 
Perga.—Mark’s Return to Jerusalem.—Mountain-Scenery of Pisidia.— 
Situation of Antioch —The Synagogue.—Address to the Jews——Preaching 
to the Gentiles—Persecution by the Jews.—History and Description of 
Iconium.—Lycaonia.—Derbe and Lystra.—Healing of the Cripple—lIdol- 
atrous Worship offered to Paul and Barnabas——Address to the Gentiles.--- 

St. Paul stoned.—Timotheus.—The Apostles retrace their J ourney.—Perga 
and Attaleia—Return toSyria - - = 24/5). es hae 


CONTENTS. ΧΧΙΧ 


ς VORA TER VEL 
\ 4 PASH 
Controversy in the Church.—Separation of Jews and Gentiles.—Obstacles to 
Union, both social and religious.—Difficulty in the Narrative.—Scruples 
connected with the Conversion of Cornelius— xingering Discontent.— 
Feelings excited by the Conduct and Success of St. Paul.—Hspecially at 
Jerusalem.—Intrigues of the Judaizers at Antioch.—Consequent Anxiety 
and Perplexity——Mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem.—Divine 
Revelation to St. Paul.—Titus.—J ourney through Pheenice and Samaria. 
—The Pharisees.—Private Conferences.—Public Meeting.—Speech of St. 
Peter.—Narrative of Barnabas and Paul—Speech of St. James.—The 
Decree.—Charitable Nature of its Provisions.—It involves the Abolition 
of Judaism.—Publice Recognition of St. Paul’s Mission to the Heathen. — 
St. John.—Return to Antioch with Judas, Silas, and Mark.—Reading of 
the Letter——-Weak Conduct of St. Peter at Antioch—He is rebuked by 
St. Paul.—Personal Appearance of the two Apostles.—Their Reconciliae 
tion Sisal eens es Sie ἘΣ wim mie lL eee tr ah) | SRS 


Note on the Chronology of Gal. ii. miei d yell. |) =) mel ian bat (0 22% 


CHAPTER VILL. 


Political Divisions of Asia Minor.—Difiiculties of the Subject.—Provinces 
in the Reigns of Claudius and Nero.—I. Asia—II. Bithynia—1. Pem- 
phylia—IV. Galatia —V. Pontus—VI. Cappadocia—VII. Cilicia—- 
Visitation of the Churches proposed.—Quarrel and Separation of Paul 
and Barnabas.——Paul and Silas in Cilicia—They cross the Taurus.— 
Lystra.—Timothy.—His Circumcision.—J ourney through Phrygia.—Sick- 
ness of St. Paul—His Reception in Galatia.—J AS to the Aigean.— 
Alexandria Troas.—St. Paul’s Vision - - : - - - 234 


CHAPTER IX. 


Voyage by Samothrace to Neapolis.—PhilippiiConstitution of a Colony.— 
Lydia.—The Demoniac Slave.—Paul and Silas arrested—The Prison and 
the Jailor—The Magistrates—Depariure from Philippi—St. Luke.— 
Macedonia described.—Its Condition as a Province—The Via Egnatia.— 
St. Paul’s Journey through Amphipolis and Apollonia.—Thessalonica.— 
The Synagogue.——Subjects of St. Paul’s Preaching.—Persecution Tumult, 
and Flight.—-The Jews at Bercea.—St. Paul again persecuted.— Proceeds 
to Athens - 9 : : 2 ὃ ὃ i - 235 


ΧΧΧ CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER X. 
VAGB 


Armival on the Coast 0? Attica.—Scenery round Athens—The Pireus and 
the “ Long Wails.”—-The Agora.—The Acropolis——The “ Painted Porch” 
and the “Garden.”—The Apostle alone in Athens.—Greek Religion.— 
The Unknown God.—Greek Philosophy.—The Stoics and Epicureans.— 
Later Period of the Schocls.—St. Pzul in the Agora.—The Areopagus.— 
Speech of St. Paul—Departure from Athens - - - τ - - 344 


CHAPTER. ΧΙ. 


Letters to Thessalonica written from Corinth.—Expulsion of the Jews from 
Rome.—Aquila and Prisciila—St. Paul’s Labours.—First Epistle to the 
Thessalonians.—St. Paul is opposed by the Jews; and turns to the Gen- 
tiles.—His Vision.—Second Epistle to the Thessalonians.—Continued Resi- 
dencenn (Corinth ©... to. ye Sige ge) de eg = ee  π2:Ὲ 


Note on the Movements of Silasand Timotheus + - - τ τὸ «401 


CHAPTER XII. 


The Isthmus.—Early History of Corinth—Its Trade and Wealth—Corinth 
under the Romans.—Province of Achaia.—Gallio the Governor.—Tumult 
at Corinth.—Cenchrex.— V oyage by Ephesus to Cxsarea.— Visit to Jeru- 
silem—Antioch - - - + - 2+ 2 ‘+ = + + 469 


CHAPTER XIII. 


The Spiritual Gifts, Constitution, Ordinances, Divisions and Heresies of the 
Primitive Church in the Lifetime of St. Paul - - - - - 427 


Notes an the Origin of the Heresies of the later Apostolic Age - - é - 456 


LIST OF ENGRAVINGS IN THE FIRST VOLUME, 


eel 


Corn oF Herop tHE GREAT - Ξ Ξ 
Corn or Herop Acrippa L - ὦ 5 
DeENanivs oF TIBERIUS - Ξ Ξ Ξ 


Corn oF AntTIOCHUS EPIPHANES, WITH Por- 
THATS Reye: Peek πὸ πΠ | ee 


Corn oF Tarsus.—HApDRIAN = 5 5 
Corn or AnTIOCHUS EPIPHANES, WITH HEAD 
OF JUPITER - - Ξ Ξ 6 2 


REMAINS OF ANCIENT BRIDGE AT JERUSALEM 
Toms with Hesrew, GREEK, AND RoMAN 


INSCRIPTIONS - - Ξ Ξ 2 
Corin or Tarsus - - Ξ = = - 
TIBERIUS WITH TOGA - - - - - 


ΟΟΙΝ OF CYRENE - - = = 5 s 
VIEW OF JERUSALEM FROM THE N. E. - - 
BripDGE OVER THE JorDAN S, ΟΕ Lake ΤΊΒΕ- 

RIAS Reece ΚΛῪΥ eect wna at τ 
Corin or Damascus - - « Ξ a 
WALL oF Damascus - Ξ ᾿ A a 


Corn OF ARETAS, Kine oF DAMASCUS - - 
CALIGULA - - - - - - - 
ALLEGORICAL STATUE OF ANTIOCH - - 
EXCAVATION ATSELEUCIA - - - - 


ΟΑΡΕ GREGO - = ue ΒΕ δ Ξ Ξ 
ῬΕΟΟΟΝΒΟΌΙ, oF Cyprus(Corn) = of is 
Coin oF ῬΆΡΗΟΒ - - - - . - 


26 
21 


ΟΟΙΝ OF PERGA ap ts - - - - 160 


Corin or ANTIOCH IN Pistpia - - - 


Pacr 
Corin oF ANTIOCH IN PISIDIA  - - - 171 
Corn oF IconiumM - - - - - 188 
ANCIENT ΒΑΟΒΙΕΙΟΒ - - - - - 194 
WALL ΟΕ PERGA - - - - - - 200 
ToweER AT PeRGA - - - - - 202 
ToMBS ATSELEUCIA - - - - - 204 
Corn ΟΕ ANTIOCH - - - - - 226 
Corns or BITHYNIA = - - - 240, 241 
Kara-DaGu, NEAR LySTRA ° - = 262 
Harsourk or Troas - - - - - 283 
Coin or SAMOTHRACE - - - - 286 
ΟΟΙΝ OF PHILIPPI - - ° - - 291 
Corn oF Roman MAceEponIA - - - 315 
Comnsor AMPHIPOLIS- - - - «818 
AMPHIPOLIS - - - - - - 320 
THESSALONICA FROM THE SEA - - .- 9925 
Coin ΟΕ THESSALONICA = - = - 333 
CoIn OF ATHENS - - - - - 352 
Tue AREOPAGOUS = - - - - - 356 
Tue ACROPOLIS RESTORED, AS SEEN FROM 
THE AREOPAGUS - - - - - 376 
ATHENIAN TETRADRACHM - - - - 382 
Corn oF ΟΟΕΙΝΤΗ - - - - - 388 
Bust or CLaupiuS + - - - - 387 
Coin oF ΟΟΒΙΝΤΗ ° - - - - 408 
Ditto - . - - - - 413 
Ditto ° ° . .« - - 415 
Ditto e . e .« . « 420 


LIST OF ENGRAVINGS IN THE SECOND VOLUME. 


Corin or EpHests - spinon aie 3 5 
Ditto : - - - .- Ε Ξ 
Ditto - .- - - 5 o = 

View OF THE SitE oF EPHESUS FROM THE 


ΝΌΚΒΤΗ - - - - - - 12 

Corn oF EPHESUS - - - - - - 76 
Ditto - - - - - - - 89 
CoRIHTHIAN COIN REPRESENTING ΟΕΝΟΗΚΕ 195 
Ruins aT THESSALONICA - 2 - - 202 
GatTEway or Assos - - . - - 209 
Corn oF MITYLENE - - - - - 210 
ΟΟΙΝ ΟΕ MILETUS - - - - - - 214 
Corn or Cos - - - - - - - 220 
Coin oF RHopES = - - - - 2 223 
ΟΟΙΝ oF PATARA =< - - - - - 226 
View or Tyre ἘΝ eGR ate cag 208 


Corn oF Hprop Acrippa II. - - - - 2738 


Pact 
Coin oF C&SAREA - - coe - 279 
Ὁ ΒΑ ΕΑΝ τὸ sien gre d) ee OR 
Compass af" ets epee) Y= - 304 
Corn oF Commopts (Corn-SHIP) - - - 308 
Coin oF SIDON - - - = - = 211. 
ΟΟΙΝ ΟΕ MyrA - - = τὸ = «-81ὅ 


Warr HAVENS - = - το ο΄ = 826 
ANCIENT SHIP (ANCHORED BY THE STERN) 336 
Sr. Pauy’s Bay - - - = 5 - 844 
Corn oF SYRACUSE - - - - - 348 
Coin OF RHEGIUM - - - - - 849 
Coin oF MELITA - - - - - 800 
Tur PaLackorTHE Cmsars - - τ-418 


Corn or Nexo (wiTH Harsour oF ΟΒΤΙΑ) 442 
Wainy) 6 Oo POUMNOmEaOne Oe) 


LIST OF MAPS IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 


Sh 


Map oF THE COUNTRIES ADJACENT TO THE MEDITERRANEAN, ILLUSTRATING THE ρος 
TRAVELS OF ST. PAUL... -τονν νος ἐννος «το νυ κυ ππετοτοτοστ τευ τ τοςοοο . Frontispiece, 
Map OF JERUSALEM.---... Shasdaccaotoanasede τυ δ, ον τι ξ οι Coe nebe oddode sesnndtaosesanecodscse 74 
ἌΤΑΡ ΒΑ ΤΙΕΗΠΠΙΝ penene 6 sea coor se SOS EREOIOO Got 5 oO 55550 Se bSoSreore apenas Ξ ἘΞ 124 
MAP OF ANCIENT ἈΝΤΙΟΘΗ:- - τος -τὺς περ en eens τος ne scen Sonomecbosseeetcusceasseoesac 125 
Map oF Lystra DERBE, &0...... 222-01 - eee een eee enn enn ene een e ene en mecca eee n ee τον 189 
ΕΟ MON P RUS ists iein ioe aia misissciain am το ainietaln ateinioteie asian stelolel= wimialenietere ate ialereiet a sie mi cielatnl omelet ate 234 
Map oF THE SECOND JOURNEY.....--....--.0--------. MOOMBCaS a edo ssn as Sess Soodeationtese 235 
Map oF THE NortH SHORE OF THE AUGEAN.....-. cece ence ene ce sewn en concen aleve ἐπα 5 ΞΕ ele 218 
πεν ΟΣ ΤῊ -CHIRD ΘΟΕ τὸ ἘΠ ccseces seems ennai ππσσ τσ στ ΞΘ πἰσθσῦξοθο 219 
PHAN ΟΣ ATHENS τ «oe ssa iaiseeles = ie eeisaise a πηππα A QA AS nSROonoCS Soobosacssacpseqsc00 Sonone ci?) 
LIST OF MAPS IN THE SECOND VOLUME. 
—:0:—— 
Paca 


PAROS ROME c\c,c10 cieit'ccclsonnie ge sisieiss sic cisticcicisciacieciceeentienticciseecceresiscspiet TONCISDUCCEs 


POBIDONIUM AT THE TSTRMUS..cccccccedccccbuscortcccccecsavccccsceccvscs seeeescss covecsevea 00 
SOUNDINGS, ETC., OF LUTRO.ccccccccovecccccwccsccessess Dinlaisieels'sinieialdotele's/slalnin\sialatelalerelv/ole στ τον Τρ, 
GHARTIOF SCOASTOR CRETE cure νος τ 52]. τ εῖνιοιο κα οἷς κἰοιο ὁπ προ cinieiolsisjnis|vielu 0s Ρἰαδ,δι» 5.5. 55.5618 5 ἘΠ Στ γι Ses 


CART OM ANIA MUA πὶ cio, 0 ee εἰν αν eraser τον, ΚΝ ΚΣ ᾽ν δἰ oieule levels μοι οἶν ΡΣ ΣΡ δὶς κίας στο δἴν ε(οὶς Α,ν sloisiewale(sl mca 
CHART OF THE VOYAGE FROM CESAREA TO PUTEOLI .esecoccecessss:secccecccscsteesesccseeee 904 


Map oF THE JOURNEY FROM PUTEOLY TO RoME..-.....-----eeeee Ἐπ ας πἰπι5 απ τ ν΄ Ξ ΠΡ ΣΟῚ 855 


THE 


LIFE AND EPISTLES 


OF 


Seah ae: 


CHAPTER 1. 


“ And the title was written in Hebrew, and Greek and Lat oh. xix. 20. 

GREAT MEN OF GREAT PERIODS.—PERIOD OF CHRIST’S APOSTLES.—JEWS, 
GREEKS, AND ROMANS.—RELIGIOUS CIVILISATION OF THE JEWS.—THEIR HIS 
TORY AND ITS RELATION TO THAT OF THE WORLD.—HEATHEN PREPARATION 
FOR THE GOSPEL.—CHARACTER AND LANGUAGE OF THE GREEKS.—ALEXANDRIA 
—ANTIOCH AND ALEXANDRIA.—GROWTH AND GOVERNMENT OF THE ROMAN 
EMPIRE.—MISERY OF ITALY AND THE PROVINCES.—PREPARATION IN THE 
EMPIRE FOR CHRISTIANITY.—DISPERSION OF THE JEWS IN ASIA, AFRICA, AND 
EUROPE.—PROSELYTES.—PROVINCES OF CILICIA AND JUD#A.—THEIR GEOGRA- 
PHY AND HISTORY.—CILICIA UNDER THE ROMANS.—TARSUS.—CICERO.— 
POLITICAL CHANGES IN JUD#A.—HEROD AND HIS FAMILY.—THE ROMAN 
GOVERNORS.—CONCLUSION. 


Tue life of a great man, in a great period of the world’s history, is a 
subject to command the attention of every thoughtful mind. Alexander 
on his Hastern expedition, spreading the civilisation of Greece over the 
Asiatic and African shores of the Mediterranean Sea,—Julius Caesar 
contending against the Gauls, and subduing the barbarism of Western 
Europe to the order and discipline of Roman Government,—Charlemagne 
compressing the separating atoms of the feudal world, and reviving for a 
time the image of imperial unity,—Columbus sailing westward over the 
Atlantic to discover a new world whicn might receive the arts and religion 
of the old,—Napoleon on his rapid campaigns, shattering the ancient 
system of Huropean states, and leaving a chasm between our present and 
VoL. 1.---ἰ 


2 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


the past :—these are the colossal figures of history, which stamp with tha 
impress of their personal greatness the centuries in which they lived. 

The interest with which we look upon such men is natural and inevi- 
table, even when we are deeply conscious that, in their character and 
their work, evil was mixed up in large proportions with the good, and 
when we find it difficult to discover the providential design which drew 
the features of their respective epochs. But this natural feeling rises inte 
something higter, if we can be assured that the period we contemplate was 
designedly prepared for great results, that the work we admire was a work 
of unmixed good, and the man whose actions we follow was an instrument 
specially prepared by the hands of Gop. Such a period was that in which 
the civilised world was united under the first Roman emperors: such 
a work was the first preaching of the Gospel: and such a man wag Paul 
of Tarsus. 

Before we enter upon the particulars of his life and the history of his 
_ work, it is desirable to say something, in this introductory chapter, con- 
cerning the general features of the age waich was prepared for him. We 
shall not attempt any minute delineation of the institutions and social 
habits of the period. Many of these wili be prought before us in detail 
in the course of the present work. We shall only notice here those cir- 
cumstances in the state of the world, whicn seem to bear the traces of 4 
providential pre-arrangement. 

Casting this general view on the age of the first Roman emperors, 
which was also the age of Jesus Curist and His Apostles, we find our 
attention arrested by three great varieties of national life. The Jew, the 
Greek, and the Roman appear to divide the world between them. The 
outward condition of Jerusalem itself, at this epoch, might be taken as a 
type of the civilised world. Herod the Great, who rebuilt the Temple, 
had erected, for Greek and Roman entertainments, a theatre within the 
same walls, and an amphitheatre in the neighbouring plain.' His coins, 
and those of his grandson Agrippa, bore Greek inscriptions :* that piece 
of money, which was brought to our Saviour (Matt. xxii. Mark xii. Luke 


COLT ΟΣ HEROD ERE @BEAT. 


‘ Josepy. Ant. xv. 8 1. B.J.i. 21, 8. 

* These two coins of Herod the Great and his grandson Agrippa I., with the Dene 
rius of Tiberius, are taken, by Mr. Akerman’s kind permission, from his excellent little 
work, “ Numismatic Illustrations of the New Testament.” 


PERIOD GF CHRIST S APOSTLES. 3 


COIN OF HEROD AGRIPPA I. DENARIUS (@ TIPERITS. 


ΚΧ.), was the silver Denarius, the “image” was that of the emperor, the 
“superseziption” was in Latin: and at the same time when the common 
currency consisted of such pieces as these,—since coins with the images 
of men or with heathen symbols would have been a profanation to the 
‘“Treasury,”—there might be found on the tables of the money- 
changers in the Temple, shekels and half-shekels with Samaritan letters, 
minted under the Maccabees. Greek and Roman names were borne by 
multitudes of those Jews who came up to worship at the festivals. Greek 
and Latin words were current in the popular “ Hebrew” of the day : and 
while this Syro-Chaldaic dialect was spoken by the mass of the people 
with the tenacious affection of old custom, Greek had long been well- 
known among the upper classes in the larger towns, and Latin was used 
in the courts of law, and in the official correspondence of magistrates.' 
On a critical occasion of St. Paul’s life,? when he was standing on the 
stair between the Temple and the fortress, he first spoke to the commander 
of the garrison in Greek, and then turned round and addressed his coun- 
trymen in Hebrew ; while the letter? of Claudius Lysias was written, and 
the oration‘ of Tertullus spoken, in Latin. We are told by the historian 
Josephus,’ that on a parapet of stone in the Temple area, where a flight of 
fourteen steps led up from the outer to the inner court, pillars were placed 
at equal distances, with notices, some in Greek and some in Latin, that no 
alien should enter the sacred enclosure of the Hebrews. And we are told 


! Val. Max. ii. 2, Magistratus vero prisci quantopere suam populique Romani ma- 
Jestatem retinentes se gesserint, hinc cognosci potest, quod inter cactera obtinend2 gra- 
vitatis indicia, illud quoque magna cum perseverantia custodiebant, ne Grecis unquam, 
nisi Latiné responsa darent. Quinetiam ipsa linguee volubilitate, qua plurimum valent, 
excussa, per interpretem loqui cogebant; non in urbe tantum nostra, sed etiam in 
Grecia et Asia: quo scilicet Latinee vocis honos per omnes gentes venerabilior diffun- 
deretur. Nec illis deerant studia doctrine, sed nulla non in re pallium toge subjici 
debere arbitrabantur: indignum esse existimantes, illecebris et suavitate literarum 

Inperii pondus et auctoritatem domari. 

2 Acts xxi. xxii. 

3. Acts xxiii. The letter was what was technically called an E/ogium, or certificate, 
and there is hardly any doubt that it was in Latin. See De Wette and Olshausen, 
in loc. 

4 Acts xxiv. Mr. Milman (Bampton Lectures, p. 185) has remarked on the peculi- 
arly Latin character of Tertullus’s address: and the preceding quotation from Valerius 
Maximus seems to imply that its language was Latin. 

* B,J. ν᾿ 5,2. Compare vi. 2, 4. 


4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


by two of the Hvangelists,' that when our blessed Saviour was crucified, 
“the superscription of His accusation” was written above His cross “ir 
letters of Hebrew, and Greek, and Latin.” 

The condition of the world in general at that period wears a similat 
appearance to a Christian’s eye. He sees the Greek and Roman elements 
prought into remarkable union with the older and more sacred elements οἱ 
Judaism. He sees in the Hebrew nation a divinely-laid foundation for 
the superstructure of the Church, and in the dispersion of the Jews a soil 
made ready in fitting places for the seed of the Gospel. He sees in the 
spread of the language and commerce of the Greeks, and in the high 
perfection of their poetry and philosophy, appropriate means for the rapid 
communication of Christian ideas, and for bringing them into close con- 
nection with the best thoughts of unassisted humanity. And he sees in 
the union of so many incoherent provinces under the law and government 
of Rome, a strong framework which might keep together for a sufficient 
period those masses of social life which the Gospel was intended to per- 
vade. The City of God is built at the confluence of three civilisations. 
We recognise with gratitude the hand of God in the history of His world : 
and we turn with devout feelings to trace the course of these three streams 
of civilised life, from their early source to the time of their meeting in the 
Apostolic age. 

We need not linger about the fountains of the national life of the Jews. 
We know that they gushed forth at first, and flowed in their appointed 
channels, at the command of God. The call of Abraham, when one 
family was chosen to keep and hand down the deposit of divine truth,— 
the series of providences which brought the ancestors of the Jews into 
Egypt,—the long captivity on the banks of the Nile,—the work of Moses, 
whereby the bondsmen were made into a nation,—all these things are 
represented in the Old Testament as occurring under the immediate 
direction of Almighty power. The people of Israel were taxen out of 
the midst of an idolatrous world, to become the depositaries of a purer 
knowledge of the one true God than was given to any other people. At 
a time when (humanly speaking) the world could hardly have preserved a 
spiritual religion in its highest purity, they received a divine revelatien 
enshrined in symbols and ceremonies, whereby it might be safely kept till 
the time of its development in a purer and more heavenly form. 

The peculiarity ot tne nebrew civilisation did not consist in the culture 
of the imagination and intellect, like that of the Greeks, nor in the organi- 
sation of government, like that of Rome,—but its distinguishing feature 
was Religion. To say nothing of the Scriptures, the prophets, the 
miracles of the Jevrs,—their frequent festivals, their constant sacrifices,— 


» Luke xxiii. 28. John xix. 20. 


RELIGIOUS CIVILISATION OF THE JEWS. 4 


everything in their collective and private life was connected with a revealed 
religion : their wars, their heroes, their poetry, had a sacred character,— 
their national code was full of the details of public worship,—their 
ordinary employments were touched at every point by divinely-appointed 
and significant ceremonies. Nor was this religion, as were the religions 
of the heathen world, a creed which could not be the common property of 
the instructed and the ignorant. It was neither a recondite philosophy . 
which might not be communicated to the masses of the people, nor a weak 
superstition, controlling the conduct of the lower classes, and ridiculed by 
the higher. ‘The religion of Moses was for the use of all and the benefit 
of all. The poorest peasant of Galilee had the same part in it as the 
wisest Rabbi of Jerusalem. The children of all families were taught to 
claim their share in the privileges of the chosen people. 

And how different was the nature of this religion from that of the con- 
temporary Gentiles! The pious feelings of the Jew were not dissipated 
and distracted by a fantastic mythology, where a thousand different 
objects of worship, with contradictory attributes, might claim the atten- 
tion of the devout mind. ‘One God,” the Creator and Judge of the 
world, and the Author of all good, was the only object of adoration 
And there was nothing of that wide separation between religion and 
morality, which among other nations was the road to all impurity. The 
will and approbation of Jehovah was the motive and support of all holi- 
ness: faith in His word was the power which raised men above their 
natural weakness: while even the divinities of Greece and Rome were 
often the personifications of human passions, and the example and sanction 
of vice. And still farther :—the devotional scriptures of the Jews express 
that heartfelt sense of infirmity and sin, that peculiar spirit of prayer, that 
real communion with God, with which the Christian, in his best moments, 
has the truest sympathy.? So that, while the best aymns of Greece® are 
ouly mythological pictures, and the literature of heathen Rome hardly 
produces anything which can be called a prayer, the Hebrew psalms 

1 ὅπερἐκ φιλοσοφίας τῆς δοκιμωτάτης περιγίνεται τοῖς ὁμιληταῖς ἀυτῆς, 
τοῦτο διὰ νόμων καὶ ἐθῶν ᾿ἸΙουδαίοις, ἐπιστήμη τοῦ ἀνωτάτου καὶ πρεσθυτάτου 
πάντων, τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς γενητοῖς ϑεοῖς πλάνον ἀπωσαμένοις. Quoted with other passages 
from Philo by Neander, General Church History, vol. i. pp. 70, 71. (Torrey’s transla- 
tion, Edinburgh, 1847.) 

* Neander observes that it has been justly remarked that the distinctive pecul rity 
(die auszeichnende Eigenthumlichkeit) of the Hebrew nation from the very first, was, 
that conscience was more alive among them than any other people. Pflanzung und 
Leitung, p. 91, ed. 1847. See also the Eng. Trans. of the former edition, vol. i. p. 61. 

3 There are some exceptions, as in the hymn of the Stoic Cleanthes. who was born 
at, Assos 350 years before St. Panl wag there; yet it breathes the sentiment rather ol 
ncauigscence in the determinations of Fate, than of resignation to the goodness of Pro- 


vidence. _ See Mr. Cotton’s notice of Cleanthes in Smith’s Dictionary of Biography and 
. Mythology. 


6 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


nave passed into the devotions of the Christian church. There is a light 
on all the mountains of Judea which never shone on Olympus or Parnas. 
sus : and the “ Hill of Zion,” in which ‘it pleased God to dwell,” is the 
type of ‘the joy of the whole earth,”! while the seven hills of Rome are 
the symbol of tyranny and idolatry. ‘‘ He showed His word unto Jacob, 
His statutes and ordinances unto Israel. He dealt not so with any 
nation ; neither had the heathen knowledge of His laws.” ἢ 

But not only was a holy religion the characteristic of the civilisation 
of the Jews, but their religious feelings were directed to something in the 
future, and all the circumstances of their national life tended to fix their 
thoughts on One that was to come. By types and by promises, their eyes 
were continually turned towards a Messiah. Their history was a con- 
tinued prophecy. All the great stages of their national existence were 
accompanied by effusions of prophetic light? Abraham was called from 
his father’s house, and it was revealed that in him “all families of the 
earth should be blessed.” Moses formed Abraham’s descendants into a 
people, by giving them a law and national institutions; but while se 
doing he spake before of Him who was hereafter to be raised up “a 
Prophet like unto himself.” David reigned, and during that reign, which 
made so deep and lasting an impression on the Jewish mind, psalms were 
written which spoke of the future King. And with the approach of that 
captivity, the pathetic recollection of which became perpetual, the prophe- 
cies took a bolder range, and embraced within their widening circle the 
redemption both of Jews and Gentiles. Thus the pious Hebrew was 
always, as it were, in the attitude of expectation. And it has been well 
remarked that, while the golden age of the Greeks and Romans was the 
past, that of the Jews was the future. While other nations were growing 
weary of their gods,—without anything in their mythology or philosophy 
to satisfy the deep cravings of their nature,—with religion operating 
rather as a barrier than a link between the educated and the ignorant,— 
with morality divorced from theology,—the whole Jewish people were 
united in a feeling of attachment to their sacred institutions, and found ip 
the facts of their past history a sure pledge of the fulfilment of their 
national hopes. 

It is true that the Jewish nation, again and again, during several cen: 
turies, fell into idolatry. It is true that their superiority to other nations 
consisted in the light which they possessed, and not in the use which 
they made of it; and that a carnal life continually dragged them down 
from the spiritual eminence on which they might have stood. But the 
divine purp3ses were not frustrated. The chosen people was subjected to 


1 Ps, xlviii. 2. xviii. 16. 2 Ps. exlvii. 19, 20. 
5. Davison, Warburtonian Lectures on Prophecy, pp. 98, 107, 147, 201, ἄο. 


RELATION OF JEWISH CIVILISATION TO THAT OF THE WORLD. 4% 
‘he chastisement and discipline of severe sufferings: and they were fitted 
py a long training for the accomplishment of that work, to the conscious 
performance of which they did not willingly rise. ‘They were hard pressed 
in their own country by the incursions of their idolatrous neighbours, anc 
in the end they were carried into a distant captivity. From the time of 
their return from Babylon they were no longer idolaters. ‘They presented 
to the world the example of a pure Monotheism. And in the active times 
which preceded and followed the birth of Christ, those Greeks or Romans 
who visited the Jews in their own land where they still lingered at the 
portals of the Hast, and those vast numbers of proselytes whom the dis- 
persed Jews had gathered round them in various countries, were made 
familiar with the worship of one God and Father of all. 

The influence of the Jews upon the heathen world was exercised mainly 
through their dispersion: but this subject must be deferred for a few 
pages, till we have examined some of the developments of the Greek 
and Roman nationalities. A few words, however, may be allowed in 
passing, upon the consequences of the geographical position of Judea. 

The situation of this little but eventful country is such, that its inhab- 
itants were brought into contact successively with all the civilized nations 
of antiquity. Not to dwell upon its proximity to Egypt on the one hand, 
and to Assyria on the other, and the influences which those ancient king- 
doms may thereby have exercised or received, Palestine lay in the road οἱ 
Alexander’s Eastern expedition. The Greek conqueror was there before 
he founded his mercantile metropolis in Egypt, and then went to India, to 
return and die at Babylon. And again, when his empire was divided, and 
Greek kingdoms were erected in Europe, Asia, and Africa, Palestine lay 
between tne rival monarchies of the Ptolemies at Alexandria and ths 
Seleucide at Antioch,—too xear to both to be safe from the invasion of 
their arms or the influence of their customs and their language. And 
finally, when the time came for the Romans to embrace the whole of the 
Mediterranean within the circle of their power, the coast-line of Judes 
was the last remote portion which was needed to complete the fated cir- 
eumference. 

The full effect of this geographical position of Judaea can only be seen 
py following the course of Greek and Roman life, till they were brought 
so remarkably into contact with each other, and with that of the Jews: 
and we turn to those other two nations of antiquity, the steps of whose 
progress were successive stages in what is called in the Epistle to the 
Ephesians (i 10) ‘the dispensation of the fulness of time.” 

1 Humboldt has remarked, in the chapter on Poctie Descriptions of Nature (Kosmos, 
Sabine’s Eng, Trans., vol. ii. p. 44), that the descriptive poctry of the Hebrews is 3 


reflex of Monctheism, and pourtrays nature, not as self-subsisting, but ever in relation 
to a Higher Power 


3 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


If we think of the civilisation of the Grecks, we have nc difficulty in 
fixing on its chief characteristics. High perfection of the intellect and 
imagination, displaying itself in all the various forms of art, poetry, litera. 
ture, and philosophy—restless activity of mind and body, finding its exer- 
cise in athletic games or in subtle disputations—love of the beautiful— 
quick perception—indefatigable inquiry—all these enter into the very 
idea of the Greek race. This is not the place to inquire how far these 
qualities were due to an innate peculiarity, or how far they grew up, by 
gradual development, amidst the natural influences of their native country, 
—the variety of their hills and plains, the clear lights and warm shadows 
of their climate, the mingled land and water of their coasts. We have 
only to do with this national character so far as, under divine Providenee, 
it was made subservient to the spread of the Gospel. 

We shall see how remarkably it subserved this purpose, if we consider 
the tendency of the Greeks to trade and colonisation. Their mental 
activity was accompanied with great physical restlessness. This clever 
people always exhibited a disposition to spread themselves. Without 
aiming at universal conquest, they displayed (if we may use the word) a 
remarkable catholicity of character, and a singular power of adaptation to 
those whom they called Barbarians. In this respect they were strongly 
contrasted with the Egyptians, whose immemorial civilisation was con- — 
fined to the long valley which extends from the cataracts to the mouths of 
the Nile. The Hellenic tribes, on the other hand, though they despised 
foreigners, were never unwilling to visit them and to cultivate their 
acquaintance. At the earliest period at which history enables us to 
discover them, we see them moving about in their ships on the shores and 
among the islands of their native seas ; and, three or four centuries before 
the Christian era, Asia Minor, beyond which the Persians had not been 
permitted to advance, was bordered by a fringe of Greek colonies ; and 
Lower Italy, when the Roman republic was just beginning to be conscious 
of its strength, had received the name of Greece itself. ΤῸ all these: 
places they carried their arts and literature, their philosophy, their my- 
thology, and their amusements. They carried also their arms and their 
trade. The heroic age had passed away, and fabulous voyages had given 
place to real expeditions against Sicily and constant traffic with the Black 
Sea. They were gradually taking the place of the Pheenicians in the 
empire of the Mediterranean. They were, indeed, less exclusively mercan- 
tile than those old discoverers. Their voyages were not so long. But 
their influence on general civilisation was greater and more permanent, 
The earliest ideas of scientific navigation and geceraphy are due to the 
Greeks. The later Greek travellers, Pausarias and Strabo, will be our 
best sources of information on the topography of St. Paul’s journeys. 


CHARACTER AND LANGUAGE OF THE GREEKS. | 9 


With this view of the Hellenic character before us, we are prepared te 
appreciate the vast results of Alexander’s conquests.! He took up the 
meshes of the net of Greek civilisation, which were lying in disorder on the 
edges of the Asiatic shore, and spread them over all the countries which 
ne traversed in his wonderful campaigns. The East and the West were 
suddenly brought together. Separated tribes were united under a common 
government. New cities were built, as the centres of political life. New 
lines of communication were opened, as the channels of commercial 
activity. The new culture penetrated the mountain ranges of Pisidia and 
Lycaonia. Ihe Tigris and Euphrates became Greek rivers. The lan- 
guage of Athens was heard among the Jewish colonies of Babylonia ; and 
a Grecian Babylon was built by the conqueror in Egypt, and called by his 
name. 

The empire of Alexander was divided, but the effects of his campaigns 
and policy did not cease. The influence of the fresh elements of social life 
was rather increased by being brought into independent action within the 
spheres of distinct kingdoms. Our attention is particularly called to two 
of the monarchical lines, which descended from Alexander’s generals,— 


COIN OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES, WITH PORTRAIT. 


the Ptolemics, or the Greek kings of Egypt,—and the Seleucide, or tne 
Greek kings of Syria.? Their respective capitals, Alexandria and Antioch, 
became the metropolitan centres of commercial and civilised life in the Hast 
They rose suddenly ; and their very appearance marked them as the cities 
of a new epoch. Like Berlin and St. Petersburg, they were modern cities 
built by great kings at a definite time and for a definite purpose? Their 


1 Plutarch, paraphrasing Alexander’s saying to Diogenes, remarks that his mission 
was—rd βαρθαρικὰ τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς κεράσαι, καὶ τὴν Ελλάδα σπεῖραι: Orat. 1.. de 
Alex. Virtute 5. fortuna, ὃ 11. 

3. This coin, with the portrait of Antiochus (IV.) Epiphanes, is from the British 
Museum (whence much other assistance has been obtained for this work, chiefly through 
the kindness of C. Newton, Esq., student of Ch. Ch.). Portraits on coins began with 
Alexander. For their historical importance, see K. O. Miller’s Handbuch der Archa- 
ologie der Alten Kunst, ὃ 162, p. 169, Welcker’s edition, 1848. Tor the series of tha 
Seleucida, see Vaillant, “ Seleucidarum Imperium, sive Historia Regum Syrie ad filer 
Numismatum accommodata :” Paris, 1681. (2nd Ed. Hag. 1732.) 

3 An account of the building of Antioch will be given hereatter. For that rf Aiex 


LO THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


histories are no unimportant chapters in the history of the world. Bota 
of them were connected with St. Paul: one indirectly, as the birthplace of 
Apollos ; the other directly, as the scene of some the most important 
passages of the Apostle’s own life. Both abounied in Jews from their 
first foundation. Both became the residences of Roman governors, and 
both were patriarchates of the primitive Church. But before they had 
received either the Roman discipline or the Christian doctrine, they had 
served their appointed purpose of spreading the Greek language and 
habits, of creating new lines of commercial intercourse by land and sea, 
and of centralising in themselves the mercantile life of the Levant. Even 
the Acts of the Apostles remind us of the traffic of Antioch with Cyprus 
and the neighbouring coasts, and of the sailing of Alexandrian corn-ships te 
the more distant harbours of Malta and Puteoli. 

Of all the Greek elements which the cities of Antioch and Alexandria 
were the means of circulating, the spread of the language is the most 
important. Its connection with the whole system of Christian doctrine— 
with many of the controversies and divisions of the Church—is very 
momentous. That language, which is the richest and most delicate that 
the world has seen, became the language of theology. The Greek tongue 
became to the Christian more than it had been to the Roman or the Jew. 
The mother-tongue of Ignatius at Antioch, was that in which Philo com- 
posed his treatises at Alexandria, and which Cicero spoke at Athens. It 
is difficult to state in a few words the important relation which Alexandria 
more especially was destined to bear to the whole Christian Church. In 
that city, the representative of the Greeks of the East, where the most 
remarkable fusion took place of the peculiarities of Greek, Jewish, and 
Oriental life, and at the time when all these had been brought in contact 
with the mind of educated Romans,—a theological language was formed, 
rich in the phrases of various schools, and suited to convey Christian ideas 
to all the world. It was not an accident that the New Testament was 
written in Greek, the language which can best express the highest thoughts 
and worthiest feelings of the intellect and heart, and which is adapted to 
be the instrument of education for all nations : nor was it an accident that 
the composition of these books and the promulgation of the Gospel were 
delayed, till the instruction of our Lord, and the writings of His Apostles, 
could be expressed in the dialect of Alexandria. This, also, must be 
ascribed to the foreknowledge of Him, who “winked at the times of 
ignorance,” but who “made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell 
on all the face of the earth, and determined the times before appointed 
and the bounds of their habitation.” ! 


andria, see Miller, ὃ 149, pp. 153, 154. Ammianus calls it vertex omnium crvitattentn 
The architect was Dinocrates, who renewed the temple at Ephesus (Acts xix.). 
1 Acts xvii. 30, 26. 


ANTIOCH AND ALEXANDKIA. Li 


We do not forget that the social condition of the Greeks had beer 
falling, during this period, into the lowest corruption. ‘The disastrous 
quarrels of Alexander’s generals had been continued among their succes- 
sors. Political integrity was lost. The Greeks spent their life in worth- 
less and frivolous amusements. Their religion, though beautiful, beyond 
expression as giving subjects for art and poetry, was utterly powerless, 
and worse than powerless, in checking their bad propensities. Their 
philosophers were sophists ; their women might be briefly divided into two 
classes,—those who were highly educated and openly profligate on the one 
side, and those who lived in domestic and ignorant seclusion on the other. 
And it cannot be denied that all these causes of degradation spread with 
the diffusion of the race and the language ; like Sybaris and Syracuse, 
Antioch and Alexandria became almost worse than Athens and Corinth. 
But the very diffusion and development of this corruption was preparing 
the way, because it showed the necessity, for the interposition of a Gospel. 
The disease itself seemed to call for a Healer. And if the prevailing evils 
of the Greek population presented obstacles, on a large scale, to the 
progress of Christianity,—yet they showed to all future time the weakness 
of man’s highest powers, if unassisted from above ; and there must have 
been many who groaned under the burden of a corruption which they 
could not shake off, and who were ready to welcome the voice of Him, 
who ‘took our infirmities, and bare our sicknesses.” The ‘ Greeks,”! 
who are mentioned by St. John as coming to see Jesus at the feast, were, 
we trust, the types of a large class ; and we may conceive His answer to 
Andrew and Philip as expressing the fulfilment of the appointed times 
in the widest sense—‘‘ The hour is come, that the Son of Man should be 
glorified.” 

Such was the civilisation and corruption connected with the spread of 
the Greek language when the Roman power approached to the eastern 
parts of the Mediterranean Sea. For some centuries this irresistible force 
had been gathering strength on the western side of the Apennines. 
Gradually, but surely, and with ever-increasing rapidity, it made to itself 
a wider space—northward into Etruria, southward into Campania. It 
passed beyond its Italian boundaries. And six hundred years after the 
building of the city, the Roman eagle had seized on Afriva at the point of 
Carthage, and Greece at the Isthmus of Corinth, and had tw eu its eye 


t "EAAnvec, xii. 20. It ought to be observed here, that the word “ Grecian ” in the 
Erglish translation of the New Testament is used for a Hellenist, or Grecising Jew 
(EAAnviori¢)—as Acts vi. 1. ix. 29—while the word “ Greek” is used for one who 
was by birth a Gentile (Ἔλλην), and who might, or might not, be a proselyte to Juda 
ism, or a convert to Christianity. It is agreed by the modern critics (Grieskach, 
Scholz, Lachmann, De Wette) that in Acts xi. 20, the true 1eadirg is "EAAqvac not 
&A2noTd¢, “ Greeks 7) not “ Grecians.”’ 


τ THE LIFE AND EPISTLKS OF £T. PAUL. 


towards he Hast. The defenceless prey was made secure, by craft or by 
war ; and before the birth of our Saviour, all those coasts, from Ephesus te 
Tarsus and Antioch, and round by the Holy Land to Alexandria and 
Cyrene, were tributary to the city of the Tiber, We have to describe 
in a few words the characteristics of this new dominion, and to point 
out its providential connection with the spread and consolidation of the 
Church. 

In the first place, this dominion was not a pervading influence exerted 
by a restless and intellectual people, but it was the grasping power of an 
external government. The idea of law had grown up with the growth of 
the Romans ; and wherever they went they carried it with them. Wher- 
ever their armies were marching or encamping, there always attended 
them, like a mysterious presence, the spirit of the City of Rome. Uni- 
versal conquest and permanent occupation were the ends at which they 
aimed Strength and organisation were the characteristics of their sway. 
We have seen how the Greek science and commerce were wafted, by 
irregular winds, from coast to coast: and now we follow the advance of 
legions, governors, and judges along the Roman Roads, which pursued 
their undeviating course over plains and mountains, and bound the City te 
the furthest extremities of the provinces. 

There is no better way of obtaining a clear view of the features and a 
correct idea of the spirit of the Roman age, than by considering the 
material works which still remain as its imperishable monuments, Whether 
undertaken by the hands of the government, or for the ostentation of 
private iuxury, they were marked by vast extent and accomplished at an 
enormous expenditure. The gigantic roads of the empire have been 
unrivalled till the present century. Solid structures of all kinds, for 
utility, amusement and worship, were erected in Italy and the provinces,— 
amphitheatres of stone, magnificent harbours, bridges sepulchres, and tem- 
ples. The decoration of wealthy houses was celebrated by the poets of 
the day. The pomp of buildings in the cities was rivalled by astonishing 
villas in the country. The enormous baths, by which travellers are sur- 
prised, belong to a period somewhat later than that of St. Paul; but the 
aqueducts, which still remain in the Campagna, were some of them new, 
when he visited Rome. Of the metropolis itself it may be enough to say, 
that his life is exactly embraced between its two great times of renovation, 
that of Augustus on the one hand, who (to use his own expression) having 
found it a city of brick left it a city of marble, and that of Nero on the 
other, when the great conflagration afforded an opportunity for a new 
arrangement of its streets and buildings. 

These great works may be safely taken as emblems of the magnitude, 
strength, grandeur, and solidity of the empire ; but they are emblems, ne 


§OCI2z1 CONDNION OF xxx KOMAN EMPIRE. 18 


tes, of the tyranny «nd cruelty which had presided over its formation, and 
of the general suffering which pervaded it. ‘The statues, with which the 
metropolis and the Roman houses were profusely decorated, had been 
brought from plundered provinces, and many of them had swelled the 
triumphs of conquerors on the Capitol. The amphitheatres were built 
for shows of gladiators, and were the scenes of a bloody cruelty, which 
had been quite unknown in the licentious exhibitions of the Greek theatre 
The roads, baths, harbours, aqueducts, had been constructed by slave- 
labour. And the country-villas, which the Italian traveller lingered te 
admire, were themselves vast establishments of slaves. 

It is easy to see how much misery followed in the train of Rome’s 
advancing greatness Cruel suffering was a characteristic feature of the 
close of the republic. Slave wars, civil wars, wars of conquest, had left 
their disastrous results behind them. No country recovers rapidly from the 
effects of a war which has been conducted within its frontier ; and there 
was no district of the empire which had not been the scene of some recen- 
campaign. None had suffered more than Italy itself. Its old stock of 
freemen, who had cultivated its fair plains and terraced vineyards, was 
utterly worn out. The general depopulation was badly compensated by 
the establishment of military colonies. Inordinate wealth and slave 
factories were the prominent features of the desolate prospect. ‘The words 
of the great historian may fill up the picture. “ As regards the manners 
and mode of life of the Romans, their great object at this time was the 
acquisition and possession of money. Their moral conduct, which had 
been corrupt enough before the social war, became still more so by their 
systematic plunder and rapine. Immense riches were accumulated and 
squandered upon brutal pleasures. The simplicity of the old manners and 
mode of living had been abandoned for Greek luxuries and frivolities, anc 
the whole household arrangements had become altered. The Roman 
houses had formerly been quite simple, and were built either of brick or 
peperino, but in most cases of the former material ; now, on the other 
hand, every one would live in a splendid house and be surrounded by 
luxuries. The condition of Italy after the Social and Civil wars was 
indescribably wretched. Samnium had become almost a desert; and as 


1 Plena domus tunc omnis, et ingens stabat acervus 

Numorum, Spartana chlamys, conchylia Coa, 

Wt cum Parrhasii tabulis signisque Myronis 

Phidiacum vivebat ebur, nec non Polycleti 

Multus ubique labor: rare sine Mentore mens. 

Inde Dolabelle atque hine Antonius, inde 

Sacrilegus Verres referebant navibus altis 

Oceulta spolia et plures de pace triumphes.—Ivv. viii. 100. 

For a multitude of details, see the 164th and 165th sections of K. O. Miller’s Hand 
tach Jer Archaologie. 


! 


14 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


late as the time of Strabo (vi. p. 253), there was scarcely any town in 
that country which was not in ruins. But worse things were yet to 
come.” } 

This disastrous condition was not confined to Italy. In some respects 
the provinces had their own peculiar sufferings. ΤῸ take the case of Asia 
Minor. It had been plundered and ravaged by successive generals,—by 
Scipio in the war against Antiochus of Syria,—by Manlius in his Galatian 
campaign,—by Pompey in the struggle with Mithridates.*. The rapacity 
of governors and their officials followed that of generals and their armies. 
We know what Cilicia suffered under Dolabella and his agent Verres ; 
and Cicero reveals to us the oppression of his predecessor Appius in the 
same province, contrasted with his own boasted clemency. Some portions 
of this beautiful and inexhaustible country revived under the emperors.* 
But it was only an outward prosperity. Whatever may have been the 
improvement in the external details of provincial government, we cannot 
believe that governors were gentle and forbearing, when Caligula was on 
the throne, and when Nero was seeking statues for his golden house. The 
tontempt in which the Greek provincials themselyes were held by the 
Romans may be learnt from the later correspondence of the Emperor 
Trajan with Pliny the governor of Bithynia. We need not hesitate to 
take it for granted, that those who were sent from Rome to dispense 
justice at Ephesus or Tarsus, were more frequently like Appius and Ver- 
more like Pilate and Felix, than Gallio 


res, than Cicero* and Flaccus, 
or Sergius Paulus. 

It would be a delusion to imagine, that when the world was reduced 
under one sceptre, any real principle of unity held its different parts 
together. The emperor was deified, because men were enslaved. There 
was no true peace when Augustus closed the Temple of Janus. The 
empire was ouly the order of external government, with a chaos both of 
opinions and morals within. The writings of Tacitus and Juvena! remain 
to attest the corruption which festered in all ranks, alike in the senate and 
the family. he old severity of manners, and the old faith in the better 
part of the Roman religion, were gone. The licentious creeds and prac- 


1 Niebuhr’s Lectures on the History of Rome, vol. i. pp. 421, 422. 

* Pliny points out the connection of these conquests with the development of Roman 
luxury: “ Victoria illa Pompeii primum ad margaritas gemmasque mores inclinavit.” 
Η. N. xxxvii. 6. See what he says on the spoils of Scipio Asiaticus and Cn. Manlius, 
XXxxlil. 53. xxxiv. 8. cf. Liv. xxxix. 6. 

3 See Niebuhr’s Lectures, vol. i. p. 406, and the note. 

4 Much of our best information concerning the state of the provinces is derived from 
Ciccro’s celebrated “ Speeches against Verres,” and his own “ Cilician Correspondence,” 
to which we shall again have occasion to refer. His “ Speech in Defence of Flaccus” 
throws much light on the condition of the Jews under the Romans. We must nof 
place too much confidence in the picture there given of this Ephesian governor. 


MISERY OF ITALY AND THE FROVINCES. 18 


vices of Greece and the East had inundated Italy and the West: and the 
Pantheon was only the monument of a compromise among a multitude of 
effete superstitions. It is true that a remarkable religious toleration was 
produced by this state of things: and it is probable that for some short 
time Christianity itself shared the advantage of it. But still the temper 
of the times was essentially both cruel and profane ; and the Apostles 
were soon exposed to its bitter persecution. The Roman empire was 
destitute of that unity which the Gospel gives to mankind. It was a 
kingdom of this world ; and the human race were groaning for the better 
peace of ‘a kingdom not of this world.” 

Thus, in the very condition of the Roman empire, and the miserable 
state of its mixed population, we can recognise a negative preparation for 
the Gospel of Christ. This tyranny and oppression called for a Conseler, 
as much as the moral sickness of the Greeks called for a Healer ; a Mes. 
siah was needed by the whole empire as much as by the Jews, though not 
looked for with the same conscious expectation. But we have no difficulty 
in going much further than this, and we cannot hesitate to discover in the 
circumstances of the world at this period, significant traces of a positive 
preparation for the Gospel. | 

It should be remembered, in the first place, that the Romans had 
already become Greek to some considerable extent, before they were the 
political masters of those eastern countries, where the language, mythology, 
and literature of Greece had become more or less familiar. How early, 
how widely, and how permanently this Greek influence prevailed, and how 
deeply it entered into the mind of educated Romans, we know from their 
surviving writings, and from the biography of eminent men. Cicero, who 
was governor of Cilicia about half a century before the birth of St. Paul, 
speaks in strong terms of the universal spread of the’ Greek tongue among 
the instructed classes ;! and about the time of the Apostle’s martyrdom, 
Agricola, the conquerer of Britain, was receiving a Greek education at 
Marscilles.’ Is it too much to say, that the general Latin conquest was 
providentially delayed till the Romans had been sufficiently imbued with 
the language and ideas of their predecessors, and had incorporated many 
parts of that civilisation with their own ? 

And if the mysterious wisdom of the divine pre-arrangements is 
illustrated by the period of the spread of the Greek language, it is illus 


Cicero, in his speech for Archias (who was born at Antioch, “celebri urbe et 
copiosa, atque eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque studiis affluente’’), says, in 
reference to this spread of the Greek literature and language,—“ Erat Italia tune 
plena Grecarum artium ac disciplinarum :” and again, “Graca leguntur in omnibus 
fere gentibus: Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur.”’ 

* Tac. Agr.: “Sedem ac magistram studiorum Massiliam habuit, locum Graeca comi 
tate et provinciali parsimonia mistum ac bene compositum ” 


16 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


trated no Jess by that of the completion and maturity of the Roman 
rovernment. When all parts of the civilised world were bound together 
in one empire,—when cne common organisation pervaded the whole,— 
when channels of communication were everywhere opened—when new 
facilities of travelling were provided,—then was “ the fulness of times” 
(Gal. iv. 4), then the Messiah came. The Greek language had already 
Leen prepared as a medium for preserving and transmitting the doctrine : 
the Roman government was now prepared to help the progress even of 
that religion which it persecuted. The manner in which it spread through 
the -provinces is well exemplified in the life of St. Paul: his right of 
sitizenship rescued him in Judea and in Macedonia; he converted one 
governor in Cyprus, was protected by another in Achaia, and was sent 
from Jerusalem to Rome by a third. The time was indeed approaching, 
when all the complicated weight of the central tyranny, and of the pro- 
vincial governments, was to fall on the new and irresistible religion, But 
before this took place, it had begun to grow up in close connection with 
all departments of the empire. When tlie supreme government itself 
became Christian, the ecclesiastical polity was permanently regulated in 
conformity with the actual constitution of the state. Nor was the empire 
broken up, till the separate fragments, which have become the nations of 
modern Europe, were themselves portions of the Catholic Church. 

But in all that we have said of the condition of the Roman world, one 
important and widely diffused element of its population has not been men- 
tioned. We have lost sight for some time of the Jews, and we must 
return to the subject of their dispersion, which was purposely deferred till 
we had shown how the intellectual civilisation of the Greeks, and the 
organising civilisation of the Romans, had, through a long series of 
remarkable events, been brought in contact with the religious civilisation 
of the Hebrews ; it remains that we point out that one peculiarity of the 
Jewish people, which made this contact almost universal in every part of 
the empire. 

Their dispersion began early ; though, early and late, their attachment 
to Judea has always been the same. Like the Highlanders of Switzer- 
land and Scotland, they seem to have combined a tendency to foreign 
settlements with the most passionate love of their native land. The first 
seattering of the Jews was compulsory, and began with the Assyrian 
exile, when, about the time of the building of Rome, natives of Galilee 
and Samaria were carried away by the Eastern monarchs; and this was 
followed by the Babylonian exile, when the tribes of Judah and Benjamin 
were removed at different epochs,—when Daniel was brought to Babylon, . 
and Ezekiel to the river Chebar. That, this earliest dispersion was not 
without influential results may be inferred from these facts :-—that, about 


DISPERSION OF THE JEWS. 17 


uhe time of the battles of Salamis and Marathon, a Jew was the 
miuister, another Jew the cupbearer, and a Jewess the consort, of a 
Persian monarch. That they enjoyed many privileges in this foreign 
country, and that their condition was not always oppressive, may be 
gathered from this,—that when Cyrus gave them permission to return, the 
majority remained in their new home, in preference to their native land, 
Thus that great Jewish colony began in Babylonia, the existence of which 
may be traced in Apostolic times,' and which retained its influence long 
after in the Talmudical schools. These Hebrew settlements may be 
followed through various parts of the continental Hast, to the borders of 
the Caspian, and even to China.2 We however are more concerned with 
the coasts and islands of Western Asia. Jews had settled in Syria and 
Pheenicia before the time of Alexander the Great. But in treating of 
this subject, the great stress is to be Jaid on the policy of Seleucus, who, 
in founding Antioch, raised them to the same political position with the 
other citizens. One of his successors on the throne, Antiochus the Great, 
established two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia. From 
hence they would spread into Pamphylia and Galatia, and along the western 
coasts from Ephesus to Troas. And the ordinary channels of communi- 
cation, in conjunction with that tendency to trade which already began to 
characterise this wonderful people, would easily bring them to the islands, 
such as Cyprus? and Rhodes. 

Their oldest settlement in Africa was that which took place after the 
murder of the Babylonian governor of Judzea, and which is connected with 
the name of the prophet Jeremiah. But, as in the case of Antioch, our 
chief attention is called to the great metropolis of the period of the Greek 
kings. The Jewish quarter of Alexandria is well known in history ; and 
the colony of Hellenistic Jews in Lower Egypt is of greater importance 
than that of their Aramaic brethren in Babylonia. Alexander himself 
brought Jews and Samaritans to his famous city ; Ptolemy Lagus brought 
many more; and many betook themselves hither of their free will, that 
they might escape from the incessant troubles which disturbed the peace 
of their fatherland. Nor was their influence confined to Egypt, but they 
became known on one side in Ethiopia, the country of Queen Candace,’ 
and spread on the other in great numbers to the ‘parts of Libya about 
Cyrene.” § 

1 566 1 Pet. v. 15. 

2. See “ Ritter’s Erdkunde,” ΤῊ]. 4 (Asien.) 598. 

3 The farming of the copper mines in Cyprus by Herod (Jos. A. xvi. 4,5) may have 
attracted many Jews. M. Salvador, in his last work (Histoire de la Domination Ro 
maine en Judée, &c., 1847), says it actually did; but this is not proved. There is a 
Cyprian inscription in “ Béckh ” (No. 2628), which seems to refer to one of the Hergds. 

4 See 2 Kings xxv. 22-26. Jer. xliii. xliv. 5 Acts viii. 27. 


6 Acts ii. 10. The second book of Maccabees is the abridgmeat of a work writter 
vaL. 1.-—2 


18 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


Under what circumstances the Jews made their first appearance in 
Europe is unknown ; but it is natural to suppose that those islands of the 
Archipelago which, as Humboldt! has said, were like a bridge for the 
passage of civilisation, became the means of the advance of Judaism. 'The 
journey of the proselyte Lydia from Thyatira to Philippi (A. xvi. 14), 
and the voyage of Aquila and Priscilla from Corinth to Ephesus (A. xviii. 
18), are only specimexs of mercantile excursions which must have begun 
at a far earlier period. Philo mentions Jews in Thessaly, Beeotia, Mace- 
donia, Atolia, and Attica, in Argos and Corinth, in the other parts of 
Peloponnesus, and in the islands of Eubca and Crete: and St. Luke, in 
she Acts of the Apostles, speaks of them in Philippi, Thessalonica, and 
Bercea, in Athens, in Corinth, and in Rome. The first Jews came to 
Rome to decorate a triumph ; but they were soon set free from captivity, 
and gave the name to the “Synagogue of the Libertines”? in Jerusalem. 
They owed to Julius Cesar those privileges in the Western Capital which 
they had obtained from Alexander in the Eastern. They became influ- 
ential, and made proselytes. ‘They spread into other towns of Italy ; and 
in the time of St, Paul’s boyhood we find them in large numbers in the 
island of Sardinia, just as we have previously seen them established in that 
of Cyprus.2 With regard to Gaul, we know at least that two sons of 
Hered were banished, about this same period, to the banks of the Rhone ; 
-and if St. Paul ever accomplished that journey to Spain, of which he 
speaks in his letters, it is probable that he found there some of the scat- 
tered children of his own people. We do not scek to pursue them further ; 
but, after a few words on the proselytes, we must return to the earliest 
scenes of the Apostle’s career.‘ 

The subject of the proselytes is sufficiently important to demand a 
separate notice. Under this term we include at present all those who were 
attracted in various degrees of intensity towards Judaism,—from those 
who by circumcision had obtained full access to all the privileges of the 
temple-worship, to those who only professed a general respect for the 
Mosaic religion, and attended as hearers in the synagogues. Many pros- 
by a Hellenistic Jew of Cyrene. A Jew or proselyte of Cyrene bore our Saviour’s 
cross. And the mention of this city occurs more than once in the Acts of the Apostles, 

1 Kosmos, Sabine’s English Translation, vol. ii. p. 120. 

2 This body doubtless consisted of manumitted Jewish slaves. See Wolf and the 
dater commentators on Acts vi. 9. 

3 In this case, however, they were forcibly sent to the island, to die of the bad cli- 
mate. See Tac. Ann. ii. 85. Suet. Tib. 36. Jos. An. xviii. 3, 5. 

4 The history of the Jewish dispersions will be found in an excellent little essay de- 
voted to the subject, Joh. Remond’s “ Versuch einer Geschichte der Ausbreitung des 
Fudenthums von Cyrus bis auf den ganzlichen Untergang des Judischen Staats :” 

ipzig, 1789; in the introductory chapter of “ Wiltsch’s Handbuch der Kirchlichen 


teographie,”’ Gotha, 1843, which has been principally used here ; and in a chapter im 
fhe second volume of Jost’s larger work, --the “Geschichte der Israeliten,” 1820-28. 


PROVINCES OF CILICIA AND JUDASA. 19 


elytes were attached to the Jewish communities wherever they were dis- 
persed.!. Even in their own country and its vicinity, the number, both in 
early and later times, was not inconsiderable. The Queen of Sheba, in the 
Old Testament ; Candace, Queen of Ethiopia, in the New; and King 
Izates, with his mother Helena, mentioned by Josephus, are only royai 
representatives of a large class. During the time of the Maccabees, some 
alien tribes were forcibly incorporated with the Jews. This was the case 
with the Itursans, and probably with the Moabites, and, above all, with 
the Edomites, with whose name that of the Herodian family is historically 
connected.2 How far Judaism extended among the vague collection of 
tribes called Arabians, we can only conjecture from the curious history of 
the Homerites,? and from the actions of such chieftains as Aretas (2 Cor. 
xi, 82). But as we travel towards the West and North, into countries 
better known, we find no lack of evidence of the moral effect of the syna- 
eogues, with their worship of Jenovan, and their prophecies of the Mes- 
siah. ‘Nicolas of Antioch” (Acts vi. 5) is only one of that “ vast 
multitude of Greeks” who were attracted in that city to the Jewish 
doctrine and ritual. In Damascus, we are even told by the same author- 
ity that the great majority of the women were proselytes ; a fact which 
receives a remarkable illustration from what happened to Paul at Iconium 
(Acts xiii. 50). But all further details may be postponed till we follow 
him into the synagogues, where he so often addressed a mingled audience 
of “Jews of the dispersion” and “devout” strangers. 

This chapter may be suitably concluded by some notice of the provin. 
ces of Cilicia and Judea. This will serve as an illustration of what has 
been said above, concerning the state of the Roman provinces generally , 
it will exemplify the mixture of Jews, Greeks, and Romans in the east of 
the Mediterranean, and it will be a fit introduction to what must immedi- 
ately succeed. For these are the two provinces which require our atten- 
tion in the early life of the Apostle Paul. 

Both these provinces were once under the sceptre of the line of the 
seleucide, or Greek kings of Syria ; and both of them, though originally 

1 The following are the testimonies of prejudiced Heathens : 
‘H χώρα Ἰουδαία καὶ αὐτοὶ Ἰουδαῖοι ὠνομάδαται, . . ἡ δὲ ἐπίκλησις αὕτη ... φέρει 

. καὶ éxt τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους, ὅσοι τὰ νόμιμα ἀυτῶν, καίπερ ἀλλοεθνεῖς ὄντες, 
ζηλοῦσι.---- Π)ῖο. Cas. xxxvii. 16, 17. 

Transgressi in morem eorum (Judzeorum) idem usurpant. Nec quicquam prius im 
buunter quam contemnere Deos, exuere patriam, parentes, liberos, fratres vilia haber@ 
-Tec. H. Τ΄. ὃ \ 

Romanas autem soliti contemnere leges, 


Judaicum ediscunt et servant ac metuunt jus, 
Tradidit arcano quodcunque volumine Moses.—Juv. xiv. 100. 


5 See Wiltsch as above, and the passages quoted from Josephus 
3 See it in Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, book vi. ch. 20. 
* Joseph. B. J. vii. 3. 3. 


90 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


inhabited by a ‘‘barbarous” population, received more or less of the 
influence of Greek civilisation. Jf the map is consulted, it will be seen 
that Antioch, the capital of the Greco-Syrian kings, is situated nearly in 
the angle where the coast-line of Cilicia, running eastwards, and that of 
Judea, extended northwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting. It will 
be seen also, that, more or less parallel to each of these coasts, there is a 
‘ine of mountains, not far from the sea, which are brought into contact 
with each other in heavy and confused forms, near the same angle ; the 
principal break in the continuity of either of them being the vailey of the 
Orontes, which passes by Antioch. One of these mountain lines is the 
range of Mount Taurus, which is so often mentioned as a great geographi- 
cal boundary by the writers of Greece and Rome; and Cvlica extends 
partly over Taurus itself, and partly between it and the sea. The other 
range is that of Lebanon—a name made sacred by the scriptures and 
poetry of the Jews ; and where its towering eminences subside towards the 
south into a land of hills and vallies and level plains, there is Jud@a, once 
the country of promise and possession to the chosen people, but a Roman 
province in the time of the Apostles. 

Cilicia, in the sense in which the word was used under the early Roman 
emperors, comprehended two districts, of nearly equal extent,! but of very 
different character. The Western portion, or Rough Cilicia, as it was 
called, was a collection of the branches of Mount Taurus, which come 
down in large masses to the sea, and form that projection of the coast 
which divides the Bay of Issus from that of Pamphylia. The inhabitants 
of the whole of this district were notorious for their robberies :* the north- 
ern portion, under the name of Isauria, providing innumerable strongholds 
for marauders by land; and the southern, with its excellent timber, its 
cliffs, and small harbours, being a natural home for pirates. The Isaurians 
maintained their independence with such determined obstinacy, that in a 
later period of the Empire, the Romans were willing to resign all appear- 
ance of subduing them, and were content to surround them with a cordon 
of forts. The natives of the coast of Rough Cilicia began to extend their 
piracies as the strength of the kings of Syria and Egypt declined. They 
found in the progress of the Roman power, for some time, an encourage- 
ment rather than a hindrance; for they were actively engaged in an 
extensive and abominable slave trade, of which the island of Delos was the 
ercat market ; and the opulent families of Rome were in need of slaves, 
and were not more scrupulous than some Christian nations of modern times 
about the means of obtaining them. But the expeditions of these bue- 

1 Mannert says (Geographie der Griechen und Romer, “ Kleinasien,’”’ 1801) that the 


eastern division is about 15 German geographical miles in breadth by 20 in length, 


the western 10 by 30. Cilicia, p. 33. 
2 See a very descriptive passage in Ammian. Marc. xiv. 2 


PROVINCE OF CILICIA. 21 


zancers o the Mediterranean became at last quite intolerable ; their fleets 
seemed innumerable ; their connexions were extended far beyond their own 
coasts ; all commerce was paralysed ; and they began to arouse that 
attention at Rome which the more distant pirates of the Eastern Archi: 
pelago are beginning to excite in England. A vast expedition was fitted 
cut under the command of Pompey the Great ; thousands of piratie vessels 
were burnt on the coast of Cilicia, and the inhabitants dispersed. A per- 
petual service was thus done to the cause of civilisation, and the Mediter- 
ranean was made safe for the voyages of merchants and Apostles. The 
town of Soli, on the borders of the two divisions of Cilicia, received the 
.ame of Pompeiopolis,' in honour of the great conqueror, and the splendid 
remains of a colonnade which led from the harbour to the city may be 
eonsidered a monument of this signal destruction of the enemies of order 
and peace, 

The Eastern, or Flat Cilicia, was a rich and extensive plain. Its 
prolific vegetation is praised both by the earlier and later classical writers,’ 
and even under the neglectful government of the Turks, is still noticed by 
modern travellers. From this circumstance, and still more from its pecu- 
liar physical configuration, it was a possession of great political import- 
ance. Walled off from the neighbouring countries by a high barrier of 
mountains,t which sweep irregularly round it from Pompeiopolis and 
Rough Cilicia to the Syrian coast on the North of Antioch,—with one 
pass leading up into the interior of Asia Minor, and another giving access 
to the valley of the Orontes,—it was naturally the high road both of trad- 
ing caravans and of military expeditions. Through this country Cyrus 
marched, to depose his brother from the Persian throne. It was here 
that the decisive victory was obtained by Alexander over Darius. This 

1 A similar case, on a small scale, is that of Philippeville in Algeria; and the pro- 
gress of the French power, since the accession of Louis Philippe, in Northern Africa, 
is perhaps the nearest parallel in modern times to the history of a Roman province. 
As far as regards the pirates, Lord Exmouth, in 1816, really did the work of Pompey 
the Great. It may be doubted whether Marshal Bugeaud was more lenient to the 
Arabs, than Cicero to the Eleuthero-Cilicians. 

Chrysippus the Stoic, whose father was a native of Tarsus, and Aratus, whom St 
Paul quotes, lived at Soli. Cf. Mannert, p. 69. 

? For instance, Xen. Anab. i. 2. Ammian. Mare. xiv. 7. 

3 Laborde’s illustrated work on Syria and Asia Minor contains some luxuriant spe- 
cimens of the modern vegetation of Tarsus; but the banana and the prickly pear were 
introduced into the Mediterranean long after St. Paul’s day. 

4 This mountain-wall is described by no one more accurately and vividly than oy 
Quintus Curtius :—“ Perpetuo jugo montis asperi et prarupti Cilicia includitur: quod 
quum a mari surgat, velut sinu quodam flexuque curvatum, rursus altero cornu in 
diversum litus excurrit. Per hoc dorsum, qua maximé introrsum mari cedit, asperi 
tres aditus, et perangusti sunt, quorum uno Cilicia intranda est, Campestris eadem, qua 
vergit ad mare, planitiem cjus czebris distinguentibus rivis. Pyramus et Cydous ἴω" 
ΕἸΣ ΤΙ amnes fluunt.”? De Rebus Gestis Alex. iii. 4. 


29 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


plain has since seen the hosts of Western Crusaders ; and, in our own 
day, has been the field of operations of hostile Mahommedan armies, Turk 
ish and Egyptian. The Greek kings of Egypt endeavoured, long ago, te 
tear it from the Greek kings of Syria. The Romans left it at first in the 
possession of Antiochus: but the line of Mount Taurus could not perma 
nently arrest them: and the letters of Cicero are among the earliest and 
most interesting monuments of Roman Cilicia. 

Situated near the western border of the Cilician plain, where the river 
Cydnus flows in a cold and rapid stream! from the snows of Taurus to the 
sea, was the city of Tarsus, the capital of the wuole province, and “ no 
mean city” (A. xxi. 39) in the history of the ancient world. Its coins 


COIN OF TARSUS. HADRIAN. 


reveal to us its greatness through a long series of years :—alike in the 
period which intervened between Xerxes and Alexander,—and under the 
Roman sway, when it exulted in the name of Metropolis,—and long after 
Hadrian had rebuilt it, and issued his new coinage with the old mythologi- 
eal types.? In the intermediate period, which is that of St. Paul, we have 
the testimony of a native of this part of Asia Minor, from which we may 
infer that Tarsus was in the Eastern basin of the Mediterranean, almost 
what Marseilles was in the Western. Strabo says? that, in all that 
relates to philosophy and general education, it was even more illustrious 
than Athens and Alexandria. From his description it is evident that its 
main character was that of a Greek city, where the Greek language was 
spoken, and Greek literature studiously cultivated. But we should be 
wrong in supposing that the general population of the province was of 
Greek origin, or spoke the Greek tongue. When Cyrus came with his 


1 Avappet ἀνυτὴν μέσην ὁ Kidvog..... ψυχρόν τε kal ταχὺ τὸ ῥεῦμά ἐστιν, Strabo, 
xiv. 5. 

* This coin was struck under Hadrian, and is preserved in the British Museum. 
Anazarbus on the Pyramus was a rival city, and from the time of Caracalla is found 
assuming the title of Metropolis; but it was only an empty honour. Eckhel says of 
it (p. 42): “Hoe titulo constanter deinceps gloriabatur, etsi is preter honorem illi 
nihil addidit ; nam quod ad juris contentionem attinebat, id omne ad Tarsum veram 
Cilicie metropolim pertinuit, ut existimat Belleyus.’”? The same figures of the Lion 
and the Bull appear in a fine series of silver coins assigned by the Duc de Luyunes 
(Numismatique des Satrapies) to the period between Xerxes and Alexander. ε 

3 Bk. xiv. ch. 5. The passage will be quoted at length hereafter. 


TARSUS. 93 


arrcy from the Western Coast, and still later, when Alexander penetrated 
into Cilicia, they found the inhabitants ‘‘ Barbarians.” Nor is it likely 
that the old race would be destroyed, or the old language obliterated, 
especially in the mountain districts, during the reign of the Seleucid kings. 
We must rather conceive of Tarsus as like Brest in Brittany, or like Tou: 
lon, in Provence,—a city where the language of refinement is spoken and 
written, in the midst of a ruder population, who use a different language, 
and possess no literature of their own. 

If we turn now to consider the position of this province and city under 
the Romans, we are led to notice two different systems of policy which 
they adopted in their subject dominions. The purpose of Rome was to 
make the world subservient to herself: but this might be accomplished 
directly or indirectly. A governor might be sent from Rome to take the 
absolute command of a province: or some native chief might have a king- 
dom, an ethnarchy, or a tetrarchy assigned to him, in which he was nom- 
inally independent, but really subservient, and often tributary. Some 
provinces were rich and productive, or essentially important in the military 
sense, and these were committed to Romans under the Senate or the Em- 
peror. Others might be worthless or troublesome, and fit only to reward 
the services of an useful instrument, or to occupy the energies of a danger- 
ous ally. Both these systems were adopted in the East and in the West. 
We have examples of both—in Spain and in Gaul—in Cilicia and in 
Judea. In Asia Minor they were so irregularly combined, and the terri- 
tories of the independent sovereigns were so capriciously granted or re 
moved, extended or curtailed, that it is often difficult to ascertain what 
the actual boundaries of the provinces were at a given epoch. Not to 
enter into any minute history in the case of Cilicia, it will be enough to 
say, that its rich and level plain in the East was made a Roman province 
by Pompey, and so remained, while certain districts in the Western por- 
tion were assigned, at different periads, to various native chieftains.’ 
Thus the territories of Amyntas, King of Galatia, were extended in this 
direction by Antony, when he was preparing for his great struggle with 
Augustus :*—just as ἃ modern Rajah may be strengthened on the banks 


1 To Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia by the influence of Pompey; to Tarkondimotus, 
whose sons espoused the cause of Antony; and finally to Archelaus by Augustus, 
Some part of the coast also was at one time assigned to Cleopatra, for the sake of the 
timber for shipbuilding. See Mannert’s Geographie, “Kleinasien,” pp. 45, 46. 

* The territories of Amyntas were brought down to the coast of Pamphylia, sc as ta 
include the important harbour of Side. There is no better way of studying the history 
oi Asia Minor than by means of coins, with the assistance of Eckhel, Mionnet, Sestini, 
&e. The writer of this is desirous to acknowledge his obligations to many conversa. 
tions with the gentlemen who are occupied in the Medal Room of the British Museum, 
Mr. Burgon, Mr. Newton, ἄρ. 


24 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of the Indus, in connection with our wars against Scinde and the Sikks. 
For some time the whole of Cilicia was a consolidated province under the 
first emperors: but again, in the reign of Claudius, we find a portion ef 
the same Western district assigned to a king called Polemo II. It is 
needless to pursue the history further. In St. Paul’s early life the politi- 
cai state of the inhabitants of Cilicia would be that of subjects of a Roman 
governor : and Roman officials, if not Roman soldiers, would be a familiar 
sight to the Jews who were settled in Tarsus.’ 

We shall have many opportunities of describing the condition of prov- 
inces under the dominion of Rome; but it may be interesting here to 
allude to the information which may be gathered from the writings of that 
distinguished man, who was governor of Cilicia a few years after its first 
reduction by Pompey. He was entrusted with the civil and military 
superintendence of a large district in this corner of the Mediterranean, 
comprehending not only Cilicia, but Pamphylia, Pisidia, Lycaonia, and the 
island of Cyprus; and he has left a record of all the details of his policy 
in a long series of letters, which are a curious monument of the Roman 
procedure in the management of conquered provinces, and which pussess 
a double interest to us, from their frequent allusions to the same places 
which St. Paul refers to in his Epistles. This correspondence represents 
to us the governor as surrounded by the adulation of obsequious Asiatic 
Grecks. He travels with an interpreter, for Latin is the official language ; 
he puts down banditti, and is saluted by the titie of Imperator ; letters 
are written on various, subjects, to the governors of neighbouring proy- 
inces,——for instance, Syria, Asia, and Bithynia ; ceremonious communica- 
tions take place with the independent chieftains. The friendly relations 
of Cicero with Deiotarus, King of Galatia, and his son, remind us of the 
interview of Pilate and Herod in the Gospel, or of Festus and Agrippa 
in the Acts. Cicero’s letters are rather too full of a boastful commenda- 
tion of his own integrity ; but from what he says that he did, we may 
infer by contrast what was done by others who were less scrupulous in the 
discharge of the same responsibilities. He allowed free access to his per- 
son: he refused expensive monuments in his honour; he declined the 
proffered present of the pauper King of Cappadocia ;* he abstained from 
exacting the customary expenses from the states which he traversed on 
his march ; he remitted to the treasury the monies which were not ex: 
pended on his province ; he would not place in official situations those whe 


2 This has been the case with the Rajah of Bahawalpoor. See the articles on Indian 
news in the newspapers of 1848. 
* Tarsus, as an Urbs Libera, would have the privilege of being garrisoned by its ows 
voldiers. See next Chapter. 
3 See Hor. 1. Ep. vi. 39: 
Mancipiis locuples eget zris Cappadocum Rez. 


PROVINCE OF JUD#A. 95 


were engaged in trade; he treated the local Greek magistrates with due 
consideration, and contrived at the same time to give satisfaction to the 
Publicans. From all this it may be easily inferred with how much cor. 
ruption, cruelty, and pride, the Romans usually governed ; and how mis 
erable must have been the condition of a province under a Verres or an 
Appius, a Pilate or a Felix. So far as we remember, the Jews are not 
mentioned in any of Cicero's Cilician letters: but if we may draw conclu- 
sions from a speech which he made at Rome in defence of a contemporary 
governor of Asia,' he regarded them with much contempt, and would be 
likely to treat them with harshness and injustice.’ 

That Polemo 11., who has lately been mentioned as a king in Cilicia, 
was one of those curious links which the history of those times exhibits 
between Heathenism, Judaism, and Christianity. He became a Jew to 
marry Berenice, who afterwards forsook him, and whose name, after once 
appearing in Sacred History (Acts xxv. xxvi.), is lastly associated with 
that of Titus, the destroyer of Jerusalem. ‘The name of Berenice will at 
once suggest the family of the Herods, and transport our thoughts to Judea. 

The same general features may be traced in this province as in that 
which we have been attempting to describe. In some respects, indeed, 
the details of its history are different. When Cilicia was a province, it 
formed a separate jurisdiction, with a governor of its own, immediately 
responsible to Rome: but Judea, in its provincial period, was only an 
appendage to Syria. It has been said‘ that the position of the ruler resi- 
dent at Casarea in connection with the supreme authority at Antioch may 
be best understood by comparing it with that of the governor of Madras 
or Bombay under the governor-general who resides at Calcutta, The 
comparison is very just: and British India might supply a further parallel. 
We might say that when Juda was not strictly a province, but a mon- 
archy under the protectorate of Rome, it bore the same relation to the 
contiguous province of Syria, which the territories of the king of Oude 
bear to the presidency of Bengal. Juda was twice a monarchy: and 
thus its history furnishes illustrations of the two systems pursued by the 
Romans, of direct and indirect government. 

1 This was L. Valerius Flace1s, who had served in Cilicia, and was afterwards made 
Governor of Asia,—that district with which, and its capital Ephesus, we are so familiar 
in the Acts of the Apostles. 

* See especially Cic. Flac. 28, and for the opinion which educated Romans had of the 
Jews, see Hor. 1 Sat. iv. 143. v. 100. ix. 69. 

3 “Ut erat vir stolidi ingenii, &c.”’ says Eckhel. He was the last King of Pontus. 
By Caligula ne was made King of Bosphorus; but Claudius gave him part of Cilicia 
instead of it. See Joseph. A. xx. 7,3. Dio. Cass. 1x. 8. Suet. Nero. 18. 

4 See the introduction to Dr. Traill’s Josephus, a work which has been unfortunately 
‘nterrupted by the death of the translator during the Irish famine. 


6 Another coincidence is, that we made the Nabob of Oude a king. Ste had previ 
dusly been hereditary Vizier of the Mogul. 
! 


46 THE LIFE AND EPILTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Another important contrast must be noticed in the histories of these 
two provinces. In the Greek period of Judea, there was a time of noble 
and vigerous independence. Antiochus Epiphanes, the eighth of the line 
of the Seleucide, in pursuance of a genetal system of policy, by which he 
sought to unite all his different territories through the Greek religion, 
endeavoured to introduce the worship of Jupiter into Jerusalem. Such 
an attempt might have been very successful in Syria or Cilicia: but in 
Judea it kindled a flame of religious indignation, which did not cease to. 
burn till the yoke of the Seleucidz was entirely thrown off: the name of 
Antiochus Epiphanes was ever-afterwards held in abhorrence by the Jews, 
and a special fast was kept up in memory of the time when the “ abom- 
ination of desolation” stood in the holy place. The champions of the 
independence of the Jewish nation and the purity of the Jewish religion 
were the family of the Maccabees or Asmoneans: and a hundred years 
before the birth of Christ the first Hyrcanus was reigning over a prosper- 
ous and independent kingdom. But in the time of the second Hyrcanus 
and his brother, the family of the Maccabees was not what it had been, 
and Juda was ripening for the dominion of Rome. Pompey the Great, 
the same conqueror who had already subjected Cilicia, appeared in Damas- 
eus, and there judged the cause of the two brothers. All the country 
was full of his fame.!. In the spring of the year 63 he came down by the 
valley of the Jordan, his Roman soldiers occupied the ford where Joshua 
had crossed over, and from the Mount of Olives he looked down upon 
Jerusalem. From that day Judsea was virtually under the government 


\ 


ON Werins 


‘ 


Θὰ 


COIN OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES, WITH HEAD OF JUPITER.? 


See Jost’s “Allgemeine Geschichte des Israelitischen Volks,” vol. ii, p. 18-21 
where a good and rapid sketch of the events is given. 

2 This beautiful coin, preserved in the British Museum, is given here, in consequences 
of the head of Jupiter which appears on the obverse, in place of the portrait usual in the 
Alexandrian, Seleucid, and Macedonian series. Since such emblems on ancient coing 
have always sacred meanings, it is very probable that this arose from the religious 
movement alluded to in the text. For the religious symbolism of Greek and Roman 
coins, see Mr. Burgon’s “Inquiry into the Motive which influenced the Ancients in the 
Choice of the Various Representations which we find stamped on their Money,” in the 
Numismatic Journal for Sept. 1836 


WATVSOUde LY ΠΟΙ 8 LNAIONV 0 ΞΝΙΨΙΠῈ 


Sy 
ae 


POLITICAL CHANGES IN JUDA. 27 


‘of Rome.’ It is true, that, after a brief support given to the reigning 
family, a new native dynasty was raised to the throne. Antipater, a man 
of Idumean birth, had been minister of the Maccabean kings: but thes 
were the Rois Fainéants of Palestine, and he was the Maire du Palais. 
In the midst of the confusion of the great civil wars, the Herodian family 
suceceded to the Asmonean, as the Carlovingian line in France succeeded 
that of Clovis. As Pepin was followed by Charlemagne, so Antipaier 
prepared a crown for his son Herod. 

At first Herod the Great espoused the cause of Antony ; but he con- 
trived to remedy his mistake by paying a prompt visit after the battle of 
Actium, to Augustus in the island of Rhodes. This sirgular interview of 
the Jewish prince with the Roman conquercr in a Greek island was the 
beginning of an important period for the Hebrew nation. An exotic 
civilisation was systematically introduced and extended. Those Greek 
influences, which had been begun under the Seleucide, and not discontinued 
under the Asmonzans, were now more widely diffused: and the Roman 
customs,” which had hitherto been comparatively unknown, were now 
made familiar. Herod was indeed too wise, and knew the Jews too well, 
to attempt, like Antiochus, to introduce foreign institutions, without any 
regard to their religious feelings. He endeavoured to ingratiate himself 
with them by rebuilding and decorating their national temple ; and a part 
of that magnificent bridge which was connected with the great southern 
colonnade is still believed to exist,—remaining, in its vast proportions and 
Roman form, an appropriate monument of the Herodian period of Judea. 
The period when Herod was reigning at Jerusalem under the protectorate 
of Augustus was chiefly remarkable for great architectural works, for the 
promotion of commerce, the influx of strangers, and the increased diffusion 
of the two great languages of the heathen world. The names of places 
are themselves a monument of the spirit of the times. As Tarsus was 
called Juliopolis from Julius Caesar, and Soli Pompeiopolis from his great 
rival, so Samaria was called Sebaste after the Greek name of Augustus, 
and the new metropelis, which was built by Herod on the sea-shore, was 
eallea Cesarea in honour of the same Latin emperor: while Antipatris, 


1 Pompey heard of the death of Mithridates at Jericho. His army crossed at Scy- 
thopolis, by the ford immediately below the lake of Tiberias. (See Herod. i. 105.) 

* Antiochus Epiphanes (who was called Epimanes from his mad conduct) is said to 
have made himself ridiculous by adopting Roman fashions, and walking about the 
ttreets of Antioch in a toga. 

3 It is right to say that there is much controversy about the real origin of these re- 
mains. Dr. Robinson believes that they were part of a bridge connected with the Tem- 
ple, but strangely refers them to the time of Solomon: Mr. Williams holds them to be 
fragment of the great Christian works constructed in this southern part of the Tem 
ple-area in the age of Justinian: Mr. Fergusson conceives them to be part of the bridge 
waich joined Mount Zion to the Temple, but assigns them to Herod. 


28 ‘THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


on the road (A. xxiii. 31) between the old capital and the new, still com 
memorated the name of the king’s Idumean father. We must not suppase 
vhat the internal change in the minds of the people was proporticnal ts 
the magnitude of these outward improvements. ‘They suffered much, aud 
their hatred grew towards Rome and towards the Herods. <A parallel 
might be drawn between the state of Judea under Herod the Great, and 
that of Egypt under Mahomet Ali, where great works have been success 
fully accomplished, where the spread of ideas has been promoted, traffic 
made busy and prosperous, and communication with the civilised world 
wonderfully increased,—but where the mass of the people has continued ἐς 
be miserable and degraded. 

After Herod’s death, the same influences still continued to operate in 
Judea. Archelaus persevered in his father’s policy, though destitute of 
his father’s energy. The same may be said of the other sons, Antipas and 
Philip, in their contiguous principalities. All the Herods were great 
builders, and eager partizans of the Roman emperors : and we are familiar 
in the Gospels with that Caesarea (Cxsarea Philippi), which one of them 
built in the upper part of the valley of the Jordan, and named in honour 
of Augustus,—and with that Tvberzas on the banks of the lake of Genne 
sareth, which bore the name of his wicked successor. But while Antipas 
and Philip still retained their dominions under the protectorate of the 
emperor, Archelaus had been banished, and the weight of the Roman 
power had descended still more heavily on Judea. It was placed under 
the direct jurisdiction of a governor, residing at Cesarea by the Sea, and 
depending, as we have seen above, on the governor of Syria at Antioch 
And now we are made familiar with those features which might be adducea 
as characterising any other province of the same epoch,—the pretorium 
(Joh. xviii. 28),—the publicans (Luke iii. 12. xix. 2),—the tribute-money 
(Mat. xxii. 19),—-soldiers and centurions recruited in Italy (Acts x. 1),’ 
—Cesar the only king (Joh. xix. 15)—and-the ultimate appeal against 
the injustice of the governor (Acts xxv. 11). In this period the ministry, 
death, and resurrection of Jesus Curisr took place, the first preaching of 
his Apostles, and the conversion of St. Paul. But once more a change 
came over the political fortunes of Judea. Herod Agrippa was the friend 
of Caligula, as Herod the Great had been the friend of Augustus ; and 
when Tiberius died, he received the grant of an independent principality 

1 There are many points of resemblance between the character and fortunes of Herod 
and those of Mahomet Ali: the chief differences are those of the times. Herod secured 
his position by the influence of Augustus ; Mahomet Ali secured his by the agreement 
of the European powers. 

3 There is little doubt that this is the meaning of the “ Italian Band.’ Most of the 
soldiers quartered in Syria were recruited in the province. See a full discussion of 


this subject in Biscoe’s “History of the Acts confirmed,” chap. ix. The “ Augustan 
Band” (xxvii. 1) seems to have a different meaning. See Vol. II. chap. xxii. 


JEWS, GREEKS, AND ROMANS. 20 


in the north of Palestine.’ He was able to ingratiate ἃ ΒΟ with 
Claudius, the succeeding emperor. Judea was added te hig Cominion, 
which now embraced the whole circle of the territory ruled by his grand 
father. By this time St. Paul was actively pursuing his apvustolic carecr, 
We need not, therefore, advance beyond this point, in a chapter which is 
only intended to be a general introduction to the Apostle’s kistery. 

Our desire has been to give a picture of the condition of the world ἃ. 
this particular epoch : and we have thought that no grouping would be s¢ 
successful as that which* should consist of Jews, Grecks, and Romans, 
Nor is this an artificial or unnatural arrangement : for these three nations 
were the divisions of the civilised world. And in the view of a religious 
mind they were more than this. They were ‘the three peoples of God’s 
election ; two for things temporal, and one for things eterne!. Yet even 
in the things eternal they were allowed to minister. Greek cultivation 
and Roman polity prepared men for Christianity.”* These three peoples 
stand in the closest relation to the whole human race. The Curistian, 
when he imagines himself among those spectators who stood round tke 
cross, and gazes in spirit upon that “superscription,” which the Jewish 
scribe, the Greek proselyte, and the Roman soldier could read, each in 
his own tongue, feels that he is among those who are the representatives 
of all humanity.2 In the ages which precede the crucifixion, these three 
languages were like threads which guided us through the labyrinth of 
nistory. And they are still among the best guides of our thought, as wo 
travel through the ages which succeed it. How great has been the 
honour of the Greek and Latin tongues! They followed the fortunes of a 
triumphant church. Instead of heathen languages, they gradually became 
Christian. As before they had been employed to express the best 
thoughts of unassisted humanity, so afterwards they became the exponents 
of Christian doctrine and the channels of Christian devotion. The words 
of Plato and Cicero fell from the lips and pen of Chrysostom and Augus- 
tine. And still those two languages are associated together in the work 
of Christian education, and made the instruments for training the minds 

1 He obtained under Caligula, first, the tetrarchy of his uncle Philip, who died; and 
then that of his uncle Antipas, who followed his brother Archelaus into banishment. 

* Dr. Arnold, in the journal of his tour in 1840 (Life, ii. 413, 2d edit.). The passage 
continues thus :—“ As Mahometanism can bear witness; for the East, when it aban- 
doned Greece and Rome, could only reproduce Judaism. Mahometanism, six hundred 
years after Christ, proving that the Eastern man could bear nothing perfect, justifies 
the wisdom of God in Judaism.” 

3 This is true in another, and perhaps a higher sense. The Roman, powerful but not 
happy—the Greek, distracted with the enquiries of an unsatisfying philosophy—the 
Jew, bound hand and foot with the chain of a ceremonial law, all are together round 
the cross. Curist is crucified in the midst of them—crucified for all. The “super 


scription of His accusation” speaks to all the same language of peace, pardon, and 
love. 


80 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of the young in the greatest nations of the earth. And how deep and 
pathetic is the interest which attaches to the Hebrew! Here the thread 
seems'to be broken. ‘JEsus, King of the Jews,” in Hebrew characters. 
It is like the last word of the Jewish Scriptures,—the last warning of the 
chosen people. A cloud henceforth is upon the people and the language 
of Israel. ‘“‘ Blindness in part is happened unto Israel, till the fulness of 
the Gentiles be come in.” Once again Jesus, after His ascension, spake 
openly from Heaven “in the Hebrew tongue” (Acts xxvi. 14): but the 
words were addressed to that Apostle who was called to preach the 
Gospel to the philosophers of Greece, and in the emperor's palace at 
Rome. | 


ENOAAE KEI 
TAI SAYCTINA 


Q Grau 


Here lies Faustina. In peace.!} 


1 A Christian tomb with the three languages, from Maitland’s ‘‘ Church in the Cata- 
sombs,”’ p. 77. The name is Latin, the inscription Greek, and the word Shalom oz 
Peace” is in Hebrew. 


JEWISH ORIGIN OF THE CHURCH. 31 


CHAPTER lk 


“Die Juden waren. daselbsi fur die Heiden dasselbe, was Johannes dcr Tiufer fiu 
fie Juden in ihrem Lande war.”—( Wiltsch, Handbuch der Kirchlichen Geographie.} 


TEWISH ORIGIN OF THE CHURCH.—SECTS AND PARTIES OF THE JEWS.—PHAR: 
ISEES AND SADDUCEES.—ST. PAUL A PHARISEE.—HELLENISTS AND ARA- 
MH#ANS.—ST. PAUL’S FAMILY HELLENISTIC BUT NOT HELLENISING.-—HIS 
INFANCY AT TARSUS.—THE TRIBE OF BENJAMIN.—HIS FATHER’S CITIZEN- 
SHIP.— SCENERY OF THE PLACE.—HIS CHILDHOOD.—HE ,IS SENT TO 
JERUSALEM.—STATE OF JUDHA AND JERUSALEM.—RABBINICAL SCHOOLS.— 
GAMALIEL.—MODE OF TEACHING.—SYNAGOGUES.—STUDENT-LIFE OF ST. 
PAUL.—HIS EARLY  MANHOOD.—FIRST ASPECT OF THE CHURCH.—ST, 
STEPHEN.—THE SANHEDRIN.—ST. STEPHEN THE FORERUNNER OF ST. PAUL. 
—HIS MARTYRDOM AND PRAYER. 


Curistranity has been represented by some of the modern Jews as a mere 
school of Judaism. Instead of opposing it as a system antagonistic and 
subversive of the Mosaic religion, they speak of it as a phase or develop. 
ment of that religion itself,—as simply one of the rich outgrowths from 
the fertile Jewish soil. They point out the causes which combined in the 
first century to produce this Christian development of Judaism. It has 
even been hinted that Christianity has done a good work in preparing the 
world for receiving the pure Mosaic principles which will, at length, be 
universal.!. We are not unwilling to. accept some of these phrases as 
expressing a great and important truth. Christianity 2s‘a school of Juda 
ism: but it is the school which absorbs and interprets the teaching of all 
others. It is a development ; but it is that development which was divine- 
ly foreknown and predetermined. It is the grain of which mere Judaism 
is now the worthless husk. It is the image of Truth in its full proportions ; 
and the Jewish remnants are now as the shapeless fragments which remain 
of the block of marble when the statue is completed. When we look back 
at the Apostolic age, we see that growth proceeding which separated the 
husk from the grain. Wesee the image of Truth coming out in clear 


1 Some of these works have furnished us with useful suggestions, and in some cases 
the very words have been adopted. There is much in such Jewish writings which ne 
ordinary Christian can read without deep pain; but the pain is not s0 deep as when 
the same things are suggested,-or borrowed, by those who call themselves Christiane 


82 THE LIFE AND EPISTLEF OF ST. PAUL. 


expressiveness, and the useless fragments falling off like scales, under the 
careful work of divinely-guided hands. If we are to realise the earliest 
eppearance of the Church, such as it was when Paul first saw it, we must 
view it as arising in the midst of Judaism: and if we are to comprehend 
all the feelings and principles of this Apostle, we must consider first the 
Jewish preparation of his own younger days. ΤῸ these two subjects the 
present chapter will be devoted. 

We are very familiar with one division which ran throvgh the Jewish 
nation in the first century. The Sadducees and Pharisees are frequently 
mentioned in the New Testament, and we are there informed of the tenets 
of these two prevailing parties. The belief in a future state may be said 
to have been an open question among the Jews, when our Lord appeared 
and “brought life and immortality to light.” We find the Sadducees 
established im the highest office of the priesthood, and possessed of the 
greatest powers in the Sanhedrin: and yet they did not believe in any 
future state, nor in any spiritual existence independent of the body. The 
Sadducees said that there was “no resurrection, neither Angel nor 
Spirit.”:| They do not appear to have held doctrines which are commonly 
called licentious or immoral. On the contrary, they adhered strictly to 
the moral tenets of the Law, as opposed to its mere formal technicalities. 
They did not overload the Sacred Books with traditions, or encumber the 
duties of life with a multitude of minute observances. They were the dis- 
siples of reason without enthusiasm,—they made few proselytes,—their 
numbers were not great, and they were confined principally to the richer 
members of the nation.2 The Pharisees, on the other hand, were the 
enthusiasts of the later Judaism. They “ compassed sea and land to make 
one proselyte.” Their power and influence with the mass of the people 
was immense. The loss of the national independence of the Jews,—the 
gradual extinction of their political life, directly by the Romans, and in- 
directly by the family of Herod,—caused their feelings to rally round 
their Law and their Religion, as the only centre of unity which now re 
mained to them. Those, therefore, who gave their energies to the inter- 
pretation and exposition of the Law, not curtailing any of the doctrines 
which were virtually contained in it, and which had been revealec with 
more or less clearness, but rather accumulating articles of faith, and mul- 
tiplying the requirements of devotion :—who themselves practiced a severe 


1 Acts xxiii. 8. See Matt. xxii. 23-34. 

3 Josephus says of the Sadducees: Eig ὀλίγους τε ἄνδρας οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἀφίκετο, τοὺς 
μέντοι πρώτους τοῖς ἀξιώμασι. ἸΠράσσεταί τε ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ὀυδὲν ὡς ἐιπεῖν " ὅποτε γὰρ ἐπ 
ἀρχὰς παρέλθοιεν, ἀκουσίως μὲν καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκας, προσχωροῦσι δ᾽ οὖν οἷς ὁ Φαρισαῖος 
Λέγει, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἄλλως ἀνεκτοὺς γένεσθαι τοῖς πλήθεσιν. Ant. xviii. 1,4. And again. 
Τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων, τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον» 
αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων, xiii. 10, 6. See the 
question asked, John vii. 48. 


ὧν 


ST. PAUL A PHARISEE, 8 


and ostentatious religion, being liberal in almsgiving, fasting frequently, 
making long prayers, and carrying casuistical distinctions into the smallest 
details of conduct ;—who consecrated, moreover, their best zeal and exer 
tions to the spread of the fame of Judaism, and to the increase of the 
nation’s power in the only way which now was practicable,—could not 
fail to command the reverence of great numbers of the people. It was ne 
longer possible to fortify Jerusalem against the heathen: but the Law 
could be fortified like an impregnable city. The place of the brave is on 
the walls and in the front of the battle: and tie hopes of the nation 
rested on those who defended the sacred outworks, and made successful 
inroads on the territories of the Gentiles. 

Such were the Pharisees. And now, before proceeding to other fea- 
tures of Judaism and their relation to the Church, we can hardly help 
glancing at St. Paul. He was “a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee.’? 
and he was educated by Gamaliel,? “a Pharisee”* Both his father and 
his teacher belonged to this sect. And on three distinct occasions he tells us 
that he himself was a member of it. Once when at his trial, before a mixed 
assembly of Pharisees and Sadducees, the words just quoted were spoken, 
and his connection with the Pharisees asserted with such effect, that the 
feelings of this popular party were immediately enlisted on his side. ‘‘ And 
when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the 
Sadducees ; and the multitude was divided. . . . And there arose a great 
ery; and the Scribes that were of the Pharisees’ part arose, and strove, 
saying, We find no evil in this man.”4 The second time was, when, on a 
calmer occasion, he was pleading before Agrippa, and said to the king, in 
the presence of Festus: ‘The Jews knew me from the beginning, if they 
would testify, that after the most straitest sect of cur religion 1 lived a 
Pharisee.”* And once more, when writing from Rome to the Philippians, 
he gives force to his argument against the Judaizers, by telling them that 
if any other man thought he had whereof he might trust in the flesh, lie 
had more :—‘cireumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the 
tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of the Hebrews; as touching the Law, a 
Pharisee.”° And not only was he himself a Pharisee, but his father also. 
He was “a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee.”” This short sentence sums up 
nearly all we know of St. Paul’s parents. If we think of his earliest life, 
We are to conceive of him as born in a Pharisaic family, and as brought up 
from his infancy in the “ straitest sect of the Jews’ religion.” His child. 
hood was nurtured in the strictest belief, The stories of the Old Testa- 
ment,—the angelic appearances,—the prophetic visions,—to him were 
literally true. They needed no Sadducean explanation. The world of 


Cc 
Cc 


Xxiii. 6. 2 Acts xxii. 3. 3 Acts v. 34. 
XxXiii. 5 Acts xxvi. 6 Philip. iii. 4, 5 
ΤΟΙ. 1.—3 


4 
us 
4 

uw 


BA: THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


spirits was a reality to him, The resurrection of the dead was an article of 
his faith. And to exhort him to the practice of religion, he had before him 
the example of his father, praying and walking with broad phylacteries, 
scrupulous and exact in his legal observances. And he had, moreover, as 
it seems, the memory and tradition of ancestral piety : for he tells us in ene 
of his latest letters,! that he served God “from his forefathers,” ΑἹ] in- 
fluences combined to make him “ more exceedingly zealous of the tradi- 
tions of his fathers,”? and “touching the righteousness which is in the 
Law, blameless.”* Every thing tended to prepare him to be an eminent 
member of that theological party, to which so many of the Jews were 
looking for the preservation of their national life, and the extension of 
their national creed. 

But in this mention of the Pharisees and Sadducees, we are far from 
exhausting the subject of Jewish divisions, and far from enumerating all 
those phases of opinion which must have had some connection with the 
growth of rising Christianity, and those elements which may have contrib- 
uted to form the character of the Apostle to the Heathens. There was a 
sect in Judea which is not mentioned in the Scriptures, but which must 
have acquired considerable influence in the time of the Apostles, as may 
be inferred from the space devoted to it by Josephus and Philo. These 
were the Essenes, who retired from the theological and political distrac- 
tions of Jerusalem and the larger towns, and founded peaceful communities 
in the desert or in villages, where their life was spent in contemplation, 
and in the practices of ascetic piety. It has been suggested that John the 
Baptist was one of them. ‘There is no proof that this was the case: but 
we need not doubt that they did represent religious cravings which Chris- 
tianity satisfied. Another party was that of the Zealots,» who were as 
politically fanatical as the Hssenes were religiously contemplative, and 
whose zeal was kindled with the burning desire to throw off the Roman 
yoke from the neck of Israel. Very different from them were the Herod- 
tans, twice mentioned in the Gospels,*® who held that the hopes of Judaism 
rested on the Herods, and who almost looked to that family for the fulfil- 


1 2 Tim. i. 3. 2 Gal. i. 14. Phil. iii. 6. 

4 See the long details given by the former writer in book ii. ch. 8 of the “ Jewish 
Wars ;” and by the latter in the treatise “Quod omnis probus liber ;” and in the frag- 
ment from Eusebius, in Mangey’s Philo, ii. p. 632. The Essenes lived chiefly in the 
neighbourhood of the Dead Sea. Pliny says of them: “Ab occidente litora Esseni 
fugiunt, usque qua nocent: gens sola, et in toto orbe preeter cxteras mira, sine ulla 
feemina, sine pecunia, socia palmarum. In diem ex equo convenarum turba renascitur, 
large frequentantibus, quos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortune fluctus agitat, Ita per 
seeculorum millia (incredibile dictu) gens eterna est, in qua nemo nascitur. Tam fos 
funda illis aliorum vite poenitentia est.” N. H. v. 15. 

5 See Basnage’s Histoire des Juifs. Liv. i. ch. 17. 

6 Mark iii. 6. Matt. xxii. 16. See Mark xii. 13 


WELLENISTS AND ARAMAANS. v3 


ment of the prophecies of the Messiah. And if we were simply enumer 
ating the divisions, and describing the sects of the Jews, it wouid be neces 
sary to mention the Therapeuta,! a widely-spread community in Egypt, 
who lived even in greater seclusion than the Essenes in Judea. ‘The Sa- 
maritans also would require our.attention. But we must turn from these 
sects and parties to a wider division, which arose from that dispersion of 
the Hebrew people, to which some space has been devoted in the preced: 
ing chapter. 

We have seen that early colonies of the Jews were settled in Babyloma 
and Mesopotamia. Their connection with their brethren in Judea was 
continually maintained: and they were bound to them by the link οὗ a 
common language. The Jews of Palestine and Syria, with those who 
lived on the Tigris and Euphrates, interpreted the Scriptures through the 
Tarzums?* or Chaldee paraphrases, and spoke kindred dialects of the lan 
guage of Aram:% and hence they were called Aramaan Jews. We have 
also had occasion to notice that other dispersion of the nation through 
those countries where Greek was spoken. Their settlements began with 
Alexander’s conquests, and were continued under the successors of those 
who partitioned his empire. Alexandria was their capital. They used 
the Septuagint translation of the Bible; and they were commonly called 
Fellenists, or Jews of the Grecian speech. 

The mere difference of language would account in some degree for the 
mutual dislike with which we know that these two sections of the Jewish 
race regarded one another. We are all aware how closely the use of a 
hereditary dialect is bound up with the warmest feelings of the heart. 
And in this case the Aramean language was the sacred tongue of 
Palestine. It is true that the tradition of the language of the Jews had 
been broken, as the continuity of their political life had been rudely inter- 
rupted. The Hebrew of the time of Christ was not the oldest Hebrew of 
the Israelites ; but it was a kindred dialect ; and old enough to command 
a reverent affection. Though not the language of Moses and David, it 
was that of Ezra and Nehemiah. And it is not unnatural that the Ara- 


1 Described in great detail by Philo in his treatise De Vita Contemplativa. 

2 Tt is uncertain when the written Targums came into use, but the practice of para, 
phrasing orally in Chaldee must have begun soon after the Captivity. 

3 Aram—the “ Highlands” of the Semitic tribes—comprehended the tract of country 
which extended from Taurus and Lebanon to Mesopotamia and Arabia: for references, 
see Winer’s Realworterbuch. There were two main dialects of the Aramzan stock, the 
eastern or Babylonian, commonly called Chaldee (the “Syrian tongue” of 2 Kinga 
xviii. 26. Isai. xxxvi. 11. Ezr.iv. 7. Dan. ii. 4); and the western, which is the parent 
of the Syriac, now, like the former, almost a dead language. The first of these dia 
lects began to supplant the older Hebrew of Judsea from the time of the captivity, and 
was the “ Hebrew” of the New Testament, Luke xxiii. 38. John xix. 20. Acts xxi 
40. xxii. 2. xxvi. 14. Arabic, the most perfect of the Semitic lauguages, haz now 
generaily overspread those regions. 


bu THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


/ 


means should have revolted from the speech of the Greek idolaters and 
-he tyrant Antiochus,—a speech which they associated moreover with inno- 
vating doctrines and dangerous speculations. 

For the division went deeper than a mere superficial diversity of speech 
It was not only a division, like the modern one of German and Spanish 
Jews, where those who hold substantially the same doctrines have acciden: 
tally been led to speak different languages. But there was a diversity of 
religious views and opinions. This is not the place for examining that sys 
tem of mystic interpretation called the Cabbala,! and for determining how 
far its origin might be due to Alexandria or to Babylon. It is enough to 

Θ fo) “ fe) 

say, generally, that in the Aramean theology, Oriental elements prevailed 
rather than Greek, and that the subject of the Babyloman influences has 
more connection with the life of St. Peter than that of St. Paul. The 
Hellenists, on the other hand, or Jews who spoke Greek, who lived in 
Greek countries, and were influenced by Greek civilisation, are associated 
in the closest manner with the Apostle of the Gentiles. They are more 
than once mentioned in the Acts, where our English translation names 
them “Grecians,” to distinguish them from the Heathen or Proselyte 
“ Greeks.”? Alexandria was the metropolis of their theology. Philo was 
their great representative. He was an old man when St. Paul was in his 
maturity: his writings were probably known to the Apostle; and they 
have descended with the inspired Epistles to our own day. The work of 
the learned Hellenists may be briefly described as this,—to accommodate 
Jewish doctrines to the mind of the Greeks, and to make the Greek lan- 
guage express the mind of the Jews. The Hebrew principles were “ dis- 
engaged as much as possible from local and national conditions, and pre- 
sented in a form adapted to the Hellenic world.” All this was hateful 
to the zealous Arameans. The men of the East rose up against those of 
the West. The Greek learning was not more repugnant to the Roman 
Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying, ‘“ Cursed be 
he who teacheth his son the learning of the Greeks.”* We could imagine 

' Basnage devotes many chapters to this subject: see his third book. 

Ὁ See Chap. I. p. 12, note. 

3 “T/objet principal des Juifs hellénistes ou Alexandrins, consistait ἃ initier ler 
hommes instruits des populations étrangéres ἃ la sagesse des livres sacrés. Ils se diri- 
gaient @’aprés la conviction antique manifestée en ces termes par Moise: ‘Ma doctrine 
se répandra comme la rosée; ma parole découlera comme une fine pluie sur lherba 
tendre, comme la erosse pluie sur la plante avancée.’ (Deut. xxxii. 1, 2.) Dela vient 
que les écrivains de cette école s’appliquaient 4 dégager les principes hébraiques de la 
plupart des conditions nationales et locales; ἃ les présenter dans la langue et sous les 
formes appropriées au monde grec: ils établissaient des rapprochements plus ou moins 
spécieux avec les doctrines des autres peuples, et ils mettaient en opposition la moralité 
profonde de leurs lois constitutives avec les tendances vraiment immorales qui régnaient 


alors en tous licux.’”? Salvador, J. C. &c., vol. i. pp. 131, 132. 
4 This repugnance is illustrated by many passages in the Talmudic writings. Rabbi 


HELLENISTS AND ARAMAANS. on 


tnem using the words of the prophet Joel (iii. 6), ‘The children of Judah 
and the children of Jerusalem have ye sold unto the Grecians, that ye 
might remove them from their border :” and we cannot be surprised that 
even in the deep peace and charity of the Church’s earliest days, this in: 
veterate division re-appeared, and that, ‘when the number of the disciples 
was multiplied, there arose a murmuring of the Grecians against the 
Hebrews.” ! 

It would be an interesting subject of enquiry to ascertain in what pro- 
portions these two parties were distributed in the different ceuntries where 
the Jews were dispersed, in what places they came into the strongest 
collision, and how far they were fused and united together. In the city of 
Alexandria, the emporium of Greek commerce from the time of its founda- 
tion, where since the earliest Ptolemies, literature, philosophy, and criticism 
had never ceased to excite the utmost intellectual activity, where the 
Septuagint translation of the Scripture had been made, and where a 
Jewish temple and ceremonial worship had been established in rivalry to 
that in Jerusalem,*—there is no doubt that the Hellenistic element largely 
prevailed. But although (strictly speaking) the Alexandrian Jews were 
nearly all Hellenists, it does not follow that they were all Hellenizers. In 
other words, although their speech and theiroScriptures were Greck, the 
theological views of many among them undoubtedly remained Hebrew. 
There must have been many who were attached to the traditions of Pales- 
tine, and who looked suspiciously on their more speculative brethren: and 
we have no difficulty in recognising the picture presented in a pleasing 
German fiction,? which describes the debates and struggles of the two 
tendenciés in this city, to be very correct. In Palestine itself, we have 
every reason to believe that the native population was entirely Aramean, 
Levi Ben Chajathah, going down to Cxsarea, heard them reciting their phylacteries in 
Greek, and would have forbidden them; which when Rabbi Jose heard, he was very 
angry, and said, “Ifa man doth not know how to recite in the holy tongue, must he 
not recite them at all? Let him perform his duty in what language he can.” The 
following saying is attributed to Rabban Simeon, the son of Gamaliel: “There were a 
thousand boys in my father’s school, of whom five hundred learned the law, and five 
hundred the wisdom of the Greeks; and there is not one of the latter now alive, ex- 
cepting myself here, and my uncle’s son in Asia.” See Lightfoot, Heb. & Talm. Ex, 
on Acts (vi. 1), Biscoe quotes from Lightfoot in his History of the Acts confirmed, 
οἷν. ἵν. § 2. Josephus implies in the passage quoted below (Ant. xx. 11, 2), that a know 
ledge of Greek was lightly regarded by the Jews of Palestine. 

1 Acts vi. 1. 

? This temple was not in the city of Alexandria, but at Leontopolis. It was built 
(or rather it was an old heathen temple repaired) by Onias, from whose family the 
high priesthood had been transferred to the family of the Maccabees, and who had fled* 
iuto Egypt in the time of Ptolemy Philopator. It remained in existence till destroyed 
ky Vespasian. See Josephus, B. J.i. 1,1. vii. 10,3. Ant. xiii. 3. 


3 “Helon’s Pilgrimage to Jerusalem,” published in German in 1820, transiated inte 
Enylish in 1824. 


38 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES CF ST. PAUL. 


though there was no lack of Hellenistic synagogues! at Jerusaicm, whisk 
at the seasons of the festivals would be crowded with foreign pilgrims, and 
become the scene of animated discussions. Syria was connected by the link 
of language with Palestine and Babylonia: but Antioch, its metropolis, 
commercially and politically resembled Alexandria: and it is probable 
that, when Barnabas and Saul were establishing the great Christian com- 
munity in that city,’ the majority of the Jews were “ Grecians” rather 
than “Hebrews.” In Asia Minor we should at first sight be tempted to 
imagine that the Grecian tendency would predominate : but when we find 
that Antiochus brought Babylonian Jews into Lydia and Phrygia, we 
must not make too confident a conclusion in this direction ; and we have 
grounds for imagining that'many Israclitish families in the remote districts 
(possibly that of Timotheus at Lystra)* may have cherished the forms of 
the traditionary faith of the Hastern Jews, and lived uninfluenced hy 
Hellenistic novelties. The residents in maritime and commercial towns 
would not be strangers to the Western developments of religious doctrines ; 
and when Apollos came from Alexandria to Ephesus, he would find him- 
self in a theological atmosphere not very different from that of his native 
city. Tarsus in Cilicia will naturally be included under the same class of 
cities of the West, by those who remember Strabo’s assertion that, in 
literature and philosophy, its fame exceeded that of Athens and Alexan- 
dria, At the same time, we cannot be sure that the very celebrity of its 
heathen schools might not induce the families of Jewish residents to retire 
all the more strictly into a religious Hebrew seclusion. 

That such a seclusion of their family from Gentile influences was main- 
tained by the parents of St. Paul, is highly probable. We have no means 
of knowing how long they themselves, or their ancestors, had been Jews 
of the dispersion. A tradition is mentioned by Jerome* that they came 


1 See Acts vi. 9. 5. Acts xi. 25, ὅτ. 

3 Acts xvi. 1. 2 Tim.i. 5. 4 Acts, xviii. 24. 

5 He begins his notice of Paul in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers thus: “ Pau- 
lus Apostolus, qui ante Saulus, extra numerum duodecim Apostolorum, de tribu Ben- 
jamin et oppido Jude Gischalis fuit, quo a Romanis capto cum parentibus suis Tarsum 
Cilicia commigravit ; a quibus ob studia legis missus Hierosolyman, a Gamalicle viro 
doctissimo, cujus Lucas meminit, eruditus est.” And again he alludes to it with more 
doubt in the Commentary on the Epistle to Philemon, in reference to the passage 
where Epaphras is called his “ fellow-prisoner.” “Quis sit Epaphras concaptivus 
Panli, talem fabulam accepimus. Aiunt parentes Apostoli Pauli de Gischalis regione 
fuisse Judxe: οὐ eos, cum tota provincia Romana vastaretur manu, et dispergerentur 
in orbe Judai, in Tarsum urbem Cilicia fuisse translatos: parentum conditionem ado- 
lescentulum Paulum secutum: et sic posse stare illud quod de se ipse testatur : Hebraei 
sini? et ego: Israelite sunt? et ego: Semen Abrahe sunt? et ego (2 Cor. xi.): et 
rursus alibi: Hebraus ex Hebreis (Phil. iii.): et caetera quee illum Judseum magis in- 
dicunt quam Tarsensem. Quod si ita est, possumus et Epaphram illo tempore captum 
Buspicari, quo captus est Paulus: et cum parentibus suis in Colossis urbe Α 5185 colloca 


LANGUAGE OF 51. PAUL’S INFANCY. 39 


originally from Giscala, a town in Galilee, when it was stormed by the 
Romans. The story involves an anachronism, and contradicts the Acts of 
the Apostles. Yet it need not be entirely disregarded ; especially whez 
we find St. Paul speaking of himself as “ἃ Hebrew of the Hebrews,” 
and when we remember that the word “ Hebrew” is used for an Aramaic 
Jew, as opposed to a “ Grecian” or Hellenist.? Nor is it unlikely in itseh 
that before they settled in Tarsus, the family had belonged to the Hastern 
dispersion, or to the Jews of Palestine. But, however this may be, St. 
Paul himself must be called a Hellenist ; because the language of his 
infancy was that idiom of the Grecian Jews in which all his letters were 
written. Though, in conformity with the strong feeling of the Jews of all 
times, he might learn his earliest sentences from the Scripture in Hebrew, 
yet he was familiar with the Septuagint translation at an early age. For 
it is observed that, when he quotes from the Old Testament, his quotations 
are from that version ; and that, not only when he cites its very words, 
but when (as is often the case) he quotes it from memory. Considering 
the accurate knowledge ef the original Hebrew which he must have 
acquired under Gamaliel at Jerusalem, it has been inferred that this can 
only arise from his having been thoroughly imbued at an earlier period 
with the Hellenistic Scriptures. The readiness, too, with which he 
expressed himself in Greek, even before such an audience as that upon 
the Areopagus at Athens, shows a command of the language which a 
Jew would not, in all probability, have attained, had not Greek been the 
language of his childhood. 

But still the vernacular Hebrew of Palestine would not have been a 
tum, Christi postea recepisse sermonem.”’ It is unnecessary to dwell on the anachro- 
nism, or on the absolute contradiction to Acts xxii. 3. 

1 Phil. iii. 5. Cave sees nothing more in this phrase than that “his parents were 
Jews, and that of the ancient stock, not entering in by the gate of proselytism, but 
originally descended from the nation.”—Life of St. Paul, i. 2. Benson, on the other 
hand, argues, from this passage and from 2 Cor. xi. 22, that there was a difference be- 
tween a “ Hebrew’ and an “ Israelite.”’—* A person might be descended from Israel, 
and yet not be a Hebrew but a Hellenist.... St. Paul appeareth to me to have 
plainly intimated, that a man might be of the stock of Israel and of the tribe of Benja- 
Min, and yet not be a Hebrew of the Hebrews; but that, as to himself, he was, both by 
father and mother, a Hebrew ; or of the race of that sort of Jews which were generally 
most esteemed by their nation.””—History of the First Planting of the Christian Reli 
gior, vol. i. p. 117. 

® Acts vi. 1. For the absurd Ebionite story that St. Paul was by birth not a Jew at 
all, but a Greek. see the next Chapter. 

3 See Tholuck’s Essay (mentioned below, p. 50, note), Eng. Trans. p. 9. Out of 
eighty-eight quotations from the Old Testament, Koppe gives grounds for thinking 
that forty-nine were cited irom memory. And Bleek thinks that every one Of his 
citations without exception is from memory. He adds, however, that the Apostle’s 
memory reverts occasionally to the Hebrew text, as well asto that of the Septuagint. 


See an article in the Christian Remembrancer for April, 1848, on Grinfield’s Hellenis 
tic Ed. of the N. T. 


40 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


foreign tongue to the infant Saul; on the contrary, he may have heart 
it spokcn almost as often as the Greek. For no doubt his parents, proud 
of their Jewish origin, and living comparatively near to Palestine, would 
retain the power of conversing with their friends from thence in the ancient 
specch. Mercan‘ile connections from the Syrian coast would be frequently 
arriving, whose conversation would be in Aramaic ; in all probability there 
were kinsfolk still settled in Judea, as we afterwards find the nephew of 
St. Paul in Jerusalem.1. We may compare the situation of such a family- 
50 far as concerns their language) to that of the French Huguenots who 
settled in London after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. These 
French families, though they soon learned to use the English as the 
medium of their common intercourse and the language of their household, 
yet, for several generations, spoke French with equal familiarity and 
greater affection.’ 

Moreover, it may be considered as certain that the family of St. Paul, 
though Hellenistic in speech, were no fellenizers in theology ; they were 
not at all inclined to adopt Greek habits or Greek opinions. The manner 
in which St. Paul speaks of himself, his father, and his ancestors, implies 
the most uncontaminated hereditary Judaism, ‘ Are they Hebrews? so 
am 1. Are they Israelites? soam 1, Are they the seed of Abraham? 
so am J.”*—“ A Pharisee” and ‘the son of a Pharisee.” ‘—“ Circuncised 
the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew 
of the Hebrews.” 5 

There is therefore little doubt that, though the native of a city filled 
with a Greek population and incorporated with the Roman Empire, yet 
Saul was born and spent his earliest days in the shelter of a home which 
was Hebrew, not in name only but in spirit. The Roman power did not 
press upon his infancy: the Greek ideas did not haunt his childhood ; but 
he grew up an Israelitish boy, nurtured in those histories of the chosen 
people which he was destined so often to repeat in the synagogues,® with 
the new and wonderful commentary supplied by the life and resurrection 
of a crucified Messiah. ‘From a child he knew the Scriptures,” which 
ultimately made him “ wise unto salvation through faith which is in Chrisé 
Jesus,” as he says of Timothy in the second Hpistle (iii. 15). And the 
groups around his childhood were such as that which he beautifully de- 


1 Acts xxiii. 16. 

2 St. Paul’s ready use of the spoken Aramaic appears in his speech upon the stars of 
the Castle of Antonia at Jerusalem, “in the Hebrew tongue.” This familiarity, how- 
ever, he would necessarily have acquired during his student-life at Jerusalem, if he had 
not possessed it before. The difficult question of the “Gift ef Tongues”’ will be dis 
eussed hereafter. 

3 2 Cor. xi. 22. 4 Acts xxiii. 6. 5 Phil. iii. 5 

6 Acts xiii. 16-41. See xvii. 2, 3,10, 11. xxviii. 23 


HIS INFANCY AT TARSUS. 41 


scribes in another part of the same letter to that disciple, where he speaks 
of “his grandmother Lois, and his mother Eunice.” (i. 5.) 

We should be glad to know something of the mother of St. Paul. But 
though he alludes to his father, he does not mention her. He speaks of 
himself as set apart by God “from his mother’s womb,” that the Son of 
God should in due time be revealed in him, and by him preached to the 
Heathen.! But this is all. We find notices of his sister and his sister’s 
son,? and of some more distant relatives :* but we know nothing of her 
who was nearer to him than all of them. He tells us of his instructor 
Gamaliel ; but of her, who, if she lived, was his earliest and best teacher, 
he tells us nothing. Did she die like Rachel, the mother of Benjamin, the 
great ancestor of his tribe ; leaving his father to mourn and set a monu- 
ment on her grave, like Jacob, by the way of Bethlehem? Or did she 
live to grieve over her son’s apostacy from the faith of the Pharisees, and 
die herself unreconciled to the obedience of Christ? Or did she believe 
and obey the Saviour of her son? ‘These are questions which we cannot 
answer. If we wish to realise the earliest infancy of the Apostle, we must 
be content with a simple picture of a Jewish mother and her child. Such 
a picture is presented to us in the short history of Elizabeth and John the 
Baptist, and what is wanting in one of the inspired Books of St. Luke 
may be supplied, in some degree, by the other. 

The same feelings which welcomed the birth and celebrated the naming 
of a son in the “hill country” of Judea,’ prevailed also among the Jews 
of the dispersion. As the “neighbours and cousins” of Elizabeth ‘“ heard 
how the Lord had showed great mercy upon her, and rejoiced with her,” 
—so it would be in the household at Tarsus, when Saul was born. In a 
nation to which the birth of a Messiah was promised, and at a period 
when the aspirations after the fulfilment of the promise were continually 
becoming more conscious and more urgent, the birth of a son was the 
fulfilment of a mother’s highest happiness: and to the father also (if we 
may thus invert the words of Jeremiah) “blessed was the man who 
brought tidings, saying, A man child is born unto\thee ; making him 
glad.”® On the eighth day the child was circumcised and named. In the 
case of John the Baptist, ‘they sought to call him Zacharias, after the 
name of his father. But his mother answered, and said, Not so; but he 
Bhall be called John.” And when the appeal was made to his father, he 
signified his assent, in obedience to the vision. It was not unusual, on the 
one hand, to call a Jewish child after the name of his father ; and, on the 
other hand, it was a common practice, in all ages of Jewish history, even 
without a prophetic intimation, to adopt a name expressive of religious 


1 Gal. i. 15. ? Acts xxiii. 16, ? Rom. xvi. 7, 11) 24 
¢ Gon xxxyv. 16-20. xlviii. 7. 5 Luke i. 39. > Jer. xx. 15, 


6 


«Ὁ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


feelings. When the infant at Tarsus received coe name of Saul, it migh: 
be “after the name of his father ;” and it was a name of traditional celeb 
tity in the tribe of Benjamin, for it was that of the first king anointed by 
Samuel.'! Or, when his father said ‘his name is Saul,” it may have been 
intended to denote (in conformity with the Hebrew derivation of the word) 
that he was a son who had long been desired, the first born of his parents, 
the child of prayer, who was thenceforth, like Samnei, to be consecrated 
to God.? “ For this child I prayed,” said the wife of Elkanah ; ‘and the 
Lord hath given me my petition which I asked of Him: therefore also I 
have lent him to the Lord ; as long as he liveth he shall be lent unto the 
Lord.” ® 
Admitted into covenant with God by circumcision, the Jewish child 

had thenceforward a full claim to all the privileges of the chosen people. 
His was the benediction of the 128th Psalm :—‘ The Lord shall bless 
thee out of Zion : thou shalt see the good of Jerusalem all the days of thy 
life.” From that time, whoever it might be who watched over Saul’s 
infancy, whether, like king Lemuel,* he learnt “the prophecy that his 
mother taught him,” or whether he was under the care of others, like those 
who were with the sons of king David and king Ahab,’—we are at no loss 
to learn what the first ideas were, with which his early thought was 
made familiar. The rules respecting the diligent education of children, 
which were laid down by Moses in the 6th and 11th chapters of Deuter- 
onomy, were doubtless carefully observed: and he was trained in that 
peculiarly Azstorical instruction, spoken of in the 78th Psalm, which implies 
the continuance of a chosen people, with glorious recollections of the past, 
and great anticipations for the future: ‘The Lord made a covenant with 
Jacob, and gave Israel a law, which He commanded our forefathers to 
teach their children ; that their posterity might know it, and the children 
which were yet unborn ; to the intent that when they came up, they might 
shew their children the same : that they might put their trust in God, and 
not to forget the works of the Lord, but to keep His commandments.” 
(ver. 5-7.) The histories of Abraham and Isaac, of Jacob and his twelve 
sons, of Moses among the bulrushes, of Joshua and Samuel, Elijah, Daniel, 
and the Maccabees, were the stories of his childhood. The destruction of 
Pharaoh in the Red Sea, the thunders of Mount Sinai, the dreary journeys 
in the wilderness, the land that flowed with milk and honey,—this was the 

1 “ A name frequent and common in the tribe of Benjamin ever since the first King 
of Israel, who was of that name, was chosen out of that tribe ; in memory whereof they 
were wont to give their children this name at their circumcision.” Cave, i. 3; but he 
gives no proof. 

2 This is suggested by Neander, Pfl. und Leit. 138. 

3 1 Sam. i. 27, 28. 

4 Prov. xxxi. 1. Cf. Susanna, 3. 2 Tim. iii. 15, with 1 Tim. i. 5. 

51 Chron xxvii. 32. 2 Kingsx.1.5. Cf. Joseph. vit. 76. Ant. xvi. 8, 3. 


THE TRIBE OF BENJAMIN. 43 


earliest imagery presented to his opening mind. The triumphant songs οἱ 
Zion, the lamentations by the waters of Babylon, the prophetic praises of 
the Messiah, were the songs around his cradle. 

Above all, he would be familiar with the destinies of his own illustrious 
tribe.' The life of the timid Patriarcn, the father of the twelve ; the sad 
death of Rachel near the city where the Messiah was to be born; the 
loneliness of Jacob, who sought to comfort himself in Benoni “the son of 
her sorrow,” by calling him Benjamin* “the son of his right hand ;” and 
ihen the youthful days of this youngest of the twelve brethren, the famine, 
and the journeys into Hgypt, the severity of Joseph, and the wonderful κα 
story of the silver cup in the mouth of the sack ;—these are the narratives 
to which he listened with intense and eager interest. How little was it 
imagined that, as Benjamin was the youngest and most honoured of the 
Patriarchs, so this listening child of Benjamin should be associated with 
the twelve servants of the Messiah of God, the last and most illustrious of 
the Apostles! But many years of ignorance were yet to pass away, 
before that mysterious Providence, whieh brought Benjamin to Joseph in 
Egypt, should bring his descendant to the knowledge and love of Jesus, 
the Son of Mary. Some of the early Christian writers see in the dying 
benediction of Jacob, when he said that ‘ Benjamin should ravin as a wolf, 
in the morning devour the prey, and at night divide the spoil,” * a pro- 
phetic intimation of him who, in the morning of his life, should tear the 
sheep of God, and in its evening feed them, as the teacher of the nations.‘ 
When St. Paul was a child and learnt the words of this saying, no Chris- 
tian thoughts were associated with it, or with that other more peaceful 
prophecy of Moses, when he said of Benjamin, ‘‘ The beloved of the Lord 
shall dwell in safety by Him: and the Lord shall cover him all the day 


1 Τὸ may be thought that here, and below, p.53, too much prominence has been given 
to the attachment of a Jew in the Apostolic age to his own particular tribe. It is 
difficult to ascertain how far the tribe-feeling of early times lingered on in combination 
with the national feeling, which grew up after the Captivity. But when we consider 
the care with which the genealogies were kept, and when we find the tribe of Barnabas 
specified (Acts iv. 36), and of Anna the prophetess (Luke ii. 36), and when we find St. 
Paul alluding in a pointed manner to his tribe (see Rom. xi. 1, Phil. i#. 5, and compare 
Acts xiii. 21), it does not seem unnatural to believe that pious families of so famous a 
stock as that of Benjamin should retain the hereditary enthusiasm of their sacred clan- 
ship. See, moreover, Matt. xix. 28. Rey. v.5. vii. 4-8. 

* Gen. xxxv. 18. 3 Gen. xlix. 27. 

‘Nam mihi Paulum etiam Genesis olim repromisit. Inter illas enim figuras et 
propheticas super filios suos benedictiones Jacob, cum ad Benjamin dixisset : Benjamin, 
inquit, lupus rapax ad matutinum comedet adhuc, et ad vesperam dabit escam. Hx 
tribu enim Benjamin oriturum Paulum providebat, lupum rapacem ad matutinum com 
edentem, id est, prima etate vastaturum pecora Domini ut persecutorem, ecclesiarum, 
dehine ad vesperam eseam daturum, id est, devergente jam «tate oves Christi educa 
tarom ut doctorem nationum.—Tertull. ady. Marcionem, v. 1. 


44. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ong, and he shall dwell setween His shoulders.”! But he was familiar 
with the prophetical words, and could follow in imagination the fortunes 
of the sons of Benjamin, and knew how they went through the wilderness 
with Rachel’s other children, the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, forming 
with them the third of the four companics on the march, and reposing with 
them at night on the west of the encampment.’ He heard how their 
lands were assigned to them in the promised country along the borders of 
Judah :5 and how Saul, whose name he bore, was chosen from the tribe 
which was the smallest,4 when “little Benjamin” 5 became the “ruler” of 
@ Israel. He knew that when the ten tribes revolted, Benjamin was faith- 
[Ὁ] : ὁ and he learnt to follow its honourable history even in the dismal 
years of the Babylonian Captivity, when Mordecai, “a Benjamite who 
had been carried away,”? saved the nation: and when, instead of destrue- 
tion, ‘The Jews,” through him, “had light, and gladness, and joy, and 
honour ; and in every province, and in every city, whithersoever the king’s 
commandment and his decree came, the Jews had joy and gladness, a feast 
and a good day. And many of the people of the land became Jews ; for 
the fear of the Jews fell upon them.”s 
Such were the influences which cradled the infancy of St. Paul; and 
such was the early teaching under which his mind gradually rose to the 
realisation of his position as a Hebrew child in a city of Gentiles. Of the 
exact period of his birth we possess no authentic information. From a 
passage in a sermon attributed to St. Chrysostom, it has been inferred ® 
that he was born in the year 2 of our era. The date is not improbable ; 
but the genuineness of the sermon is suspected; and if it was the un- 
doubted work of the eloquent Father, we have no reason to believe that 
he possessed any certain means of ascertaining the fact. Nor need we be 
anxious to possess the information. We have a better chronology than 
that which reckons by years and months. We know that he was a young 
man at the time of St. Stephen’s martyrdom,’ and therefore we know what 
were the features of the period, and what the circumstances of the world, 
at the beginning of his eventful life. He must have been born in the 
later years of Herod, or the earlier of his son Archelaus. It was the 
strongest and most flourishing time of the reign of Augustus. The world 
was at peace: the pirates of the Levant were dispersed ; and Cilicia was 


1 Deut. xxxiii. 12. ? Numb. ii. 18-24. x. 22-24. 

5. Joshua xviii. 11. 4 1 Sam. ix. 21. 5 Ps, Ixviii. 27. 

6 2 Chron. xi. See 1 Kings xii. 7 Esther ii. 5, 6. 8 Esther viii. 16, 17. 

® This is on the supposition that he died A. p. 66, at the age of 68. The sermon is 
ene on SS. Peter and Paul, printed by Savile at the end of the fifth volume of his 
edition, but considered by him not genuine. See Tillemont. Schrader endeavours to 
prove that he was born about 14 a. p. See his arguments in vol. i. sect. 2, of his work, 
“Der Apostel Paulus,” 1830. 

10 Acts vii. 58. 


HIS FATHER’S ΟἸΤΙΖΕΝΒΠΙΡ. 45 


lying at rest, or in stupor, with other provinces, under the wide shadow of 
the Roman power. Many governors had ruled there since the days of 
Cicero. Athenodorus, the emperor’s tutor, had been one of them. It 
was about the time when Horace and Mecenas died, with others whose 
names will never be forgotten ; and it was about the time when Caligula 
was born, with others who were destined to make the world miserable. 
Thus is the epoch fixed in the manner in which the imagination most 
easily apprehends it. During this pause in the world’s history St. Paul 
was born. 

It was a pause, too, in the history of the sufferings of the Jews. That 
lenient treatment which had been begun by Julius Cxesar was continued 
by Augustus ;! and the days of severity were not yet come, when Tiberius 
and Claudius? drove them into banishment, and Caligula oppressed them 
with every mark of contumely and scorn, We have good reason to believe 
that at the period of the Apostle’s birth the Jews were unmolested at 
Tarsus, where his father lived and enjoyed the rights of a Roman citizen. 
It is a mistake to suppose that this citizenship was a privilege which be- 
longed to the members of the family, as being natives of this city? Tarsus 
was not a municipium, nor was it a colonia, like Philippi in Macedonia,‘ 
or Antioch in Pisidia: but it was a “free city”*® (wrbs hbera), like the 
Syrian Antioch and its neighbour-city, Seleucia on the sea. Such a city 
had the privilege of being governed by its own magistrates, and was ex- 
empted from the occupation of a Roman garrison, but its citizens did not 
necessarily possess the civitas of Rome. Tarsus had received great bene- 
fits both from Julius Cesar and Augustus, but the father of St, Paul was 
not on that account a Roman citizen. This privilege had been granted to 
him, or had descended to him, as an individual right ; he might have pur- 


1 Cxsar, like Alexander, treated the Jews with much consideration. Suetonius 
speaks in strong terms of their grief at his death, Cas. 84. Augustus permitted the 
largess, when it fell on a Sabbath, to be put off till the next day. Mangey’s Philo. ii. 
568, 569: compare Hor. Sat. 1. 9, 69. 

? Vor some notices of the condition of the Jews under the Romans at this time, see 
Ganz. Vermischte Schriften, i.13. “ Die Gesetzgebung wher die Juden in Rom, und 
die kirchliche Wurde derselben in Romischen Reich.” Berlin, 1834. 

3 Some of the older biographers of St. Paul assume this without any hesitation. 
Thus Tillemont says that Augustus gave to Tarsus, among other privileges, “le droit 
de colonie libre et de bourgeoisie Romaine :” and Cave says that this city was a muni- 
cipium, and that therefore Paul was a Roman citizen. The Tribune (Acts xxi. 39, 
xxii. 24), as Dr. Bloomfield remarks (on xvi. 37), knew that St. Paul was a Tarsian, 
without being aware that he was a citizen. 

4 Acts xvi. 12. 

5 See Plin. N. H. v. 22. Appian, B. C. v. 7. Compare iv. 64. From Appian it 
appears that Antony gave Tarsus the privileges of an Urbs libera, though it had pre 
viously taken the side of Augustus, and been named Juliopolis. Sce Dio Chrys. Tarsic. 
post. ii. 36 ed. Reiske 


46 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


chased it for a ‘large sum” of money ;! but it is more probable that it came 
to him as the reward of services rendered, during the civil wars, to some 
influential Roman. That Jews were not unfrequently Roman citizens, we 
learn from Josephus, who mentions in the ‘“ Antiquities”? some even of 
the equestrian order who were illegally scourged and crucified by Florus 
at Jerusalem; and (what is more to our present point) enumerates certain 
of his countrymen who possessed the Roman franchise at Ephesus, in that 
important series of decrees relating to the Jews, which were issued in the 
time of Julius Ceesar, and are preserved in the second book of the “‘ Jewish 
War.”* The family of St. Paul were in the same position at Tarsus as 
those who were Jews of Asia Minor and yet citizens of Rome at Ephesus ; 
and thus it came to pass, that, while many of his contemporaries were 
willing to expend “ἃ large sum” in the purchase of “this freedom,” the 
Apostle himself was ‘ free-born.” 

The question of the double name of “Saul” and “ Paul” will require 
our attention hereafter, when we come in the course of our narrative to 
that interview with Sergius Paulus in Cyprus, coincidently with which, 
the appellation in the Acts of the Apostles is suddenly changed. Many 
opinions have been held on this subject, both by ancient and modern theo- 
logians.¢ At present it will be enough to say, that though we cannot 
overlook the coincidence, or believe it accidental, yet it is most probable 
that both names were borne by him in his childhood, that “Saul” was the 
name of his Hebrew home, and “ Paul” that by which he was known 
among the Gentiles. It will be observed that “Paulus,” the name by 
which he is always mentioned after his departure from Cyprus, and by 
which he always designates himself in his Epistles, is a Roman, not a 
Greek, word. And it will be remembered, that, among those whom he 
calls his ‘‘kinsmen” in the Epistle to the Romans, two of the number, 
Junia and Lucius, have Roman names, while the others are Greek.’ All 
this may point to a strong Roman connection. These names may have 
something to do with that honourable citizenship which was an heirloom in 
the household ; and the appellation ‘‘ Paulus” may be due to some such 
feelings as those which induced the historian Josephus to call himself 
“ Flavius,” in honour of Vespasian and the Flavian family. 

If we turn now to consider the social position of the Apostle’s father 


1 See Acts xxii. 28. ? xiv. 10, 3. 3 ii. 14, 9. 

4 Some of the opinions of the ancient writers may be seen in Tillemont. Ovigen 
gays that he had both names from the first; that he used one among the Jews, and the 
other afterwards. Augustine, that he took the name when he began to preach. Chry- 
sostom, that he received a new title, like Peter, at his ordination in Antioch. Bede, 
that he did not receive it till the Proconsul was converted ; and Jerome, that it waa 
meant to commemorate that victory. Tillemont, note 3 on St. Paul 

8. Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21. 


HIS STATION IN LIFE. 4% 


and iumily, we cannot on the one hand confidently argue, from the posses 
sion of the citizenship, that they were in the enjoyment of affluence and 
outward distinction. The civitas of Rome, though at that time it could 
not be purchased without heavy expense, did not depend upon any con- 
ditions of wealth, where it was bestowed by authority. On the other 
hand, it is certain that the manual trade, which we know that St. Paul 
exercised, cannot be adduced as an argument to prove that his circum- 
stances were narrow and mean ; still less, as some have imagined, that he 
lived in absolute poverty. It was a custom among the Jews that all boys 
should learn a trade. ‘“ What is commanded of a father towards his 
son?” asks a Talmudic writer. ‘To circumcise him, to teach him the 
law, to teach him a trade.” Rabbi Judah saith, ‘‘ He that teacheth not 
nis son a trade, does the same_as if he taught him to be a thief ;” and 
Rabban Gamaliel saith, ‘‘ He that hath a trade in his hand, to what is he 
like? he is like a vineyard that is fenced.” And if in compliance ~vitn 
this good and useful custom of the Jews, the father of the young Ciliciax 
sought to make choice of a trade, which might fortify his son against idle- 
ness or against adversity, none would occur to him more naturally than the 
profitable occupation of the making of tents, the material of which was hair- 
cloth, supplied by the goats of his native province, and sold in the markets 
of the Levant by the well-known name of cilictwm.! The most reasonable 
conjecture is that his father’s business was concerned with these markets, 
and that, like many of his dispersed countrymen, he was actively cceupied 
in the traffic of the Mediterranean coasts: and the remote dispersion ef 
those relations, whom he mentions in his letter from Corinth te Reme, is 
favourable to this opinion. But whatever might be the station and em- 
ployment of his father or his kinsmen, whether they were elevated by 
wealth above, or depressed by poverty below, the average of the Jews of 
Asia Minor and Italy, we are disposed to believe that this family were 
possessed of that highest respectability which is worthy of deliberate 
esteem. The words of Scripture seem to claim for them the tradition of a 
good and religious reputation. The strict piety of St. Paul’s ancestors 


1 Tondentur capree quod magnis villis sunt in magna parte Phrygie ; unde cilicia et 
extera ejus generis ferri solent. Sed quod primum ea tonsura in Cilicia sit instituta, 
nomen id Cilicas adjecisse dicunt. Varro, de Re Rustica, lib. ii. ch. xi.: compare Virgs 
Georg. iii. 311-313. See the extract in Ducange: Κιλίκια " τράγοι ἀπὸ Κιλικίας οἱ 
δασεῖς " πάνυ yap ἐκεῖσε ὑπερέχουσι οἱ τοιοῦτοι τράγοι, ὅθεν καὶ τὰ ἐκ τριχῶν συντιθέμενα 
Κιλίκια λέγονται. It is still manufactured in Asia Minor. Hair-cloth of this kind is 
often mentioned as used for penitential discipline, in the Lives of the Saiuts. The 
word is still retained in French, Spanish, and Italian (“Di vil cilicio mi parean co 
perti.” Dante, Purg. xiii. 58). See the Dictionnaire de l’Académie, the Diccionaris 
de la Academia, and the Vocabulario degli Academici della Crusca ; and further refez- 
ences under the word “Cilicium” in Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, and Rich’s 
Mlustrated Companion to the Dictionary. 


48 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


has already been remarked ; some of his kinsmen embraced Christianity 
before the Apostle himself,! and the excellent discretion of his nephew will 
be the subject of our admiration, when we come to consider the danger 
ous circumstances which’ led to the nocturnal journey from Jerusalem to 
Ceesarea.” 

- But though a cloud rests on the actual year of St. Paul’s birth, and 
the circumstances of his father’s household must be left to imagination, 
we have the great satisfaction of knowing the exact features of the scenery 
in the midst of which his childhood was spent. The plain, the mountain, 
the river, and the sea still remain to us. The rich harvests of corn still 
grow luxuriantly after the rains in spring. The same tents of goat’s hair 
are still seen covering the plains in the busy harvest.3 There is the same 
solitude and silence in the intolerable heat and dust of the summer. Then, 
as now, the mothers and children of Tarsus went out in the cool evenings, 
and looked from the gardens round the city, or from their terraced roofs 
upon the heights of Taurus. The same sunset lingered on the pointed 
summits. The same shadows gathered in the deep ravines. The river 
Cydnus has suffered some changes in the course of 1800 years. Instead 
of rushing, as in the time of Xenophon, like the Rhone at Geneva, in a 
stream of two hundred feet broad through the city, it now flows idly past 
it on the east. The Channel, which floated the ships of Antony and 
Cleopatra, is now filled up ; and wide unhealthy lagoons occupy the place 
of the ancient docks.«| But its upper waters still flow, as formerly, cold 
and clear from the snows of Taurus: and its waterfalls still break over 

1 “Salute Andronicus and Junia, my kinsmen, and my fellow-prisoners, who are of 
note among the Apostles, who also were in Christ before me.’ Rom. xvi. 7, Τὺ is 
proper to remark that the word συγγενεῖς in this chapter (verses 7, 11, 21) has bven 
thought by some to mean only that the persons alluded to were of Jewish extraction. 
See Lardner’s Works, vol. v. p. 473, and the Appendix to the English translation of 
Tholuck’s tract on the carly life of St. Paul. Origen thinks that the Apostle speaks 
spiritually of the baptized ; Estius supposes he means that they were members of the 
tribe of Benjamin. See Tillemont, note 2. 

2 Acts xxiii. 

3 “The plain presented the appearance of an immense sheet of corn-stubble, dotted 
with small camps of tents: these tents are made of hair-cloth, and the peasantry reside 
in them at this season, while the harvest is reaping and the corn treading out.”-- 
Beaufort’s Karamania, p. 273. 

4 This is the Pyyya, or “bar,” at the mouth of the river (ai τοῦ Κύδνου éxborau 
κατὰ τὸ Ῥηγμα καλούμενον), of which Strabo speaks thus: Ἔστι δὲ λιμνάζων τόπος, 
ἔχων καὶ παλαιὼ νεώρια, εἰς ὃν ἐμπίπτει ὁ Κύδνος, ὁ διαῤῥέων τὴν Ταρσὸν, τὰς ἀρχὰς 
ἔχων ἀπὸ τοῦ ὑπερκειμένου τῆς πόλεως 'Γαύρου " καὶ ἔστιν ἐπίνειον. 7 λίμνη τῆς Ταρσοῦ, 
xiv. ὅ. The land at the mouth of the Cydnus (as in the case of the Pyramus and other 
rivers on that coast) has since that time encroached on the sea. The unhealthiness of 
the sea-coast near the Gulf of Scanderoon is notorious, as can be testified by two of 
those who have contributed drawings to this book. To one of them, the Rey. C. P. 


Wilbraham, Vicar of Audley, Staffordshire, the editors and publishers take this eppor- 
‘tunity of expressing their tnanks, 


SCENERY OF TARSUS. 49 


the same rocks, when the snows are melting, like the Rhine at Schaffhausen, 
We find a pleasure in thinking that the footsteps of the young Apostle 
often wandered by the side of this stream, and that his eyes often looked 
en these falls. We can hardly believe that he who spoke to the Lystrians 
of the “rain from heaven,” and the “ fruitful seasons,” and of the “Jiving 
God who made heaven and earth and the sea,”! could have looked with 
indifference on beautiful and impressive scenery. Gamaliel was celebrated 
for his love of nature: and the young Jew, who was destined to be his 
most famous pupil, spent his early days in the close neighbourhood of mueh 
that was well adapted to foster such a taste. Or if it be thought that in 
attributing such feelings to him we are writing in the spirit of modern 
times ; and if it be contended that he would be more influenced by the 
realities of human life than by the impressions of nature,—then let the 
youthful Saul be imagined on the banks of the Cydnus, where it flowed 
through the city in a stream less clear and fresh, where the wharves were 
covered with merchandize, in the midst of groups of men in various cos- 
tumes, speaking various dialects. St. Basil says, that in his day Tarsus 
was a point of union for Syrians, Cilicians, Isaurians, and Cappadocians.? 
To these we must add the Greek merchant, and the agent of Roman lux- 
ury. And one more must be added—the Jew,—even then the pilgrim of 
Commerce, trading with every nation, and blending with none. In this 
mixed company Saul, at an early age, might become familiar with: the 
activities of life and the diversities of human character, and even in his 
childhood make some acquaintance with these various races, which in his 
manhood he was destined to influence. 

We have seen what his infancy was: we must now glance at his boy: 
hood. It is usually the case that the features of a strong character display 
themselves early. His impetuous fiery disposition would sometimes need 
control. Flashes of indignation would reveal his impatience and his hon- 
esty.? The affectionate tenderness of his nature would not be without an 
object of attachment, if that sister, who was afterwards married,‘ was his 
piaymate at Tarsus. The work of tent-making, rather an amusement than 
a trade, might sometimes occupy those young hands, which were marked 
with the toil of years when he held them to the view of the Elders at 
Miletus. His education was conducted at home rathez than at school: 


ANOS πῖν. 17. Ay : 

Πόλιν τοσαύτην ἔχουσαν ebxAnpiac, ὥστε ᾿Ισαύρους καὶ Κίλικας, Καπποδόκας τε καὶ 
Σύρους δι’ ἑαυτῆς συνάπτειν.---Ἰὰρ. v., Eusebio Samosatorum Episcopo. 

3 See Acts ix. 1, 2, xxiii. 1-5 ; and compare Acts xiii. 13, xv. 38, with 2 Tim. iv. 11, 

4 Acts xxiii. 16. ᾿ 

5 Acts xx. 34. “Ye yourselves know that these hands have ministered to my Necese * 
sities, and to them that were with me.” Compare xviii. 3. 1 Cor. iv. 12. 1 Thess 
ii 9. ? Thess. iii. 8. 


VOL 1.—4 


δ0 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


for, though Tarsus was celebrated for ils learning, the Hebrew boy would 
not lightly be exposed to the influence of Gentile teaching. Or, if he 
went to a school, it was not a Greek school, but rather to some room con- 
nected with the synagogue, where a noisy class of Jewish children received 
the rudiments of instruction, seated on the ground with their teacher, after 
the manner of Mahomedan children in the Hast, who may be seen or heard 
at their lessons near the mosque.!' At such a school, it may be, he learnt 
to read and to write, going and returning under the care of some attend- 
ant, according to that custom, which he afterwards used as an illustration 
in the Epistle to the Galatians (and perhaps he remembered his own 
early days while he wrote the passage) when he spoke of the Law as the 
Slave who conducts us to the School of Christ. His religious knowledge, ἡ 
us his years advanced, was obtained from hearing the law read in the 
synagogue, from listening to the arguments and discussions of learned doc- 
tors, and from that habit of questioning and answering, which was permit- 
ted even to the children among the Jews. Familiar with the pathetic 
history of the Jewish sufferings, he would feel his heart filled with that 
love to his own people which breaks out in the Epistle to the Romans (ix. 
4, 6)—to that people “whose were the adoption and the glory and the 
covenants, and of whom, as concerning the flesh, Christ was to come,”—a 
love net then, a3 it was afterwards, blended with love towards all man- 
kind,.“‘ to the Jew first, and also to the Gentile,”—but rather united with 
s bitter hatred to the Gentile children whom he saw around him. His 
idea of the Messiah, so far as it was distinct, would be the carnal notion 
-of a temporal prince—a “‘ Christ known after the flesh,”*—and he looked 
forward with the hope of a Hebrew to the restoration of “the kingdom 
to Israel.”* He would be known at Tarsus as a child of promise, and as 

1 This is written from the recollection of 2 Mahomedan school at Blidah in Algeria, 
where the mosques can now be entered with impunity. The children, with the teacher, 
were on a kind of upper story like a shelf, within the mosque. All were seated on this 
floor, in the way described by Maimonides below. The children wrote on poards, and 
recited what they wrote ; the master addressed them in rapid succession ; and the con- 
fused sound of voices was unceasing. For pictures of an Egyptian and a Turkish 
school, see the Bible Cyclopedia, 1841 ; and the Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature, 1847. 

3. Ὁ νόμος παιδαγωγὸς ἡμῶν γέγονεν εἰς Χριστόν. Gal. iii, 24, incorrectly rendered ia 
the English translation. As a Jewish illustration of a custom well known among the 
Greeks and Romans, see the quotation in Buxtorf’s Synagoga Judaica, ch. vii. “ Quando 
quis filium suum studio Legis consecrat, pingebant ipsi swper pergameno vel tabella 
aliqua elementa literarum, quibus etiam mel illinebant, deinde eum bene jotum,\mun- 
dis vestibus indutum, placentis ex melle et lacte confectis, ut et fructibus ac tragematis 
instructum, tradebant alicui Rabbino, qui eum deducat in scholam: hie eum ora pallii 
sui opertum ad Preeceptorem ducebat, a quo literas cognoscere discebat, illectus suavi- 
tate deliciarum illarum, et sic reducebatur ad matrem suam.’? The Rabbi’s cloak was 
spread over the child to teach him modesty. The honey and honey-cakes symbolized 


such passages a8 Deut. xxxii. 13. Cant. iv. 11. Ps. xix. 10. 
8 2 Cor. v. 16. 4 Acts i. 6. 


sT. ῬΑ ΙΒ ΒΟΥΠΟΟΠ. 51 


one likely to uphold the honour of the iaw against the half-infidel tcaching 
of the day. But the time was drawing near, when his training was tc 
become more exact and systematic. He was destined for the school of 
Jerusalem. The educational maxim of the Jews, at a later period, was as 
follows :—‘‘ At five years of age, let children begin the Scripture ; at ten, 
the Mischna ; at thirteen, let them be subjects of the law.”! There is na 
~cason to suppose that the general practice was very different before the 
floating maxims of the great doctors were brought together in the Mischna, 
It may therefore be concluded, witha strong degree of probability, that 
Saul was sent to the Holy City? between the ages of ten and thirteen 
Had it been later than the age of thirteen, he could hardly have said that 
he had been “ brought up”? in Jerusalem. 

The first time any one leaves the land of his birth to visit a foreign and 
distant country, is an important epoch in his life. In the case of one who 
has taken this first journey at an early age, and whose character is enthu- 
siastic and susceptible of lively impressions from without, this epoch is 
‘usually remembered with peculiar distinctness. But when the country 
which is thus visited has furnished the imagery for the dreams of child- 
hood, and is felt to be more truly the young traveller’s home than the land 
he is leaving, then the journey assumes the sacred character of a pilerim- 
age. The nearest parallel which can be found to the visits of the scat- 
tered Jews to Jerusalem, is in the periodical expedition of the Mahomedan 
pilgrims to the sanctuary αὖ Mecca. Nor is there anything which ought 
to shock the mind in such a comparison ; for that localising spirit was the 
same thing to the Jews under the highest sanction, which it is to the Ma- 
homedans through the memory of a prophet who was the enemy and not 


1 Quoted by Tholuck from the Mischna, Pirke Avoth, ch. v. ὃ 21. We learn from 
Buxtorf that at 13 there was a ceremony something like Christian confirmation. The 
boy was then called 44x14 45—‘ Filius Preeepti:’ and the father declared in the 
presence of the Jews that his son fully understood the Law, and was fully responsible 
for his sins. Syn. Jud. ibid. 

? See Tholuck’s excellent remarks on the early life of the Apostle, in the Studien 
und Kritiken, vol. viii. pp. 364-393, or in the English translation in Clark’s Biblical 
Cabinet, No. 28 ; and separately in his series of Tracts, No. 38. As Olshausen remarks, 
Acts xxvi. 4.—“ My manner of life from my youth, which was at the Sirst (ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς) 
among mine own nation at Jerusalem, know all the Jews, which knew me from the 
beginning (dvafev,”—implies that he came from Tarsus at an early age. 

8 ᾿Ανατεθραμμένος. Acts xxii. 3. Cave assumes that “in his youth he was brought 
up in the schools of Tarsus, fully instructed in all the liberal arts and sciences, whereby 
he became admirably acquainted with foreign and external authors” (i. 4); and that 
it was after having “run through the whole circle of the sciences, and laid the sure 

- foundations of human learning at Tarsus” (i. 5), that he was sent to study the Law 
ander Gamaliel. So Lardner seems to think. Hist. of the Ap. and Ey. ch. xi. Hem- 
sen is of opinion that, though as a Jew and a Pharisee he would not be educated in the 
heathen schools of Tarsus, he did not go to Jerusalem to be trained under Gamaliel till 
ubout the age of thirty, and after the ascension of Christ. Der Apostel Paulus, p 4-8. 


52 THE LIFE AWD EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


the forerunner of Christ. As the disciples of Islam may be seen, at stated 
seasons, flocking towards Cairo or Damascus, the meeting-places of the 
African and Asiatic caravans,—so Saul had often seen the Hebrew pil- 
grims from the interior of Asia Minor come down through the passes of 
the mountains, and join others at Tarsus who were bound for Jerusalem. 
They returned when the festivals were over; and he heard them talk of 
the Holy City, of Herod and the New Temple, and of the great teachers 
and doctors of the law. And at length Saul himself was to go,—to see 
the land. of promise and the city of David, and grow up a learned Rabbi 
“at the feet of Gamaliel.” 


COIN oF TaRsvs,! 


With his father, or under the care of some other friend oder than 
himself, he left Tazsus and went to Jerusalem. It is not probable that 
they travelled by the long and laborious Jand-journey which leads from 
the Cilician plain through the defiles of Mount Amanus to Antioch, and 
thence along the rugged Pheenician shore through Tyre and Sidon to 
Judea. The Jews, when they went to the festivals, or to carry contribu- 
tions, like the Mahomedans of modern days, would follow the lines of nat- 
ural traffic:* and now that the Eastern Sea had been cleared of its 
pirates, the obvious course would be to travel by water. The Jews, 
though merchants, were not seamen. We may imagine Saul, therefore, 
setting sail from the Cydnus on his first voyage, in some Pheenician trader, 
under the patronage of the gods of Tyre; or in company with Greek mar- 
iners, in a vessel adorned with some mythological emblem, like that Alex- 
andrian corn-ship which subsequently brought him to Italy, “ whose sign 
was Castor and Pollux.”* Gradually they lost sight of Taurus, and the 
heights of Lebanon came into view. The one had sheltered his early 
home, but the other had been a familiar form to his Jewish forefathers. 


1 From the British Museum. It may be observed that this coin illustrates the mode 
of strengthening sails by rope-bands, mentioned in Mr. Smith’s important work on the 
“Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. 1848.” p. 163. 

3 In 1820, Abd-el-Kader went with his father on board a French brig to Alexandria, 
on their way to Mecca. See M. Bareste’s Memoir of the ex-Emir ; Paris, 1848, 

3 Acts xxviii. 11. $ 


HE IS SENT TO JERUSALEM. 53 


How histories would crowd into his mind as the vessel moved on over thx 
waves, and he gazed upon the furrowed flanks of the great Hebrew mour 
tain! Had the voyage been taken fifty years earlier, the vessel would 
probably have been bound for Ptolemais, which still bore the name of the 
ureek kings of Egypt ;! but in the reign of Augustus or Tiberius, it is 
more likely that she sailed round the headland of Carmel, and came te 
anchor in the new harbour of Czesarea,—the handsome city which Herod 
had rebuilt, and named in honour of the Emperor. 
To imagine incidents when none are recorded, and confidently lay dewn 

a route without any authority, would be inexcusable in writing on this 
subject. But to imagine the feelings of a Hebrew boy on his first visit to 
the Holy Land, is neither difficult nor blamable. During this journey 
Saul had around him a different scenery and different cultivation from 
what he had been accustomed to,—not a river, and a wide plain covered 
with harvests of corn, but a succession of hills and vallies, with terraced 
vineyards watered by artificial irrigation, If it was the time of a festival, 
many pilgrims were moving in the same direction, with music and songs of 
Zion. The ordinary road would probably be that mentioned in the Acts, 
which led from Cxsarea through the town of Antipatris (xxiii. 31), But 
neither of these places would possess much interest for a “ Hebrew of the 
Hebrews.” ‘The one was associated with the thoughts of the Romans and 
of modern times ; the other had been built by Herod in memory of Aunti- 
pater, his Idumean father. But objects were not wanting of the deepest 
interest to a child of Benjamin. Those far hilltops on the left were close 
upon Mount Gilboa, even if the very place could not be seen where “ the 
Philistines fought against Israel... and the battle went sore against 
Saul... and he fell on his sword ... and died, and his three sons, and his 
armour-bearer, and all his men, that same day together.”? After passing 
through the lots of the tribes of Manasseh and Ephraim, the traveller from 
Cesarea came to the borders of Benjamin. The children of Rachel were 
together in Canaan as they had been in the desert. The lot of Benjamin 
was entered near Bethel, memorable for the piety of Jacob, the songs of 
Deborah, the sin of Jeroboam, and the zeal of Josiah. Onward a short 
distance was Gibeah, the home of Saul when he was anointed King,‘ and 
the scene of the crime and desolation of the tribe, which made it the 
emailest of the tribes of Israel.* Might it not be too truly said concerning 
the Israelites even of that period: “They have deeply corrupted them- 
selves, as in the days of Gibeah: therefore the Lord will remember their 
iniquity, He will visit their sins”?° At a later stage of his life, such 
thoughts of the unbelief and iniquity of Israel accompanied St. Paul 

1 See, for instance, 1 Mae. v.15. x. 1. 31 Sam. xxxi. 1-6. 

3 Gen. xxviii. Judg.iv.5. 1 Kings xii. 29. 2 Kings xviii. 15. 

¢1Sam.x.26 xv. 34, > Judges xx. 43, &e. 6 Hosea ix. 9 


ok THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


wherever he went. At the early age of twelve years, all his entlusiasn 
could find an adequate object in the earthly Jerusalem ; the first view of 
which would be descried about this part of the journey. From the time 
when the line of the city wall was seen, all else was forgotten. The furthei 
border of Benjamin was almost reached. The Rabbis said that the bound 
ary line of Benjamin and Judah, the two faithful tribes, passed througl 
the Temple.!| And this City and Temple was the common sanctuary of 
all Israelites. ‘‘Thither the tribes go up, even the tribes of the Lord: to 
testify unto Israel, to give thanks unto the name of the Lord. There is 
little Benjamin their ruler, and the princes of Judah their council, the 
princes of Zebulon and the princes of Nephthali: for there is the seat of 
judgment, even the seat of the house of David.” And now the Temple’s 
glittering roof was seen, with the buildings of Zion crowning the eminence 
above it, and the ridge of the Mount of Olives rising high over all. And 
now the city gate was passed, with that thrill of the heart which none but 
a Jew could know. ‘ Our feet stand within thy gates, Ὁ Jerusalem. Ὁ 
pray for the peace of Jerusalem : they shall prosper that love thee. Peace 
be within thy walls: and plenteousness within thy palaces. O God, won- 
derful art thou in thy holy places: even the God of Israel. He will give 
strength and power unto His people. Blessed be God.” ? 

And now that this young enthusiastic Jew is come into the land of his 
forefathers, and is about to receive his education in the schools of the Holy 
City, we may pause to give some description of the state of Judza and 
Jerusalem. We have seen that it is impossible to fix the exact date of his 
arrival, but we know the general features of the period ; and we can easily 
form to ourselves some idea of the political and religious condition of Pal- 
estine. 

Herod was now dead. The tyrant had been called to his last account . 
and that eventful reign, which had destroyed the nationality of the Jews, 
while it maintained their apparent independence, was over. It is most 
likely that Archelaus also had ceased to govern, and was already in exile. 
His accession to power had been attended with dreadful fighting in the 
streets, with bloodshed at sacred festivals, and with wholesale crucifixions : 
his reign of ten years was one continued season of disorder and discontent ; 
and, at last, he was banished to Vienna on the Rhone, that Judsa might 
be formally constituted into a Roman province. We suppose Saul to 

i “Sanedrin (ad plagam templi australem) in parte seu portione Jude, et divina 
presentia (seu occidentalis templi pars) in portione Benjamin.”—Gemara Babylonia 
ad tit. Zebachim, cap. 5. fol. 54. b. See Selden de Synedriis Hebraorum, πὶ. xv. 4 
(Seldeni Opera, 1726, vol. i. f. 1545). 

3 See Ps. Ixviii. and cxxii. ᾿ 

3 While the question of succession was pending, the Roman soldiers under Sabinus 


had a desperate conflict with the Jews; fighting and sacrificing went on together. 
Varus, the governor of Syria, marched from Antioch to Jerusalem, and 2000 Jews were 


STATE OF JUDZA AND JERUSALEM. 5E, 


nave come from Tarsus to Jerusalem when one of the four governors, whe 
preceded Pontius Pilate, was in power,—either Coponius, or Marcus Am 
bivius, or Annius Rufus, or Valerius Gratus. The governor resided in the 
town of Cesarea. Soldiers were quartered there and at Jerusalem, and 
throughout Judea, wherever the turbulence of the people made garrisons 
necessary. Centurions were in the country towns ;' soldiers on the banks 
of the Jordan.* There was no longer the semblance of independence. The 
revolution, of which Herod had sown the seeds, now came to maturity. 
The only change since his death in the appearance of the country was that 
everything became more Roman than before. Roman money was current 
in the markets. Roman words were incorporated in the popular language. 
Roman buildings were conspicuous in all the towns. Even those two inde- 
pendent principalities which two sons of Herod governed, between the 
provinces of Judwa and Syria, exhibited all the general character of the 
epoch, Philip the tetrarch of Gaulo- 
nitis, called Bethsaida, on the north 
of the lake of Gennesareth, by the 
name of Julias, in honour of the family 
who reigned at Rome. Antipas, the 
tetrarch of Galilee, built Tiberias on 
the south of the same lake, in honour 
of the emperor who about this time 
(a. p. 14) succeeded his illustrious 
step-father. 

These political changes had been 
attended with a gradual alteration in 
the national feelings of the Jews with 
regard to their religion. That the 
sentiment of political nationality was 
not extinguished was proved too well 
by all the horrors of Vespasian’s and 
Hadrian’s reigns ; but there was a 
growing tendency to cling rather to 
their law and religion as the centre 
of their unity. The great conquests 
are OR ame Poe of the heathen powers may have been 


crécified. The Herodian family, after their father’s death, had gone to Rome, where 
Augustus received them in the Temple of Apollo. Archelaus had never the title of 
king, though his father had desired it. 

1 Luke vii. 1-10. 2 Luke iii. 14. 

3 Statue of Tiberius, from the “ Musée des Antiques,” vol. ii. (Bouillon, Paris.) The 
statue is in the Louvre. We cannot look upon the portrait of Tiberius without deep 
interest, when we remember how it must have been engraven on the mind of St. Paul, 
who would see it before him wherever he went, till it was replaced by those of Caligula 


56 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


intended by Divine Providence to prepare this change in the Jewish 
mind. Even under the Maccabees, the tlea of the state began to give 
place, in some degree, to the idea of religious life. Under Herod, the old 
unity was utterly broken to pieces. The high priests were set up and put 
down at his caprice ; and the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin was. still 
more abridged ; and high priests were raised and deposed, as the Chris- 
tian patriarchs of Constantinople have for some ages been raised and 
deposed by the Sultan: so that it is often a matter of great difficulty to 
ascertain who was high priest at Jerusalem in any given year at this 
period? Thus the hearts of the Jews turned more and more towards the 
fulfilment of Prophecy,—to the practice of Religion,—to the interpreta- 
tion of the Law. All else was now hopeless. The Pharisees, the Scribes, 
and the Lawyers were growing into a more important body even than the 
Priests and the Levites ;* and that system of “ Rabbinism” was beginning, 
“which, supplanting the original religion of the Jews, became, after the 
ruin of the Temple and the extinction of the public worship, a new bond of 
national union, the great distinctive feature in the character of modern 
Judaism.” 4 

The Apostolic age was remarkable for the growth of learned Rabbin 
ical schools ; but of these the most eminent were the rival schools of Hillel 
and Schammai. These sages of the law were spoken of by the Jews, and 
their proverbs quoted, as the seven wise men were quoted by the Greeks. 
Their traditional systems run through all the Talmudical writings, as the 
doctrines of the Scotists and Thomists run through the Middle Ages. 
Both were Pharisaic schools: but the former upheld the honour of tradi- 
tion as even superior to the law ; the latter despised the traditionists when 
they clashed with Moses. The antagonism between them was so great, 
that it was said that “ Elijah the Tishbite would never be able to recon- 
cile the disciples of Hillel and Schammai.” 

Of these two schools, that of Hillel was by far the most influential in 


and Claudius. The image of the emperor was at that time the object of religious rey- 
erence: the emperor was a deity on earth (Dis equa potestas. Juv. iv. 71); and the 
worship paid to him was a real worship (see Merivale’s Life of Augustus, p. 159). It 
is a striking thought, that in those times (setting aside effete forms of religion), the 
only two genuine worships in the civilised world were the worship of a Tiberius or a 
Claudius on the one hand, and the worship of Christ on the other. 

1 The Jewish writer, Jost, seems to speak too strongly of this change See the early 
part of the second volume of his Allg. Gesch. des Isr. Volks, 

2 See Acts xxiii. 5. 

3 In earlier periods of Jewish history, the prophets seem often to have been a more 
influential body than the priests. It is remarkable that we do not read of “ Schools of 
the Prophets” in any of the Levitical cities. In these schools, some were Levites, as 
Samuel ; some belonged to the other tribes, as Saul and David. 

4 Milman’s History of the Jews, vol. iii. p. 100. 

5. See Pridcaux’s Connection, part I. pref. p. 12, and the beginning of book viii. 


GAMALIEL. 57 
‘ts own day, and its decisions have been held authoritative by the gieater 
number of later Rabbis. The most eminent ornament of this school was 
Gamaliel,! whose fame is celebrated in the Talmud. * Hillel was the father 
of Simeon, and Simeon the father of Gamaliel. It has been imagined by 
some that Simeon was the same old man who took the infant Saviour in 
his arms, and pronounced the Nune Dimittis.? It is difficult to give a con- 
elusive proof of this; but there is no doubt that this Gamaliel was the 
same who wisely pleaded the cause of St. Peter and the other Apostles,’ 
and who had previously educated the future Apostle, St. Paul. His 
learning was so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one of the 
seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been honoured with the title 
of “ Rabban.”> As Aguinas, among the schoolmen, was called Doctor 
Angelicus, and Bonaventura Dactor Seraphicus, so Gamaliel was called the 
“ Beauty of the Law ;” and it isa saying of the Talmud, that “since 
Rabban Gamaliel died, the glory of the law has ceased.” He was a 
Pharisee ; but anecdotes® are told of him, which show that he was not 
trammelled by the narrow bigotry of the sect. He had no antipathy to 
the Greek learning. He rose above the prejudices of his party. Our im- 
pulse is to class him with the best of the Pharisees, like Nicodemus and 
Joseph of Arimathea. Candour and wisdom seem to have been the 
features of his character; and this agrees with what we read of him in the 
Acts of the Apostles,? that he was “had in reputation of all the people,” 
and with his honest and intelligent argument when Peter was brought 
before the Council. It has been imagined by some that he became a 
Christian :§ and why he did not become so is known only to Him who 
understands the secrets of the human heart. But he lived and died a 
Jew; and a well-known prayer against Christian heretics was composed or 


1 For Gamaliel, see Lightfoot on Acts vy. 34 (both in the Commentary and the 
Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations); also on Matt. xiii. 2. 

3 Luke ii. 25-35. 3 Acts v. 34-40. 4 Acts xxii. 3. ι 

5 This title is the same as “ Rabboni” addressed to our Lord by Mary Magdalene. 

6 He bathed once at Ptolemais in an apartment where a statue was erected to a 
keathen goddess ; and being asked how he could reconcile this with the Jewish law, he 
replied, that the bath was there before the statue; that the bath was not made for the 
goddess, but the statue for the bath. Tholuck, Eng. Transl. p. 17. 

7 Acts vy. 34. Yet Nicodemus and Joseph declared themselves the friends of Christ, 
which Gamaliel never did. And we should hardly expect to find a violent persecutor 
zmong the pupils of a really candid and unprejudiced man. Schrader has an indignant 
chapter against Gamaliel, and especially against the “urchristian”’ sentiment that the 
truth of a religion is to be tested by its success. Der Apostel Paulus, vol. ii. ch. 5. 

8 In the Clementine Recognitions (i. 65), Clement is made to say,—‘ Latenter frater 
uoster erat in fide, sed consilio nostro inter eos erat :’’ and the plan is more fully stated 
in the next section (66). Cotelerius says in a note: “ Vulpinum hoc consilium Apos- 
tolis indignum est. Decepit tamen Bedam Pseudo-Clemens Rufini. At non ega 
eredulus illis.” See Bede on Acts v. 34, and Retract. ibid.; and compare Lightfoot’s 
Comm. The story is adopted by Baronius: see the notes to next (Chapter. 


As THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sanctioned by him.! He died eighteen years before the destruction of 


Jerusalem,’ about the time of St. Paul’s shipwreck at Malta, and was bur 
ied with great honour. Another of his pupils, Onkelos, the author of the 
celebrated Targum, raised to him such a funeral-pile of rich materials as 
had never been known, except at the burial of a king, 

If we were briefly to specify the three effects which the teaching and 
example of Gamaliel may be supposed to have produced on the mind of 
St. Paul, they would be as follows :—candour and honesty of judgment,—- 
a willingness to study and make use of Greek authors,—and a keen and 
watchful enthusiasm for the Jewish law. We shall see these traits of 
character soon exemplified in his life. But it is time that we should 
inquire into the manner of communicating instruction, and iearn something 
concerning the places where instruction was communicated, in the schools 
of Jerusalem, 

Until the formation of the later Rabbinical colleges, which flourished 
after the Jews were driven from Jerusalem, the instruction in the divinity 
schools seems to have been chiefly oral. There was a prejudice against 
the use of any book except the Sacred Writings. The system was one of 
Scriptural Exegesis.? Josephus remarks, at the close of his Antiquities, 
that the one.thing most prized by his countrymen was power in the expo- 
sition of Scripture. “They give to that man,” he says, ‘“ the testimony of 
being a wise man, who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to 
interpret their meaning.” So far as we are able to learn from our sources 
of information, the method of instruction was something of this kind.’ At 
the meetings of learned men, some passage of the Old Testament was taken 
as a text, or some topic for discussion propounded in Hebrew, translated 
into the vernacular tongue by means of a Chaldee paraphrase, and made 
the subject of commentary : various interpretations were given : aphorisms 
were propounded : allegories suggested : and‘ the opinions of ancient doc- 

1 Lightfoot’s Exercitations on Acts ν. 34. Otho’s Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc 
Gamaliel. The prayer is given in Mr. Horne’s Introduction to the Scriptures, 8th ed 
vol. iii. p. 261, as follows: “ Let there be no hope to them who apostatise from the true 
religion; and let heretics, how many soever they be, all perish asin a moment. And 
let the kingdom of pride be speedily rooted out and broken in our days. Blessed art 
thou, O Lord our God, who destroyest the wicked, and bringest down the proud.” 
This prayer is attributed by some to “Samuel the Little,” who lived in the time of 
Gamaliel. There is a story that this Samuel the Little was the Apostle Paul himself, 
“Paulus” meaning “little,” and “Samuel” being contracted into “Saul.” See 
Basnage, bk. iii. ch. i. δὲ 12, 13. 

3. His son Simeon, who succeeded him as president of the Council, perished in the 
ruins of the city. Lightf. Exerc. as above. 

3 See the remarks on this subject in the early part of the second volume of Jost’s 
Allg. Gesch. des Isr. Volks. 

ἘΠ ΤῈ 

5 See Jost as above ; and Dr. Kitto’s Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature, art. ‘Schools’ 
and “ Synagogues.” 


MODE OF TEACHING. 59 


wrs quoted and discussed. At these discussions the younger students 
were present, to listen or to enquire,—or, in the sacred words of St. Luke, 
“both hearing them and asking them questions :” for it was a peculiarity 
of the Jewish schools, that the pupil was encouraged to catechize the 
teacher. Contradictory opinions were expressed with the utmost freedom. 
This is evident from a cursory examination of the Talmud, which gives us 
the best notions of the scholastic disputes of the Jews. This remarkable 
body of Rabbinical jurisprudence has been compared to the Roman body 
of civil law: but in one respect it might suggest a better comparison with 
our own English common law, in that it is a vast accumulation of various 
and often inconsistent precedents: the arguments and opinions which it 
contains, shew very plainly that the Jewish doctors must often have 
been occupied with the most frivolous questions ; that the ‘mint, anise, 
and cummin” were eagerly discussed, while the “‘ weightier matters of the 
law” were neglected :—but we should not be justified in passing a hasty 
judgment on ancient volumes, which are full of acknowledged difficulties 
What we read of the system of the Cabbala has often the appearance of 
unintelligible jargon : but in all ages it has been true that ‘ the words of the 
wise are as goads, and as nails fastened by the masters of assemblies.” ! 
If we could look back on the assemblies of the Rabbis of Jerusalem, with 
Gamaliel in the midst, and Saul among the younger speakers, it is possible 
that the scene would be as strange and as different from a place of modern 
education, as the schools now seen by travellers in the Hast differ from 
contemporary schools in England. But the same might be said of the 
walks of Plato in the Academy, or the lectures of Aristotle in the Lyceum. 
It is certain that these free and public discussions of the Jews tended to 
create a high degree of general intelligence among the people ; that the 
students were trained there in a system of excellent dialectics ; that they 
learnt to express themselves in a rapid and sententious style, often with 
much poetical feeling ; and acquired an admirable acquaintance with the 
words of the ancient Scriptures.’ 

These “ Assemblies of the Wise” were possibly a continuation of the 
“Schools of the Prophets,” which are mentioned in the historical books of 
the Old Testament. Wherever the earlier meetings were held, whether at 
the gate of the city, or in some more secluded place, we read of no build- 
iags for purposes of worship or instruction before the Captivity. During 
thes melancholy period, when they mourned over their separation from the 


Eecles. xii. 11. 
* Many details are brought together by Meuchen, De Scholis Hebrxorum, in bia 
‘ Novum Testamentum ex Talmude illustratum.” It seems that half-yearly examinations 
* ore held on four sabbaths of the months Adar and Elul (February and August), when 
.xe scholars made recitations and were promoted : the punishments were, confinemenk 
Anagipg and excommunication. 


60 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


COIN OF CYRENE.! 


Teraple, the necessity of assemblies must have been deeply felt, for united 
prayer and mutual exhortation, for the singing of the ‘‘Songs of Zion,” 
and for remembering the ‘Word of the Lord.” When they returned, 
the public reading of the law became a practice of universal interest: 
and from this period we must date the erection of Synagogues’ in 
the different towns of Palestine. So that St. James could say, in the 
council at Jerusalem: ‘ Moses of old time hath in every city them that 
preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath day.”* ΤῸ this 
later period the 74th Psalm may be referred,‘ which laments over “the burn- 
ing of all the synagogues of God in the land.”* These buildings are not men- 
tioned by Josephus in any of the earlier passages of his history. But in 
the time of the Apostles we have the fullest evidence that they existed in 
all the small towns in Juda, and in all the principal cities where the Jews 
were dispersed abroad. It seems that the synagogues often consisted of 
two apartments, one for prayer, preaching, and the offices of public wor- 
ship ; the other for the meetings of learned men, for discussion concerning 
questions of religion and discipline, and for purposes of education.’ Thus 
the Synagogues and the Schools cannot be considered as two separate sub- 
jects. No douht a distinction must be drawn between the smaller schools 
of the country villages, and the great divinity schools of Jerusalem. The 
synagogue which was built by the Centurion at Capernaum? was no doubt 
a far less important place than those synagogues in the Holy City, where 
“the Libertines, and Cyrenians, and Alexandrians, with those of Asia and 

1 From the British Museum. The beautiful coins of Cyrene shew how entirely it 
was a Greek city, and therefore imply that its Jews were Hellenistic, like those of 
Alexandria. See above, p. 18, note. 

2. See Vitringa de Synagoga Vetere, especially bk. i. pt. 2, ch. 12. Basnage assigna 
the erection of synagogues to the time of the Maccabees. Meuschen says that schools 
were established by Ezra; but he gives no proof. Itis probable that they were nearly 
contemporaneous. 

3 Acts xv, 21, 

4 See Ewald’s Poetische Biicher des Alten Bundes, aud Tholuck’s Psalmen fur 
Geistliche und Laien, Mr. Phillips considers this psalm to be simply prophetic of the 


dcstruction in the Roman war: Psalms in Heb. and Comm. 1846. 

5 Pg. Ixxiv. 8. 

6 The place where the Jews met for worship was called pp 555 p44, as opposed to 
the 55% nn, where lectures were given. The term Beth-Midrash is still said to be 
used in Poland and Germany for the place where Jewish lectures are given on the law, 

7 Luke vii. 5 


STUDENT-LIFE. Gi 


Cilicia,” sose up as one man, and disputed against St. Stephen.' We have 
here five groups of foreign Jews,—two from Africa, two from Western 
Asia, and one from Europe : and there is no doubt that the Israelites of 
Syria, Babylonia, and the East were similarly represented. The Rabbini- 
cal writers say that there were 480 synagogues in Jerusalem ; and though 
this must be an exaggeration, yet no doubt all shades of Hellenistic 
and Aramaic opinions found a home in the common metropolis. It is easy 
to see that an eager and enthusiastic student could have had no lack 
of excitements to stimulate his religious and intellectual activity, if ke 
spent the years of kis youth in that city “αὖ the feet of Gamaliel.” 

It has been contended, that when St. Paul said he was “breught up” 
in Jerusalem, “at the feet of Gamaliel,” he meant that he had lived at the 
Rabban’s house, and eaten at his table. But the words evidently point 
to the customary posture of Jewish students at a school. There is a curi- 
ous passage in the Talmud, where it is said, that ‘from the days of Moses 
to Rabban Gamaliel, they stood up to learn the Law; but when Rabban 
Gamaliel died, sickness came into the world, and they sat down to learn 
the Law.”* We need not stop to criticise this sentence, and it is not eas; 
to reconcile it with other authorities on the same subject. “ΤῸ sit at the 
feet of a teacher” was a proverbial expression ; as wnen Mary is said to 
_ have “sat at Jesus’ feet and heard His word.”4 But the proverbial expres- 
sion must have arisen from a well-known custom. The teacher was seated 
on an elevated platform, or on the ground, and the pupils around him ea 
low seats or on the floor. Maimonides says :—‘‘ How do the masters 
teach? The doctor sits at the head, and the disciples around hin like a 
crown, that they may all see the doctor and hear his words. Nor is the 
doctor seated on a seat, and the disciples on the ground ; but all are on 
seats, or all on the floor.”> St. Ambrose says, in his Commentary on the 
Ist Hpistle to the Corinthians (xiv.), that “it is the tradition of the syna- 


1 Acts vi. 9. It is difficult to classify the synagogues mentioned in this passage. 
An “ Alexandrian Synagogue,” built by Alexandrian artisans who were employed 
about the Temple, is mentioned in the Talmud. See Otho’s Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub 
voc, Synagoga.” We have ventured below to use the phrase “Cilician Synagogue,” 
wich cannot involve any serious inaccuracy. 

? Petitus, as quoted by Vitringa, p. 168. 

+ Tradunt magistri nostri; a diebus Mosis usque ad Rabban Gamaliclem non didice- 
r.nt Legem, nisi stantes ; verum a quo mortuus est Rabban Gamaliel, descendit morbus 
in mundum, et didicerunt Legem sedentes; atque hoe illud est, quod aiunt: a quo 
tempore Rabban Gamaliel mortvus est, cessavit Gloria Legis. Quoted by Vitringa. Ὁ. 
167. See Lightfoot on Luke ii. 46; and on Matt. xiii. 2. 

‘4 Luke x. 39. See viii. 35. 

5 Quomodo docere solent Magistri? Doctor sedet ad summum, et discipuli iltum 
circumcingunt instar corone, ut omnes Doctorem intueri et ipsius verba audire possint, 
Neque sedet Doctor in sedili et discipuli ejus in solo, sed vel omnes sedent in terr’ vel 
amines in sedilibus. Quoted by Vitringa, p 156 

͵ 


7 
02 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


gece that they sit while they dispute ; the elders in dignity on hich 
chairs, those beneath them on low seats, and the last of all on mats upor 
the pavement.” And again Philo says, that the children of the Essenea 
sat at the feet of the masters, who interpreted the law, and- explained ita 
figurative sense.” And the same thing is expressed in that maxim of the 
Jews—“ Place thyself in the dust at the fe.t of the wise.” 

In this posture the Apostle of the Gentiles spent his schoolboy days, an 
exer and indefatigable student. “ He that giveth his mind to the law of 
the Most High, and is occupied in the meditation thereof, will seek out 
the wisdom of all the ancient, and be occupied in prophecies. He will 
keep the sayings of the renowned men ; and where subtle parables are, he 
will be there also. He will seek out the secrets of grave sentences, and 
be conversant in dark parables. He shall serve among great men, and\ 
appear among princes: he will travel through strange countries ; for he 
hath tried the good and the evil among men.”4 Such was the pattern 
proposed to himself by an ardent follower of the Rabbis ; and we cannot 
wender that Saul, with such a standard before him, and with so ardent a 
temperament, “made progress in the Jews’ religion above many of his con- 
tempcrarics in his own nation, being more exceedingly zealous of the tra- 
Gitions of his Fathers.”* Intellectually, his mind was trained to logical 
acuteness, his memory became well stored with “hard sentences of old,” 
and he acquired the facility of quick and apt quotation of Scripture 
Morally, he was a strict observer of the requirements of the Law ; and, 
while he led a careful conscientious life, after the example of his ancestors ° 
ke gradaally imbibed the spirit of a fervent persecuting zeal. Among his 
fellow students, who flocked to Jerusalem from Egypt and Babylonia, from 
the coasts of Greece and his native Cilicia, he was known and held in high 
estimation as a rising light in Israel. And if we may draw a natural in- 
ference from another sentence of the letter which has just been quoted, he 
was far from indifferent to the praise of men.?7 Students of the law were 
called “the holy people ;” and we know one occasion when it was said, 
“This people who knoweth not the Law are cursed.”* And we can im 


1 Tee traditio synagoge est, ut sedentes disputent, seniores dignitatt in cathedris 
sequentes in subselliis, novissimi in pavimento super mattas. Amb. Com. in 1 Cor. x: -. 
(Basle. 1567, p. 284.) ἦν 

5. Ἱερὰ ἢ ἑὐδόμη νενόμισται, καθ᾽ ἣν τῶν ἄλλων ἀνέχοντες ἔργων, καὶ εἰς ἱερὸυς ἀφικ- 
ν»ούμενοι τόπους, οἱ καλοῦνται συναγωγαὶ, καθ᾽ ἡλικίας ἐν τάξεσιν ὑπὸ πρεσθυτέροις véer 
καθέζονται, μετὰ κόσμου τοῦ προσήκοντος ἔχοντες ἀκροατικῶς. Mangey’s Philo. ii. p. 458, 

3 Sit domus tua conventus sapientum et pulveriza te in pulvere pedum corum, τὰ 
bibe cum siti verba eorum. Pirke Avoth. cap. 1, ὃ 4, quoted by Vitringa, p. 168. 

4 Eecles. xxxix. 1-4. 5 Gal.i. 14. 6 2 Tim. i. 3. 

7 Gal. i. 10. "Apre γὰρ ἀνθρώπους πείθω... εἰ γὰρ ἔτι ἀνθρώποις ἤρεσκον, Χριστοὺ 
ἰοῦλος οὐκ ὧν ἤμην. “Am I now seeking to conciliate men? ... Nay, if IT still 
girove (as once I did) to please men, I should not be the servant of Christ.” 

* John vii. 49. 


STUDENT-LIFE. 63 


agine him saying to himself, with all the rising pride of a successful Pharé 
see, in the language of the Book of Wisdom: ‘I shall have estimation 
among the multitude, and honour with the elders, though I be young, I 
shall be found of a quick conceit in judgment, and shall be admired in the 
sight of great men. When I hold my tongue, they shall bide my leisure ; 
and when 1 speak, they shall give good ear unto me.” ! 

While thus he was passing through the busy years of his studentelife, 
nursing his religious enthusiasm and growing in self-rightcousness, others 
were advancing towards their manhood, not far from Jerusalem, of whom 
then he knew nothing, but for whose cause he was destined to count that 
loss which now was his highest gain.* There was one at Hebron, the son 
of a priest ‘of the course of Abia,” who was soon to make his voice heard 
throughout Israel as the preacher of repentance ; there were boys by the 
Lake of Galilee, mending their fathers’ nets, who were hereafter to be the 
teachers of the World ; and there was onr, at Nazareth, for the sake of 
whose love—they, and Saul himself, and thousands of faithful hearts 
throughout all future ages, should unite in saying :—‘‘ He must increase, 
but I must decrease.” It is possible that Gamaliel may have been one of 
those doctors with whom Jesus was found conversing in the Temple. it 
is probable that Saul may have been within the precincts of the Temple 
at some festival, when Mary and Joseph came up from Galilee. It is cer- 
tain that the eyes ef the Saviour anid of His future disciple must often 
have rested on the same objects,—the same crowd of pilgrims and wor- 
shippers,—the same walls of the Holy City,—the same olives on the other 
side of the valley of Jehoshaphat. But at present they were strangers. 
The mysterious human life of Jesus was silently advancing towards its 
great consummation. Saul was growing more and more familiar with the 
outward. observances of the Law, and gaining that experience of the 
“spirit of bondage” which should enable him to understand himself, and 
to teach to others, the blessings of the “spirit of adoption.” He was 
feeling the pressure of that yoke, which in the words of St. Peter, “neither 
his fathers nor he were able to bear.” He was learning (in proportion as 
his conscientiousness increased) to tremble at the slightest deviation from 
the Law as jeopardising salvation : “ whence arose that tormenting scrupu- 
losity which invented a number of limitations, in order (by such self-imposed 
restraint) to guard against every possible transgression of the Law.” 
The struggies of this period of his life he has himself described in the 
seventh chapter of Romans. Meanwhile, year after year passed away. 
John the Baptist appeared by the waters of the Jordan. The greatest 
event of the world’s history was finished on Calvary. ‘The sacrifice for 
sin was Offered at a time when sin appeared to be most triumphant. At 

1 Wisdom viii. 10-12. ? See Phil. iii, 5-7. 
3 Neander Pf. und L. (Eng Trans. p. 137.) 


θ4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the period of the Crucifixion, three of the principal persons who demand 
the historian’s attention are—the Emperor Tiberius, spending his life of 
sliameless lust on the island of Capreee,—his vile minister, Sejanus, revelling 
in cruelty at Rome,—and Pontius Pilate at Jerusalem, mingling with the 
sacrifices the blood of the Galileans.! How refreshing is it to turn from 
these characters to sueh scenes as that where St. John receives his Lord’s 
dying words from the cross, or where St. Thomas meets Him after the 
resurrection, to have his doubts turned into faith, or where St. Stephen 
sheds the first blood of martyrdom, praying for his murderers | 

This first martyrdom has the deepest interest for us; since it is the 
first occasion when Saul comes before us in his early manhood. Where 
had he been during these years which we have rapidly passed over in a 
few lines,—the years in which the foundations of Christianity were laid ? 
We cannot assume that he had remained continuously in Jerusalem. 
Many years had elapsed since he came, a boy, from his home at Tarsus. 
He must have attained the age of twenty-five or thirty years when our 
Lerd’s public ministry began. His education was completed ; and we may 
conjecture, with much probability, that he returned to Tarsus. When he 
says, in the first letter to the Corinthians (ix. 1),—‘‘ Have I not seen the 
Lord?” and when he speaks in the second (vy. 16) of having ‘‘ known 
Christ after the flesh,” he seems only to allude, in the first case, to his 
vision on the road to Damascus ; and, in the second, to his carnal opinions 
concerning the Messiah. Jt is hardly conceivable, that if he had been at Je 
rusalem during our Lord’s public ministration there, he should never allude 
to the fact.2. In this case, he would surely have been among the persecu- 
tors of Jesus, and have referred to this as the ground of his remorse, 
instead of expressing his repentance for his opposition merely to the Sa-_ 


viour’s followers.* 

If he returned to the banks of the Cydnus, he would find that many 
changes had taken place among his friends in the interval which had 
brought him from boyhood to manhood. But the only change in himselt 
was that he brought back with him, to gratify the pride of his parents, if 
they still were living, a mature knowledge of the Law, a stricter life, a 
more fervent zeal. And here, in the schools of Tarsus, he had abundant 
opportunity for becoming acquainted with that Greek literature, the taste 
for which he had caught from Gamaliel, and for studying the writings of 

1 Luke xiii. 1. 

2 Τῇ the absense of more information, it is difficult to write with confidence concerning 
this part of St. Paul’s life. Benson thinks he was a young student during our Lord’s 
ministry, and places a considerable interval between the Ascension of Christ and the 
persecution of Stephen. Lardner thinks that the restraint and retirement of a student 
might have kept him in ignorance of what was going on in the world. Hemsen’a 
opinion has been given above. 

31 Cor. xv. 9. Acts xxii. 20. 


FIRST PROCLAMATION OF THE GOSPEL. 65 


Philo and the Tfellenistic Jews. Supposing him to be thus employed, we 
will describe in a few words the first beginnings of the Apostolic Church, 
and the appearance presented by it to that Judaism in the midst of which 
it rose, and follow its short history to the point where the “ young man, 
whose name was Saul,” reappears at Jerusalem, in connection with his 
friends of the Cilician Synagogue, “ disputing with Stephen.” 

Before our Saviour ascended into heaven, He said to His disciples 2 
“Ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and 
in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth.” And when 
Matthias had been chosen, and the promised blessing had been received 
on the day of Pentecost, this order was striciiy followed. First the Gos 
pel was proclaimed in the City of Jerusalem, and the numbers of those 
who believed gradually rose from 120 to 5000.* Until the disciples were 
“scattered,”? “upoa the persecution that arose about Stephen,”+ Jerusa- 
lem was the scene of all that took place in the Church of Christ. We 
read as yet of no communication of the truth to the Gentiles, nor to the 
Samaritans; no hint even of any Apostolic preaching in the country parts 
of Judea. It providentially happened, indeed, that the first outburst of 
the new doctrine, with all its miraculous evidence, was witnessed by “Jews 
and prosclytes” from all parts of the world.® They had come up to the 
Festival cf Pentecost from the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, of the 
Nile and of the Tiber, from the provinces of Asia Minor, from the desert 
of Arabia, and from the islands of the Greek Sea; aad when they re- 
turned to their homes, they carried with them news which prepared the 
way for the Glad Tidings about to issue from Mount Zion to “ the utter- 
most parts of the earth.” But as yet the Gospel lingered on the Holy 
Hill. The first acts of the Apostles were “prayer and supplication” in 
the “upper room ;” breaking of bread ‘from house to house ;”° sairacles 
in the Temple ; gatherings of the people in Solomon’s cloister, and the 
bearing of testimony in the council chamber of the Sanhedrin, 

One of the elie characteristics of the Apostolic Church, con.idered in 
itself, was the bountiful charity of its members one towards another, 
ee “4 the Jews of Palestine, and therefore many of the earliest Chris- 
tian converts, were extremely poor. The odium incurred by adopting the 
new doctrine might undermine the livelihood cf some who depended on 
their trade for support, and this would make alms-giving necessary. But 
the Jews of Palestine were relatively poor, compared with these of the 
dispersion, We sce this exemplified on later occasions, in the contributions 


1 Acts i. 8. 2 Actas. ell aT. ἵν. 4. 

3 Acts viii. 1. 4 Acts xi. 19. 5 Acts li. 9-11. 

ὁ Or rather “at home” (κατ᾽ οἶκον. \ Acts ii. 46)—i.e. in their mectings at the 
private houses of Christians, as opposed to the public devotions in the Temple. 


Oy 5 


96 THE LIYE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


which St. Paul more than once anxiously promoted.’ And in the very first 
days cf the Church, we find its wealthier members placing their entire pos- 
sessions at the disposal of the Apostles. Not that there was any abolition 
of the rights of property, as the words of St. Peter to Ananias very well 
show.?. Kut those who were rick gave up what God had given them, ia 
the spirit of generous self-sacrifice, and according to the true principle of 
Christian communism, which regards property 2s entrusted to the passessor, 
not for himself, but for the good of the whole community,—to be distrib- 
ated according to such methods as his charitable feeling and conscientious 
judgment may approve. The Apostolic Church was, in this respect, in a 
healthier condition than the Church of modern days. But even then we 
find ungenerous and suspicious sentiments growing up in the midst of the 
general benevolence. That old jealousy between the Aramaic and Hellen- 
istic Jews reappeared. Their party feeling was excited by some real or 
apparent unfairness in the distribution of the fund set apart for the poor. 
A murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews,” 5 or of the Hebrews 
against the Grecians, had been a common occurrence for at least two cen- 
turies; and, notwithstanding the power of the Divine Spirit, none will 
wonder that it broke out again even among those who had become obedi- 
ent to the doctrine of Christ. That the widows’ fund might be carefully 
distributed, seven almoners or deacons were appointed, of whom the most 
eminent was St. Stephen, described as a man “full of faith, and of the 
Holy Ghost,” and as one who, “full of faith and power, did great wonders 
and miracles among the people.” It will be observed that these seven 
men have Greek names, and that one was a proselyte from the Greco-Syr- 
ian city of Antioch. It was natural, from the peculiar character of the 
quarrel, that Hellenistic Jews should have been appointed to this office. 
And this circumstance must be looked on as divinely arranged. For the 
introduction of that party, which was most free from local and national 
prejudices, into the very ministry of the Church, must have had an import- 
ant influence in preparing the way for the admission of the Gentiles, 
Looking back, from our point of view, upon the community at Jerusa- 
lem, we see in it the beginning of that great society, the Church, which 
has continued to our own time, distinct both from Jews und Heathen, and 
which will continue till it absorbs both the Heathen and the Jews. But 
to the contemporary Jews themselves it wore a very different appearance. 
From the Hebrew point of view, the disciples of Christ would be regarded 
as a Jewish sect or synagogue. The synagogues, as we have seen, were 
very numerous at Jerusalem. There were already the Cilician Synagogue, 
the Alexandrian Synagogue, the Synagogue of the Libertines,—and te 


1 Acts xi. 29, 30; and again nom. xv. 25, 26, compared with Acts xxiv. 1 
& Cor. xvi. 1-4. 2 Cor. viii. 1-4. 
* Acta v. 4 3 Acts vi. 1 


OPPOSITION TO THE NEW FAITH. 67 


these was now added (if we may use so bold an expression the Nazarene 
Synagogue, or the Synagogue of the Galilaans. Not that any separate 
ouilding was erected for the devotions of the Christians ; for they met 
from house to house for prayer and the breaking of bread. But they were 
by no means separated from the nation ;! they attended the festivals ; 
they worshipped in the Temple. They were a new and singular party in 
the nation, holding peculiar opinions, and interpreting the Scriptures in a 
peculiar way. ‘This is the aspect under which the Church would first pre 
sent itself to the Jews, and among others to Saul himself. Many different 
opinions were expressed in the synagogues concerning the nature and office 
of the Messiah. These Galileans would be distinguished as holding the 
strange opinion that the true Messiah was that notorious “ malefactor,” 
who had been crucified at the last Passover. All parties in the nation 
united to oppose, and if possible to crush, the monstrous heresy. 

The first attempts to put down the new faith came from the Saddu- 
eees. The high priest and his immediate adherents’? belonged to this 
party. They hated the doctrine of the resurrection ; and the resurrection 
of Jesus Christ was the corner-stone of all St. Peter’s teaching. He and 
the other Apostles were brought before the Sanhedrin, who in the first 
instance were content to enjoin silence on them. The order was disobeyed, 
and they were summoned again. The consequences might have been fatal : 
but that the jealousy between the Sadducees and Pharisees was overruled, 
and the instrumentality of one man’s wisdom was used, by Almighty God, 
for the protection of His servants. Gamaliel, the eminent Pharisee, 
argued, that if this cause were not of God, it would come to nothing, like 
the work of other impostors ; but, if it were of God, they could not safely 
resist what must certainly prevail: and the Apostles of Jesus Christ were 
scoured, and allowed to “ depart from the presence of the council, rejoicing 
that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for His name.”3 But it was 
impossible that those Pharisees, whom Christ had always rebuked, should 
long continue to be protectors of the Christians. On this occasion we find 
the teacher, Gamaliel, taking St. Peter’s part: at the next persecution, 
Saul, the pupil, is actively concerned in the murder of St. Stephen. It 
was the same alternation of the two prevailing parties, first opposing each 
other, and then uniting to oppose the Gospel, of which Saul himself 
had such intimate experience when he became St. Paul.‘ 


δ “The worship of the temple and the synagogue still went side by side with the 
prayers, and the breaking of bread from house to house... . The Jewish family life 
was the highest expression of Christian unity. ... The fulfilment of the ancient law 
was the aspect of Christianity to which the attention of the Church was most directed.” 
Mr. Stanley’s Sermon on St. Peter, p.92; see James ii. 2, where the word “syna 
gzogue”’ is applied to Christian assemblies. 

S Acts avarice 3 Acts v. 41. 4 See Acts xxiii. 6, 9, 14, 20. 


68 Y'HE LIFK AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


In many particulars St. Stephen was the forerunner of St. Paul. Up 
to this time the conflict had been chiefly maintained with the Aramaic 
Jews ; but Stephen carried the war of the Gospel into the territory of the 
{fellenists. ‘The learned members of the foreign synagogues cndeavoured 
to refute him by argument or by clamour. The Cilician Synagogue is 
particularly mentioned (Acts vi. 9, 10) as having furnished some conspic- 
uous opponents to Stephen, who ‘were not able to resist the wisdom aud 
the spirit with which he spake.” We cannot doubt, from what follows, 
that Saul of Tarsus, already distinguished by his zeal and talents among 
the younger champions of Pharisaism, bore a leading part in the diseus- 
sions which here took place. He was now, though still “a young man” 
(Acts vii. 58), yet no longer in the first opening of youth. This is evi- 
dent from the fact that he was appointed to an important ecclesiastical 
and political office immediately afterwards. Such an appointment he could | 
hardly have received from the Sanhedrin before the age of thirty, and 
probably not so early ; for we must remember that a peculiar respect for 
seniority distinguished the Rabbinical authorities. We can imagine Saul, 
then, the foremost in the Cilician Synagogue, “ disputing” against the new 
doctrines of the Hellenistic Deacon, in all the energy of vigorous manhood, 
and with all the vehement logic of the Rabbis. How often must these 
seenes have been recalled to his mind, when he himself took the place of 
Stephen in many a Synagogue, and bore the brunt of the like furions assault 5 — 
surrounded by “Jews filled with envy, who spake against those things 
which were spoken by Paul, contradicting and blaspheming.”! But this 
clamour and these arguments were not sufficient to convince or intimidate 
St. Stephen. False witnesses were then suborned to accuse him of blas- 
phemy against Moses and against God,—who asserted, when he was drag: - 
ged before the Sanhedrin, that they had heard him say that Jesus of Naz- 
areth should destroy the temple, and change the Mosaic customs. It is 
evident, from the nature of this accusation, how remarkably his doctrine 
was an anticipation of St. Paul’s. As an Hellenistic Jew, he was less 
entangled in the prejudices of Hebrew nationality than his Aramaic breth- 
ren; and he seems to have a fuller understanding of the final intention of 
the Gospel than St. Peter and the Apostles had yet attained to. Not 
doubting the divinity of the Mosaic economy, and not faithless to the God 
of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, he yet saw that the time was coming, yea, 
then was, when the “ true worshippers” should worship Him, not in the Tem- 
ple only er in any one sacred spot, but everywhere throughout the earth, 
“an spirit and in truth ;” and for this doctrine he was doomed to die. 

When we speak of the Sanhedrin, we are brought into contact with an 
important controversy. It is much disputed whether it had at this period 


1 Acts xiii, 45. 


ἂ 
THE SANHEDRIN. 69 


tne power cf inflicting death... On the one hand, we apparently find the 
existeuce of this power denied by the Jews themselves at the trial of our 
Lord ;* and, on the other, we apparently find it assumed and acted on in 
the case of St. Stephen. The Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, like the Areopa 
gus at Athens, was the highest and most awful court of judicature, espe: 
cially in matters that pertained to religion ; but like that Athenian tri- 
bunal, its real power gradually shrunk, though the reverence attached to 
ils decisions remained. It probably assumed its systematic form under the 
second liyrcanus ; and it became a fixed institution in the Commonwealtk 
under his sons, who would be glad to have their authority nominally 
limited, but really supported, by such a Council. Under the Herods, and 
under the Romans, its jurisdiction was curtailed ;* and we are informed, 
on Talmudical authority,® that, forty years before the destruction of Jeru- 
salem, it was formally deprived of the power of inflicting death. If this is 
true, we must consider the proceedings at the death of St. Stephen as tumult- 
uous and irregular. And nothing is more probable than that Pontius Pilate 
(if indeed he was not absent at the time) would willingly connive, in the 
spirit of Gallio at Corinth, at an act of unauthorised cruelty in “a ques: 
tion of words and names and of the Jewish law,” ὁ and that the Jews would 
willingly assume as much power as they dared, when the honour of Moses 
and the Temple was in jeopardy. 

The council assembled in solemn and formal state to try the blasphemer. 
There was great and general excitement in Jerusalem. “The people, the 
scribes, and the elders” had been “stirred up” by the members of the 
Hellenistic Synagogue.’ It is evident, from that vivid expression which is 


1 Most of the modern German crities (Neander, De Wette, Olshausen, &c.) are of 
opinion that they had not at this time the power of life and death. A very careful 
and elaborate argument for the opposite view will be found in Biscoe’s History of the 
Acts confirmed, ch. vi. See also Krebs, Obs. in N. T.e Flavio Josepho, pp. 64 and 
155. Mr. Milman says that in his “opinion, formed upon the study of the cotemporary 
Jewish history, the power of the Sanhedrin, at this period of political change and con- 
fusion, on this, as well as on other points, was altogether undefined.’’—History of 
Christianity, vol. i. p. 340. Compare the narrative of the death of St. James. Joseph. 
A. xx. 9. 

? John xviii. 31, xix. 6. See the Commentaries of Tittman and Liicke. 

3 Jost’s Ally. Gesch., vol. ii. p. 6, ἄρ. The Greek term συνέδριον, from whick 
‘Sanhedrin ” (5544430) is derived, makes it probable that its systematic organization 
dates from the Greco-Macedonian period. 

* We sce the beginning of this in the first passage where the council is mentioned by 
Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 9. See Selden de Synedriis Hebreorum, 11. xv. 15. “ Principes 
Synedrii . . . . summotos interdum fuisse perinde ac Pontifices, idque imprimis seculi 
illis reeentioribus, quibus reipublice, imperii, jurisdictionis facies pro dominantium 
victorumque arbitratu crebro mutabat. non est cur omnino dubitemus: etiam et con 
stitutos subinde a Romanis, prout gubernandi ratio exigebat.” Opera 1. f. 1572, 

5. Otho, Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. Synedrium. 

6 Acts xvii 15. _ 7 vi, 12. 


TU YHE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


quoted from the accusers’ mouths,—“‘ thas place”—“‘ this holy place,”.—that 
the meeting of the Sanhedrin took place in the close neighbourhood of the 
Temple. Their ancient and solemn room of assembly was the hall Gazith,’ 
ut the “‘ Stone-Chamber,” partly within the Temple Court and partly with- 
out it. The president sat in the less sacred portion, and around him, in a 
semi-circle, were the rest of the seventy judges.? 

Before these judges Stephen was made to stand, confronted by his ac 
cusers. The eyes of all were fixed upon his countenance, which grew 
bright as they gazed on it, with a supernatural radiance and serenity. In 
the beautiful Jewish expression of the Scripture, “They saw his face as il 
had been that of an angel.” The judges, when they saw his glorifeo 
countenance, might have remembered the shining on the face of Moses,? 
and trembled lest Stephen’s voice should be about to speak the will of 
Jehovah, like that of the great lawgiver. Instead of being occupied with 
the faded glories of the Second Temple, they might have recognised in the 
spectacle before them the Shechinah of the Christian soul, which is the 
living Sanctuary of God. But the trial proceeded. The judicial question, 
to which the accused was required to plead, was put by the president : 
“ Are these things so?” And then Stephen answered, and his clear voice 
was, heard in the silent council-hall, as he went through the history of the 
chosen people, proving his own deep faith in the sacredness of the Jewish 
economy, but suggesting, here and there, that spiritual interpretation of it 
which had always been the true one, and the truth of which was now to 
he made manifest to all‘ He began, with a wise discretion, from the call 
of Abraham, and travelled historically in his argument through all the 
great stages of their national existence,—from Abraham to Joseph,—from 
Joseph to Moses,—from Moses to David and Solomon. And as he went 
on he selected and glanced at those points which made for his own cause, 
He showed that God’s blessing rested on the faith of Abraham, though he 
had “not so much as to set his foot on” in the land of promise (v. 5), on 
the piety of Joseph, though he was an exile in Egypt (vy. 9), and on the 
holiness of the Burning Bush, though in the desert of Sinai (v. 30). He 

1 Otho, Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. Conclave ; and Selden de Synedriis Hcbreo- 
rum, IJ. x. 2, 11. xv. 4. (ff. 1431 & 1544.) See above p.54,n.1. It appears that the 
Talmudical authorities differ as to whether it was on the south or norih side of the 
Temple. But they agree in placing it to the east of the Most Holy Place. 

2 Selden describes the form in which the Sanhedrin sat, and gives a diagram with 
the “ President of the Council” in the middle, the “Father of the Council” by his 
side, and “ Scribes” at the extremities of the semicircle: Il. vi. 1. ff. 1818, 1319. 

3 Exodus xxxiv. 29-35: see 2 Cor. iii. 7, 138. Chrysostom imagines (Hom xv.) that 
the angelic brightness on Stephen’s face might be intended to alarm the juages; for 
as he says, itis possible for a countenance full of spiritual grace to be awful and terrible 
to those who are full of hate. 


4 For an analyais of this speech, see Schottgen’s Hore Hebraice ;, Kuinoel’s Com 
mentary ; and aiso Neanger in the Pf. und:Leit. 


ST. STEPHEN THE FORERUNNER OF 51. PAUL. τὶ 


dwelt in detail on the Lawgiver, in such a way as to show his own unques 
tionable orthodoxy ; but he quoted the promise concerning ‘ the prophet 
like unto Moses” (τ. 37), and reminded his hearers that the law, in which 
they trusted, had not kept their forefathers from idolatry (v. 39, &c.). 
And so he passed on to the Temple, which had so prominent a reference 
to the charge against him: and while he spoke of it, he alluded to the 
words of Solomon himself,! and of the prophet Isaiah,? who denied that 
any temple ‘‘made with hands” could be the place of God’s highest wor 
ship. And thus far they listened to him. It was the story of the chosen 
people, to which every Jew listened with interest and pride. 

It is remarkable, as we have said before, how completely St. Stephen 
is the forerunner of St. Paul, both in the form and the matter of this de- 
fence. His securing the attention of the Jews by adopting the historical 
method, is exactly what the Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in 
Pisidia.* His assertion of his attachment to the true principles of the 
Mosaic religion is exactly what was said to Agrippa: “1 continue unto 
this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying none other things than 
those which the prophets and Moses did say should come.”‘ It is deeply 
interesting to think of Saul as listening to the martyr’s voice, as he ante- 
dated those very arguments which he himself was destined to reiterate in 
synagogues and before kings. There is no reason to doubt that he was 
present,® although he may not have been qualified to vote® in the Sanhe- 
drin, And it is evident, from the thoughts which occurred to him in his 
subsequent vision within the precincts of the Temple,’ how deep an impres- 
sion St. Stephen’s’ death had left on his memory. And there are even 
verbal coincidences which may be traced between this address and St. 

1 1 Kings viii. 27. 2 Chron. ii. 6. vi. 18. 

ἈΠ ΒΡ ἸΧΥ Σ 2: 3 Acts xiii. 16-22. 4 Acts xxvi. 22. 

5 Mr. Humphry remarks (Comm. on Acts, 1847, p. 48), that it is not improbable we 
awe to him the defence of St. Stephen as given in the Acts. Besides the resemblance 
mentioned in the text, he points out the similarity between Acts vii. 44, and Heb. viii. 
5, between Acts vii. 5-8, and Rom. iv. 10-19, and between Acts vii. 60, and 2 Tim. iv. 
16. And if the Epistle to the Hebrews was written by St. Paul, may we not suppose 
that this scene was present to his mind when he wrote, “Jesus suffered without the 
gate: let us go forth therefore unto Him without the camp, bearing His reproach’’? 
(xiii. 12, 13.) 

6 One of the necessary qualifications of mem#ers of the Sanhedrin was, that they 
should be the fathers of children, because such were supposed more likely to lean 
towards mercy. See Selden, quoting from Maimonides: “In nullo Synedriorum 
cooptabant quempiam cui proles deesset, unde fieret misericors:’? and again from the 
Jerusalem Gemara, “Is qui non vidit sibi liberos, judiciis pecuniariis idoneus est, at 
vero non capitalibus,”’ II. ix. 4, f. 1422. If this was the rule when Stephen was tried, 
and if Saul was one of the judges, he must have been married at the time. 

7 He said in his trance, “ Lord, they know that I imprisoned ard beat in every 
synarogue them that believed on thee ; and when the blood of thy martyr Stephen was 


shed, I also was standing by, and consenting unto his death, and kept the raiment of 
them that stew him.” Acts xxii. 19, 20. 


72 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Paul’s speeches or writings. The words used by Stephen of the Temple 
eall to mind these which were used at Athens.’ When he speaks of the 
law as received “by the disposition of angels,” he anticipates a phrase 
in the Epistle to the Galatians (iii. 19). His exclamation at the end, 
“Ye stiffnecked and uncircumcised in heart... who have received the 
law. . . and have not kept it,” is only an indignant condensation of the 
argument in the Epistle to the Romans: ‘ Behold thou art called a Jew, 
and restest in the law, and makest thy boast of God, and knowest His 
will. . . Thou, therefore, that makest thy boast of the law, through 
breaking the law dishonourest thou God?.. . He is not a Jew which is 
one outwardly ; neither is that circumcision which is outward in the 
flesh ; but he is a Jew which is one inwardly : and circumcision is that of 
the heart, in the spirit, and not in the letter ; whose praise is not of man, 
but of God.” (ii. 17-29). 

The rebuke which Stephen, full of the Divine Spirit, suddenly broke 
away from the course of his narrative to pronounce, was the signal for a 
general outburst of furious rage on the part of his judges. They “ gnashed 
on him with their teeth” in the same spirit in which they had said, not long 
before, to the blind man who was healed—‘ Thou wast altogether born in 
sins, aud dost thou teach us?”? But, in contrast with the malignant 
hatred which had blinded their eyes, Stephen’s serene faith was supernat- 
urally exalted into a direct vision of the blessedness of the Redeemed. 
He, whose face had been like that of an angel on earth, was made like 
gne of those angels themselves, “who do always behold the face of our 
Father which is in Heaven.”4 ‘ He being full of the Holy Ghost, looked 
up steadfastly into Heaven, and saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing 
on the right hand of God.” The scene before his eyes was no longer the 
council-hall at Jerusalem and the circle of his infuriated judges ; but he 
gazed up into the endless courts of the celestial Jerusalem, with its “innu- 
merable company of angels,” and saw Jesus, in whose righteous cause he 
wag about to die. In other places, where our Saviour is spoken of in His 
glorified state, He is said to be, not standing, but seated, at the right hand 
of the Father.’ Here alone He is said to be standing, It is as if (accord- 
ing to Chrysostom’s® beautiful thought) He had risen from His throne, te 


1 Acts xvii. 24. 

2 It is evident that the speech was interrupted. We may infer what the conclusion 
would have been from the analogy of St. Paul’s speech at Antioch in Pisidia, Acts xiii, 

3 John ix. 34. 4 Matt. xviii. 10. 

8 Asin Eph.i. 20. Col. iii, 1. Heb. 1..5. viii. 1. x. 12. xii, 2: compare Rom. viii 
34, and 1 Pet. iii. 22. 

6 Τί οὖν ἑστῶτα καὶ οὐχὶ καθήμενον ; ἵνα δείξῃ τὴν ἀντίληψιν τὴν εἰς τὸν μάρτυρα" καὶ 
yap περὶ τοῦ Πατρὸς λέγεται" “ ἀνάστα ὁ Θεός." καὶ πάλιν, “ νῦν ἀναστήσομαι, λέγει 
Κύριος " ϑήσομαι ἐν σωτηρίῳ: ἵνα οὖν πολλὴν τῷ ἀθλητῇ τὴν προθυμίαν παράσχῃ, καὶ 
πείσῃ τοὺς μαι" ομένους ἐκείνους καθυφεῖναι τῆς Ka?’ ἀυτοῖ; λύττης, TA TAY βοηθοῦντοι 


VIEW OF JERUSALEM FROM THE NORTH-EAST. 


MARTYRDOM OF ST. STEPHEN. te 


succoar His persecuted servant, and to receive him to Himself. And when 
Stephen saw his Lord—perhaps with the memories of what he had seen on 
earth crowding into his mind,—he suddenly exclaimed, in the ecstacy of 
his vision: “‘ Behcld! I see the Heavens opened and the Son of Max 
standing on the right hand of God!” 

This was too much for the Jews to bear. The blasphemy of Jesus had 
been repeated. The follower of Jesus was hurried to destruction. “They 
cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears, and ran upon him with 
one accord.” It is evident that it was a savage and disorderly condemna- 
tion’ They dragged him out of the council-hall, and, making a sudden 
rush and tumult through the streets, hurried him to one of the gates of the 
vity,—and somewhere about the rocky edges of the ravine of Jehoshaphat, 
where the Mount of Olives looks down upon Gethsemane and Siloam, or 
on the open ground to the north, which travellers cross when they go 
towards Samaria or Damascus,—with stones that lay without the walls of 
the Holy City, this heavenly-minded martyr was murdered. The exact 
place of his death is not known. There are two traditions,?—an ancient 


ἐπιδείκνυται σχῆμα. "EK τοῦ εἰς τὴν ἀνάληψ. Roy. ¢. The passage is given at length 
in Cramer’s Catena on the Acts. <A similar passage is quoted by Mr. Humphry from 
Gregory the Great: “ Scitis, fratres, quia sedere juclicantis est, stare vero pugnantis vel 
adjuvantis. Stephanus autem vidit, quem adjutorem habuit.’? Hom. xxix. in Fest. 
Ascens. 

1 As to whether it was a judicial sentence at all, see above, p. 69, note 1. 

2 Tt is well known that the tradition which identifies St. Stephen’s gate with the 
Damascus gate, and places the scene of martyrdom on the north, can be traced from 
an early period to the fifteenth century ; and that the modern tradition, which places 
both the gate and the martyrdom on the east, can be traced back to the same century. 
See Dr. Robinson’s Researches, i. pp. 475, 476; and Williams’ Holy City, p. 364. Τὸ is 
probable that the popular opinion regarding these sacred sites was suddenly changed 
by some monks from interested motives. The writer of this believes that he is the first 
to notice a curious turning-point in the history of the traditional belief. In a journal 
of the fifteenth century (“ Fabri Evagatorium,” unknown till published in 1843 in the 
“ Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart,” though a German abridgment is 
in Dr. Robinson’s List) the gate of St. Stephen is on the north, but the place of mar- 
tyrdom on the east. He goes out of the gate on the north, “que oli dicebatur porta 
Ephraim, quia per eam via est ad montem Ephraim, nune vero dicitur porta 8. Ste- 
vhani, quia per eam fuit eductus et extra in valle lapidatus: per hanc portam est via in 
Sichem, Samariam et Galilweam provinciam.” Then turning to the right, and round 
the N. Τὸ angle of the wall, he descends to the stone where the clothes of the murderers 
were laid. not far from the Golden Gate. “Super hanc petram posuerunt vestimenta 
Bua carnifices . . . et Saulus adolescens huic aderat spectaculo, et zelo pro Judaisme 
accensus omnium vestimenta custodiebat, ut sine sollicitudine lapidarent. Sedebat 
autem Saulus supra vestimenta et petram, fremens in Stephanum et blasphemans 
Christum. Hune ergo locum deoscuiati sumus, οὐ indulgentias recepimus.” A little 
further on—“ Ad locum venimus, in quo Stephanus fuit lapidatus . . . in hoe ergo loca 
ipsos lapides deosculati sumus, et indulgentias suscepimus.”? Vol. iii. pp. 347, 368, 
370. We.cannot be sure of the exact position of the Gate of Ephraim or of Stephen 
mentioned in the Evagatorium. There are at present two gatesin tke northern wall 
of Jerusalem; the Damascus Gate,—and one to the east of it, now clesed up, com 

° 


ΤᾺ THE IME AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


oné, which places if on the north, beyond the Damascus gate; and a 
modern one, which leads traveliers through what is new called the gate of 
St. Stephen, to a spot near the brook Kedron, over against the garden of 
Gethsemane. But those who look upon Jerusalem from an elevated point 
on the north-east, have both these positions in view; and any one who 
stood there on that day! might have seen the crowd rush forth from the 
gate, and the witnesses (who according to the law were required to throw 
the first stones’) cast off their outer garments, and lay them down at the 
feet of Saul. 

The contrast is striking between the indignant zeal which the martyr? 
had just expressed against the sin of his judges, aud the forgiving love 
which he shewed to themselves, when they became his murderers. He 
first uttered a prayer for himself in the words of Jesus Christ, which he 
knew were spoken from the cross, and which he may himself have heard 
from those holy lips. And then, deliberately kneeling down, in that pos- 
ture of humility in which the body most naturally expresses the supplica- 
tion of the mind, and which has been consecrated as the attitude of Chris- 
tian devotion by Stephen and by Paul himself,*—he gave the last few mo- 
ments of his consciousness to a prayer for the forgiveness of his enemies : 
and the words were scarcely spoken when death seized upon him, or rather, 
in the words of Scripture, “he fell asleep.” 

“ And Saul was consenting to his death.” A Spanish painter, in a 


monly called Herod’s Gate. Dr. Robinson (i. 473) seems to think that the Gate of 
Ephraim (Neh. xii. 39) and the Gate of Benjamin (Jer. xxxvii. 13) are identical with 
the former; and (i. 476) he identifies the Porta Sancti Stephani of the Middle Ages 
with the former, but the Porta Benjamin with the latter. Schulz (Jerusalem, 1845,” 
p. 51) believes the Porta Sancti Stephani to be the modern Herod’s Gate, while he con- 
siders the Damascus Gate to be the old Gate of Ephraim, and transfers the Porta Ben- 
jamin to the east side of the city. He suggests that the Arabic name of Herod’s Gate, 
“ Babez-Zahari ”—“ the Gate of Flowers”? may be a translation of the Greek Στέφανος 
See Kiepert’s map, which accompanies his Memoir. 

1 There is a legend that St. Mary was standing on a rock on the other side of the 
valley. An old traveller says, describing the descent of the Mount of Olives, “In 
7° way they shew’d us y® rock whereon ot Lady stood when she saw St. Steven ston’d 
to death.” Below is the Garden of Gethsemane. He adds, “A little beyond they 
shew’d us y® rock where St. Steven was ston’d to death ; proceeding towards Damas- 
cus gate on y® right hand of y* way, is Jeremiah’s grotto, where he compos’d his 
Lamentations, &c.’’—E. Chaloner’s Travels in 1688,—a MS. in the possession of the 
Duke of Sutherland. 

2 See Deut. xvii. 5-7. The stoning was always outside the city, Levit. xxiv. 14. 
1 Kings xxi. 10, 13. For the forms and regulations at the execution, as enumerated by 
the Talmudists, see Otho, Lexicon Rabbinicum, sub voc. Lapidatio. 

3 The Christian use of the word μάρτυρ begins with St. Stephen. See Mr. Humphry’s 
note on Acts xxii. 20. “Thy martyr Stephen,” &c. ; 

« At Miletus (Acts xx. 36), and at Tyre (Acts xxi. 5). See Acts ix. 40. 

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NOTH ON ἪΝ LIBERTINES. fe 


gicture of Stephen conducted to the place of execution, has represented Sau 
as walking by the martyr’s side with melancholy calmness. He consents tc 
his death trom a sincere, though mistaken, conviction of duty ; and the 
expression of his countenance is strongly contrasted with the rage of the baf- 
tled Jewish doctors and the ferocity of the crowd who flock to the scene of 
bloodshed. Literally considered, such a representation is scarcely consistent 
either with Saul’s conduct immediately afterwards, or with his own expres 
sions concerning himself at the later periods of his life... But the picture, 
though historically incorrect, is poetically true. The painter has worked 
according to the true idea of his art in throwing upon the persecutor’s 
eonntenance the shadow of his coming repentance. We cannot dissociate 
the martyrdom of Stephen from the conversion of Paul. The spectacle of 
so much constancy, so much faith, so much love, could not be lost. It 18 
hardly too much to say with Augustine,” that “the Church owes Paul to 
the prayer of Stephen.” 


SI STEPHANUS NON ORASSET 
ECCLESIA PAULUM NON HABERET 


Note on the ‘ Libertines” and the “ Citizenship of St. Paul.” 


Since this chapter was sent to press, the writer has seen Wieseler’a 
Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters (Gottingen, 1848) ; a work of 
which both the text and the notes are of great importance. Dr. Wieseler 
argues (note, pp. 61-63) that St. Paul was probably a Cilictan Laberti- 
nus. Great numbers of Jews had been made slaves in the civil wars, and 
then manumitted. A slave manumitted with due formalities became a 
Roman citizen. Now we find St. Paul taking an active part in the perse- 
eution of Stephen ; and the verse which describes Stephen’s great oppo 
nents,? may be so translated as to mean “ Libertines” from “ Cyrene, 
Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia.” Thus it is natural to conclude that the 
Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, may have been, like Horace, “libertino 
patre natus.”* The two passages from Tacitus and Philo, which prove 
how numerous the Jewish Libertini were in the empire, will come under 
notice hereafter, in connection with Rome. 


it was once in the church of St. Stephen at Valencia, and is now in the Royal Gallery 
at Madrid. See Stirling’s Annals of the Artists of Spain, i. 363. 

1 See Acts xxii. 4. xxvi. 10. Phil. iii, 6. 1 Tim. i. 13. 

* Sermo I & LV. in festo sancti Stephani. 

2 Acis vi. 9 4 Sat. i, 6, 45. 


τὸ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


CHAPTER UJ 


Ἐφόμισαν ἀπηλλάχθαι τῆς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις. διαλέξεως ἀπαλλαγεντες Σ γέφανον, και 
Στέφανου σφοδρότερον εὗρον Erepov.—sS. Chrysost. Hom. xx. in Act App. 


FUNERAL OF 51. STEPHEN.—SAUL’S CONTINUED PERSECUTION.—FLIGHT OF THE 
CHRISTIANS.—PHILIP AND THE SAMARITANS.—SAUL’S JOURNEY TO DAMAS= 
CUS.—ARETAS, KING OF PETRA.—-ROADS FROM JERUSALEM TO DAMASCUS.— 
NEAPOLIS.—HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF DAMASCUS.—THE NARRATIVES OF 
THE MIRACLE.—IT WAS A REAL VISION OF JESUS CHRIST.—THREE DAYS IN 
DAMASCUS.—ANANIAS.—BAPTISM AND FIRST PREACHING OF SAUL.—HE RE- 
TIRES INTO ARABIA.—MEANING OF THE TERM ARABIA.—PETRA AND THE 
DESERT.+~-CONSPIRACY AT DAMASCUS.—ESCAPE TO JERUSALEM.— BARNABAS 
—FORTNIGHT WITH ST. PETER.—CONSPIRACY.—VISION IN THE TEMPLE.— 
SAUL WITHDRAWS TO SYRIA AND CILICTA. 


THE death of St. Stephen is a bright passage in the earliest history of 
the Church. Where, in the annals of the world, can we find so perfect 
an image of a pure and blessed saint as that which is drawn in the con 
eluding verses of the seventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles? And 
the brightness which invests the scene of the martyr’s last moments is the 
more impressive from its contrast with all that has preceded it since the 
Crucifixion of Christ. The first Apostle who died was a traitor. The 
first disciples of the Christian Apostles whose deaths are recorded were 
liars and hypocrites. The kingdom of the Son of Man was founded in 
darkness and gloom. But a heavenly light reappeared with the martyr- 
dom of St. Stephen. The revelation of such a character at the moment 
of death was the strongest of all evidences, and the highest of all encour- 
agements. Nothing could more confidently assert the divine power of the 
new religion ; nothing could prophesy more surely the certainty of 105 final 
victory. 

To us who have the experience of many centuries of Christian history, 
and who can look back, through a long series of martyrdoms, to this, 
which was the beginning and example of the rest, these thoughts are easy 
and obvious; but to the friends and associates of the murdered Saint, 
such feelings of cheerful and confident assurance were perhaps more diffi- 
cult. Though Christ was indeed risen from the dead, His disciples could 
hardly yet be able to realize the full triumph of the Cross over death 


SAUL’S PERSECUTION. ἫΝ 


Even many gears afterwards, Paul the Apostle wrote to the Thessalonians, 
concerning those who had “ fallen asleep”! more peaceably thaw Stephen, 
that they ought not to sorrow for them as those without hope ; and now, 
at the very beginning of the Gospel, the grief of the Christians must 
have been great indeed, when the corpse of their champion and their 
brother lay at the feet of Saul the murderer.? Yet, amidst the consternas 
tion of some and the fury of others, friends of the martyr were found, wha 
gave him all the melancholy honours of a Jewish funeral, and carefully 
buried him,’ as Joseph buried his father, “with great and sore lamenta: 
tion.” ὃ 

After the death and burial of Stephen the persecution still raged in 
Jerusaiem. That temporary protection which had been extended to the 
rising sect by such men as Gamaliel was now at an end. Pharisees 
and Sadducees—priests and people—alike indulged the most violent and 
ungovernable fury. It does not seem that any check was laid upon them 
by the Roman authorities. Either the procurator was absent from the 


1 1 Thess. iv. 13. See Acts vii. 60. 

? Maundrell says, after visiting the spot assigned by tradition to the death of 
Stephen: “not far from it isa στοῦ, into which they tell you the outrageous Jewish 
zealots cast his body when they had satiated their fury upon him.’’—Travels, p. 103. 

3 "Ανόρες ebAabeic. (Acts vill. 2.)—‘‘ Rabidos Judzos nihil veriti.” Beza; probably 
Hellenistic Jews, and possibly Christians. (See Luke ii. 25. Acts ii. 5.) Hammond 
(on x. 2) thinks they were proselytes. 

4 Συνεκύμισαν. viii. 2. We are told by Baronius, on the authority of Lucian, a 
presbyter of Jerusalem, that Gamaliecl, as a secret Christian, sent a number of Christians 
to remove the body of Stephen, and to bury it at his villa, twenty miles from Jerusa- 
lem, and that he made lamentation over him seventy days. Not to dwell on the un- 
trustworthiness of Lucian’s letter, known only in the Latin translation of Avitus (and 
Baronius says,—‘quinam fuerit Avitus iste haud penitus dixerim”), it should be 
observed that such a funeral is very inconsistent with all the other occurrences at the 
time. The whole story is very curious, and will be found in vol. vii., under the year 
415,.—a year remarkable as the time when “ magnus 1116 protomartyr Stephanus rursua 
in miraculis redivivus apparuit.” Gamaliel appeared to Lucian in a vision by night ; 
and, besides recounting the funeral of Stephen, told how he had protected Nicodemus 
at the same villa till his death, when he was buried in the same tomb, as also ultimately 
Gamaliel himself, with his son Abibus,—his wife and his eldest son being buried else- 
where, for they were not Christians. ὙΠῸ relics were duly found and authenticated by 
miracles, in the presence of John, Bishop of Jerusalem, who came from that Synod of 
Diospolis (Lydda) where Pelagius retracted his errors) The day which commemorates 

“this in the Martyrologium Romanum is August 33 see the notes under that day. The 
story will be found also in Photius, clxxi. col. 383-6 (Rouen, 1653), and in Bede, 
Retract. in Acts v. 34. ; 

5. ᾿Εποιήσαντο κοπετὸν μέγαν ἐπ’ dito; see Gen. 1. 10. Chrysostom remarks that 
his own beautiful words are his best epitaph—Ikxavov αὐτῷ ἐπιτάφιον διεξῆλθεν ὁ ἐυαγ- 
γελιστὴς, καὶ ϑεὶς τὰ γόνατα εἰπών, κ. τ. A. Hom. xviii. in Act. Baronius, under tha 
year 34 (vol. i.), where the same story is told more briefly, argues from it in tuvour of 
the opinion that samptuous and prolonged honours ought to be paid to the remains of 
martyrs. See Jerome as there quoted. 


τὃ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PATL. 


gity, or he was willing to connive at what seemed to him an ordinary 
religious quarrel. 

The eminent and active agent in this persecution was Saul. There are 
strong grounds for believing that, if he was not a member of the Sanhedrin 
at the time of St. Stephen’s death, he was elected into that powerful sen- 
ate soon after ; possibly as a reward for the zeal he had shown against the 
heretic. He himself says that in Jerusalem he not only exercised the 
power of imprisonment by commission from the High Priests, but also, 
when the Christians were put to death, gave his vole against them.'! From 
this expression it is natural to infer that he was a member of that supreme 
court of judicature. However this might be, his zeal in conducting the 
persecution was unbounded. We cannot help observing how frequently 
strong expressions concerning his share in the injustice and cruelty now 
perpetrated are multiplied in the Scriptures. In St. Luke’s narrative, in 
St. Paul’s own speeches, in his earlier and later epistles, the subject recurs 
again and again. He “made havoc of the Church,” invading the sanctu- 
aries of domestic life, “‘ entering into every house :”? and those whom he 
thus tore from their homes he ‘committed to prison ;” or, in his own 
words at a later period, when he had recognised as God’s people those 
whom he now imagined to be His enemies, “thinking that he ought to do 
many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth ...in Jerusalem 

. .. he shut up many of the saints in prison.”* And not only did men 
thus suffer at his hands, but women also,—a fact three times repeated as 
a great aggravation of his cruelty.4 These persecuted people were 
scourged—‘‘ often” scourged, “—in many synagogues.”> Nor was Ste- 
phen the only one who suffered death, as we may infer from the Apostle’s 
own confession.© And, what was worse than scourging or than death 
itself, he used every effort to make them ‘blaspheme” that Holy Name 
whereby they were called.? His fame as an inquisitor was notorious far 

1 Κατήνεγκα ψῆφον. (Acts xxvi. 10.) If this inference is well founded, and if the 
gualification for a member of the Sanhedrin mentioned in the last chapter (page 71) 
was a necessary qualification, Saul must have been a married man, and the father of a 
family. If so, it is probable that his wife and children did not long survive ; for other- 
wise, some notice of them would have occurred in the subsequent narrative, or some 
allusion to them in the Epistles. And we know that, if ever he had a wife, she was 
not living when he wrote his first letter to the Corinthians. (1 Cor. vii.) It was cas- 
tomary among the Jews to marry at a very early age. See Buxt. Syn. Jud. ch. vi. 

2 Acts viii. 3. See ix. 2. 3 xxvi. 9,10. See xxii. 3. 

4 vill. 3. ix. 2. xxii. 4. 5 xxvi. 10. 

6 “T persecuted this way unto the death, binding and delivering into prison bout 
men and women”? (xxii. 4); “and when tkey were put to death, I gave my vote against 
them.” (xxvi. 10.) 

7 Ἠνάγκαζον βλασφημεῖν. (Acts xxvi. 11.) It is not said that he succeeded in 
causing any to blaspheme. It may be necessary to explain to some readers that the 


Gieek imperfect merely denotes that the attempt was made ; so in Gal. i. 23, alluded ta 
at the end of this chanter. 


FLIGHT OF THE DISCIE LES. 19 


and wide. Even at Damascus Ananias had heard} “how much evil he 
had done to Christ’s saints at Jerusalem.” He was known there? as “‘ he 
that destroyed them which call on this Name in Jerusalem.” It was not 
without reason that, in the deep repentance of his later years, he remem- 
bered how he had “ persecuted the Church of God and wasted it,” °—how 
he had been ‘fa blasphemer, a persecutor and injurious ;”*—and that he 
felt he was “ποῦ meet to be called an Apostle,” because he “had perse- 
cuted the Church of God.” 

From such cruelty, and such efforts to make them deny that Name 
which they honoured above all names, the disciples naturally fled. In 
consequence of “the persecution against the Church at Jerusalem, they 
were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judea and Samaria.” 
The Apostles only remained.6 But this dispersion led to great results, 
The moment of lowest depression was the very time of the Church’s first 
missionary triumph. ‘They that were scattered abroad went everywhere 
preaching the Word.”7 First the Samaritans, and then the Gentiles, 
received that Gospel, which the Jews attempted to destroy. Thus did the 
providence of God begin to accomplish, by unconscious instruments, the 
prophecy and command which had been given :—‘ Ye shall be witnesses 
unto Me, both in Jerusalem, and in all Judia, and in Samaria, and unto 
the uttermost part of the earth.” 

The Jew looked upon the Samaritan as he looked upon the Gentile. 
His hostility to the Samaritan was probably the greater, in proportion as 
he was nearer. In conformity with the economy which was observed 
before the resurrection, Jesus Christ had said to His disciples, ‘Go not 
into the way of the Gentiles, and into any city of the Samaritans enter ye 
not: but go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel.”9 Yet did 
the Saviour give anticipative hints of His favour to Gentiles and Samari- 
tans, in His mercy to the Syrophenician woman, and His interview with 
the woman at the well of Sychar. And now the time was come for both 
the “middle walls of partition” to be destroyed. The dispersion brought 
Philip, the companion of Stephen, the second of the seven, to a city of 
Samaria! He came with the power of miracles and with the news of sal- 
vation. ‘The Samaritans were convinced by what they saw ; they listened 
to what he said ; ‘and there was great joy in that city.” When the news 

Wiscloe aimed 

3 Gal. i. 13; see also Phil. iii. 6. 4 ΠΡ ΠῚ ππῚ 1: 115. 

> 1Cor.xv.9. It should be observed that in all these passages from the Epistles tha 
sam? word (διώκω, διώκτης) is used. 

6 Acts viii. 1. 7 viii. 4. See xi. 19-21. 

81. 8. 9 Matt. x. 5, 6. 

Ἰς Πόλιν τῆς Σαμαρείας. (Acts viii. 5.) This was probably the ancient capital, at 


that time called “Sebaste.” The city of Sychar (John iv. 5) had also received ἃ 
Greek name. It was then “ Neapolis,” and is still ‘“‘ Nablous.” 


δυ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἼ. PAUL. 


came to Jerusalem, Peter and John were sent by the Apostles, and tne 
same imiraculous testimony attended their presence, which had been given 
on the day of Pentecost. The Divine Power in Peter rebuked the powers 
of evil, which were working! among the Samaritans in the person of Simon 
Magus, as Paul afterwards, on his first preaching to the Gentiles, rebuked 
in Cyprus Elymas the sorcerer. The two Apostles returned to Jerusalem, 
preaching as they went “in many villages of the Samaritans” the Gospel 
which had been welcomed in the city. 

Once more we are permitted to see Philip on his labour of love. We 
obtain a glimpse of him on the road which leads down by Gaza’ to Egypt. 
The chamberlain of Queen Candace?® is passing southwards on his return 
from Jerusalem, and reading in his chariot the prophecies of Isaiah. 
AAthiopia is “stretching out her hands unto God,”* and the suppliant is 
not unheard. A teacher is provided at the moment of anxious inquiry. 
The stranger goes “on his way rejoicing ;” a proselyte who had found the 
Messiah ; a Christian baptized “with water and the Holy Ghost.” The 
Evangelist, having finished the work for which he had been sent, is called 
elsewhere by the Spirit of God. He proceeds to Cxsarea, and we hear of 
him no more, till, after the lapse of more than twenty years, he received 
under his roof in that city one who, like himself, had travelled in ohedience 
to the Divine command “ preaching in all the cities.”® 

Our attention is now called to that other traveller. We turn from the 
“desert road” on the south of Palestine to the desert road on the north ; 
from the border of Arabia near Gaza, to its border near Damascus. 
“From Dan to Beersheba” the Gospel is rapidly spreading. The disper- 
sior. of the Christians had not been confined to Judeea and Samaria. ‘On 
the persecution that arose about Stephen” they had “travelled as far as 
Pheenicia and Syria.”* ‘‘ Saul, yet breathing out threatenings and slangh- 

1 Προὔπῆρχεν. (Actsviii.9.) Simon was in Samaria before Philip came, as Elymag 
was with Sergius Paulus before the arrival of St. Paul. Compare viii. 9-24, with xiii, 
6-12. There is good reason for believing that Simon Magus is the same person men- 
tioned by Josephus (Ant. xx. 7, 2), as connected with Felix and Drusilla. See Acts 
xxiv. 24. 

2 366 some remarks on the words αὕτη ἐστὶν ἔρημος in Greswell’s Dissertations, vol. 
i. pp. 177-180. 

3 Candace is the name, not of an individual, but of a dynasty,—like Aretas in 
Arabia, or like Pharaoh and Ptolemy. By Aithiopia is meant Meroe on the Upper 
Nile. Queens of Meroé with the title of Candace are mentioned by Dio Cass liv. 5 
Btrabo, xviii. Plin. H. N. vi. 29, 35. See also Euseb. H. 15. ii. 1. Probably this 
chambe-lain was a Jew. See Olshausen. 

4 Ps. ΧΗ 31. 

δ “But Philip was found at Azotus; and, passing through, he preached in all the 
cities, till he came to Cesarea.” (Acts viii. 40.) ‘ And the next day we that were of 
Paul’s coinpany departed, and came to Caesarea; and we entered into the house of 
Philip the Evangelist, which was one of the seven, aud abode with him.” (xxi, 8.) 

6 Acts xi. 19. 


ARETAS, KING OF PERSIA. 81 


ter against the disciples of the Lord,”! determined to follow them. “ Being 
exceedingly mad against them, he persecuted them even to strange cities.”* 
He went of his own accord to the high priest, and desired of him letters to 
the synagogues in Damascus, where he had reason to believe that Chris- 
tians were to be found. And armed with this ‘authority and commis- 
sion,”® intending “if he found any of this way, whether they were men or 
women,”4 to bring them bound unto Jerusalem to be punished,”* he jour 
neyed to Diunascus. 

The great Sanhedrin claimed over the Jews in foreign cities the same 
power, in religious questions, which they exereised at Jerusalem, ‘The 
Jows in Damascus were very numerous ; and there were peculiar circum- 
stances in the political condition of Damascus at this time, which may have 
given facilities to conspiracies or deeds of violence conducted by the Jews. 
There was war between Arctas, who reigned at Petra, the desert-metrop- 
olis of Stony Arabia,® and Herod Antipas, his son-in-law, the Tetrarch of 
Galilee. A misunderstanding concerning the boundaries of the two prin- 
cipalities had been aggravated into an inveterate quarrel hy Herod’s un- 
faithfulness to the daughter of the Arabian king, and his shameful attach- 
ment to “his brother Philip’s wife.’ The Jews generally sympathised 
with the cause of Arctas, rejoiced when Herod’s army was cut off, and 
declared that this disaster was a judgment for the murder of John the 
Baptist. ILlerod wrote to Rome and obtained an order for assistance from 
Vitellius, the Governor of Syria. But when Vitellius was on his march 
throuch Judea, from Antioch towards Petra, he suddenly heard of the 
doath of Tiberius (a.p.37); and the Roman army was withdrawn, before the 

yar was brought toa conclusion. It is evident that the relations of the 
neighbouring powers must have been for some years in a very unsettled 

1 Acts ix. 1. a eagle JUL 3 xxvi. 12. ADK ere δ΄ xxi. δ. 

6 In this mountainous district of Arabia, which had been the scene of the wanderings 
of the Israelites, and whicly contained the graves both of Moses and Aaron, the Naba- 
thean Arabs after the time of the Babylonian captivity (or, possibly, the Hdomites 
before them. See Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. ii. pp. 557, 573) grew into a civilised 
nation, built a great mercantile city at Petra, and were ruled by a line of kings, who 
bore the title of “ Arctas.” The Aretas dynasty ceased in the second century, when 
Arabia Petraea became a Roman province under Trajan. In the Roman period, a 
great road united Ailah on the Red Sea with Petra, and thence diverged to the left 
towards Jerusalem and the ports of the Mediterranean; and to the right towards 
Damascus, in a direction not very different from that of the modern caravan-road 
from Damascus to Mecca. ‘This state of things did not last very long. (Compare, 
for instance, the Peutingerian Table with the Antonine Itinerary.) The Arabs of 
this district fell back into their old nomadic state. Petra was long undiscovered. 
Burckhardt was the first to see it, and Laborde the first to visit it. Now it is well 
known to Oriental travellers. Its Rock-theatre and other remains still exist, to 
show its ancient character of a city of the Roman Empire. See Mannert’s Geographie 


der G. und R. ps. vi. vol. i. pp. 183-138, For notices of the different kings who bere 
the name of “ Aretas,’’ see Winer’s Realworterbuch. 


VAL. 1.—6 


52 THE LIYE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


condition along the frontiers of Arabia, Judea, anid Syria; and the falling 
of a rich border-town like Damascus from the hands of the Romans inte 
those of Aretas would be a natural occurrence of the war. If it could be 
proved that the city was placed in the power of the Arabian Ethnarch' 
under these particular circumstances, and at the time of St. Paul’s journey, 
good reason would be assigned for believing it probable that the ends for 
which he went were assisted by the polivical relations of Damascus. And 
it would indeed be a singular coincidence, if his zeal in persecuting the 
Christians were promoted by the sympathy of the Jews for the fate of 
John the Baptist. 

But there are grave objections to this view of the occupation of Da- 
mascus by Aretas. Such a liberty taken by a petty chicftain with the 
Roman power would have been an act of great audacity ; and it is diffi- 
cult to believe that Vitellius would have closed the campaign, if such a 
city was in the hands of an enemy. It is more likely that Caligula,—who 
in many ways contradicted the policy of his predecessor,—who banished 
Herod Antipas and patronised Herod Agrippa,—assigned the city of Da- 
mascus as a free gift to Aretas.? This supposition, as well as the former, 
will perfectly explain the remarkable passage in St. Paul’s Ictters, where 
he distinctly says that it was garrisoned by the Ethnarch of Aretas, at the 
time of his escape. Many such changes of territorial occupation took 
place under the Emperors,? which would have been lost’ to history, were it 
not for the information derived from‘ a coin, an inscription, or the inciden- 
tal remark of a writer who had different ends in view. Any attempt to 
make this escape from Damascus a fixed point of absolute chronology will 
be unsuccessful ; but, from what has been said, it may fairly be collected, 


t 2 Cor. xi. 32. 

3. This is argued with great force by Wieseler, who, so far as we know, is the first to 
suggest this explanation. His argument is not quite conclusive; because it is seldom 
easy to give a confident opinion on the details of a campaign, unless its history is 
minutely recorded. The strength of Wieseler’s argument consists in this, that his 
different lines of reasoning “converge to the same result. See his “Chronologie deg 
Apostolischen Zeitalters,” pp. 161-175 ; and compare pp. 342-3, and the note. 

3 See, for instance, what is said by Josephus (Ant. xviii. 5, 4) of various arrange- 
ments in the East at this very crisis. Similar changes in Asia Minor have been alluded 
to before, Ch. I. p. 23. 

4 Wieseler justly lays some stress on the circumstance that there are coins of Augus- 
tus and Tiberius, and, again, of Nero and his successors, but none of Caligula and 
Claudius, which imply that Damascus was Roman. But we cannot acquiesce in the 
conclusion which he draws from the coin of Mionnet, with the inscription BAZIAEQS - 
APETOY* ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ, It seems to be one of those coins with this inscription 
{two of which are in the British Museum, and one is represented at the end of this 
chapter), assigned by Eckhel to an earlier Aretas, who was contemporary with the last 
of the Seleucid, and in whose power we know that: Damascus once was. (See 
Joseph. Ant. xiii, 13, 3. B. J. i. 6, 2, and Wieseler, p. 169.) The general appearance 
and character of these coins justifies Eckhel’s opinion, and it is difficult to explain the 
word φιλέλληνος on the other supposition 


ROADS FROM JERUSALEM TO DAMASCUS. 50 


that Saul’s journey from Jerusalem to Damascus took place not far from 
that year which saw the death of Tiberius and the accession of Caligula. 

No journey was ever taken, on which so much interest is concentrated, 
as this of St. Paul from Jerusalem to Damascus.! It is so critical a 
passage in the history of God’s dealings with man, and we feel it to be so 
closely bound up with all our best knowledge and best happiness in this 
life, and with all our hopes for the world to come, that the mind is de 
lizhied to divell upon it, and we are cager to learn or imagine all its details. 
The conversion of Saul was like the call of a second Abraham. But we 
know almost more of the Patriarch’s journey through this same district, 
from the north to the south, than we do of the Apostle’s in an opposite 
direction. It is easy to conceive of Abraham travelling with his flocks 
and herds and camels. The primitive features of the Hast continue still 
unaltered in the desert ; and the Arabian Sheikh still remains to us a 
living picture of the Patr ΠΕΡ of Genesis. But before the first century of 
the i μη era, the patriarchal life of Palestine had been modified, not 
only by the invasions and settlements of Babylonia and Persia, but by 
large influxes of Greek and Roman civilisation. It is difficult to guess 
what was the appearance of Saul’s company on that memorable occasion.’ 
We neither know how he travelled, nor who his associates were, nor where 
he rested on his way, nor what road he followed from the Judean to the 
Syrian capital. 

His journey must have brought him somewhere into the vicinity of the 
Seca of Tiberias. But where he approached the nearest to the shores of 
this sacred lake,—whether he crossed the Jordan where, in its lower 
course, it flows southwards to the Dead Sea, or where its upper windings 
enrich the valley at the base of Mount Hermon,—we do not know. And 
there is one thought which makes us glad that it should be so. It is re- 
markable that Galilee, where Jesus worked so many of His miracles, is 
the scene of none of those transactions which are related in the Acts. The 
blue waters of. Tiberias, with their fishing-boats and towns on the brink of 
the shore, are consecrated to the Gospels. A greater than Paul was here, 
When we come to the travels of the Apostles, the scenery is no longer 
limited and Jewish, but Catholic and widely-extended, like the Gospel 


1 For descriptions of Damascus, see Lamartine’s Voyage en Orient; Addison’s 
Damascus and Palmyra; Fisher’s Syria ; The Modern Traveller ; The Crescent and the 
Cross; Lord Castlereagh’s Journey to Damascus; Eothen; and Miss Maertineau’s 
Eastern Life. The two last, in other respects the most unsatisfactory, give the best 
idea of ἃ journey from Jerusalem to Damascus. 

? In pictures, St. Paul is represented as on horseback on this journey. Probably this 
18 the reason why Lord Lyttelton, in his observations on St. Paul’s conversion, uses the 
phrase—‘ Those in company with him fell down from their horses, together with 
Saul.” Ὁ. 318. (Works, 1774.) There is no proof that this was the case, though it ig 
very probable. 


84 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. ΡΑΥ͂Τ. 


which they preached : and tie Sea, which will be so often spread before 
us in the life of St. Paul, will not be the little Lake of Galilee, but the 
great Mediterranean, which washed the shores and carried the ships of the 
historical nations of antiquity. 

Two principal roads can be mentioned, one of which probably conducted 
the travellers from Jerusalem to Damascus, The track of the caravans, 
in ancient and modern times, from Egypt to the Syrian capital, has always 
led through Gaza and Ramleh, and then turning eastwards about the bor- 
ders of Galilee and Samaria, has descended near Mount Tabor towards 
the Sea of Tiberias ; and so, crossing the Jordan a little to the north of 
the Lake by Jacob’s Bridge, proceeds through the desert country which 
stretches to the base of Antilibanus.? <A similar track from Jerusalem 
falls into this Egyptian road in the neighbourhood of Djenin, at the en- 
trance of Galilee ; and Saul and his company may have travelled by this 
route, performing the journey of one hundred and thirty-six miles, like the 
modern caravans, in about six days.*' But at this period, that great work 
of Roman road-making, which was actively going on in all parts of the 
empire, must have excended, in some degree, to Syria and Juda ; and, 
if the Roman roads were already constructed here, there is no doubt that 
they followed the direction indicated by the later Itineraries.‘ This direc- 
tion is from Jerusalem to Neapolis (the ancient Sychar), and thence over 
the Jordon to the south of the Lake, near Scythopolis, where the soldiers 
cf Pompey crossed the river, and where the Galilean pilgrims used to cross 
it at the time of the festivals, to avoid Samaria. From Seythopolis it led 
to Gadara, a Roman city, the ruins of which are still remaining, and so to 
Damascus.° 

Whatever road was followed in Saul’s journey to Damascus, it is almost 
certain that the earlier portion of it brought him to Neapolis, the Sychar 
of the Old Testament, and the Nablous of the modern Samaritans. This 
city was one of the stages in the Itineraries. Dr. Robinson followed a 


1 The next historical notice of the sea of Tiberius or Gennesarcth, after that which 
occurs in the Gospels, is in Josephus. 

3 See the feliowing passages in Dr. Robinson’s Researches, vol. iii., pp. 181, 236, 
276, 316. 

3 See Fisher’s Syria, i. 7. 

4 See Wesseling’s Itineraries, and two later editions; one by Fortia d’Urban at 
Paris, and the other by Parthy and Pinder at Berlin. 

5 It is very conceivable that he travelled by Cxsarea Philippi, the city which Herod 
Philip had built at the fountains of the Jordan, on the natural line of communication 
between Tyre and Damascus, and likely to have been one of the “ foreign cities” (Acts 
xxvi. 12) which harboured Christian fugitives. Ilere, too, he would be in the footsteps 
ef St. Peter; for here the great confession (Mat. xvi.) seems to have been made; and 
this road also would probably have brought him past Neapolis. It is hardly likely 
that he would have taken the Petra road (above, p. 81, n. 6), for both the modern car 
avane end the ancient itinerarics cross the Jordan more to the north. 


SOUTH OF LAKE OF TIBERTAS. 


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NEAPOLIS. δ 


Roman pavement for some considerable distance in the neighbourheod οἱ 
Bethel.! This northern road went over the elevated ridges which inter. 
vene between the valley of the Jordan and the plain on the Mediterranear. 
coast. As the travellers gained the high ground, the young Pharisee may 
have looked back,—and, when he saw the city in the midst of its hills, 
with the mountains of Moab in the distance,—corfident in the righteous: 
ness of his cause,—he may have thought proudly of the 125th Psalm: 
’ “The hills stand about Jerusalem : even so standeth the Lord round about 
his people, from this time forth for evermore.” is present enterprise 
as undertaken for the honour of Zion. He was blindiy fulfilling the 
words of One who said: ‘ Whosoever killeth you, will think that he doeth 
God service.” Passing through the hills of Samaria, from which he might ἡ 
occasionally obtain a glimpse of the Mediterranean on the left, he would 
come to Jacob’s Well, at the opening of that beautiful valley which lies 
between Ebal and Gerizim. This, too, is the scene of a Gospel history. 
The same woman, with whom Jesus spoke, might be again at the well as 
the Inquisitor passed. But as yet he knew nothing of the breaking down 
of the “middle wall of partition.”? He could, indeed, have said to the 
Samaritans: ‘‘Ye worship ye know not what: we know what we wor- 
ship ; for salvation is of the Jews.” But he could not have understood 
the meaning of those other words : “The hour cometh when ye shall neither 
in Jerusalem, nor yet in this mountain, worship the Father: the true wor- 
shippers shall worship Him in spirit and in truth.”* His was not yet the 
spirit of Curtst. The zeal which burnt in him was that of James and 
John, before their illumination, when they wished to call down fire from 
heaven, even as Elias did, on the inhospitable Samaritan village.° Philip 
had already been preaching to the poor Samaritans, and John had revisited 
them, in company with Peter, with feelings wonderfully changed.’ But 
Saul knew nothing cf the little Church of Samaritan Christians ; or, if he 
heard of them and lingered among them, he lingered only to injure and 
oppress. The Syrian city was still the great object before him. And 
now, when he had passed through Samaria and was entering Galilee, the 
snowy peak of Mount Hermon, the bighest point of Auntilibanus, almost 
as far to the north as Damascus, would come into view. This is that 
tower of ‘‘ Lebanon which looketh towards Damascus.” It is already the 
great landmark of his journey, as he passes through Galilee towards the 
Lake of Tiberias, and the valley of the Jordan. 
Leaving now the “sea of Galilee,” deep among its hills, as a sanctuary 
of the holiest thoughts, and imagining the Jordan to be passed, we follow 
the company of travellers over the barren uplands, which stretch in dreary 


1 Researches, iii. 77. 3. John xvi. 2. 3 Eph. ii. 14. 
« John iv. 22. 5 Ibid. 21, 23. 6 Luke ix. 51-56. 
* See above, p. 80. 8 Song of Sol vii 4 


ἈΘ6 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. ΡΑΤΊ,. 


succession along the base of Antilibanus. All around are stony hills and 
thirsty plains, through which the withered stems of the scanty vegetation 
hardly penetrate. Over this desert, under the burning sky, the impetuous 

Saul hoids his course, full of the fiery zeal with which Elijah travelled of 
yore, on his mysterious errand, through the same “ wilderness of Damas- 
eus.”! ‘The earth in its length and its breadth, and all the deep universe 
of sky, is steeped in light and heat.” When some eminence is gained, the 
vast horizon is seen stretching on all sides, like the ocean, without a boun- 
dary ; except where the steep sides of Lebanon interrupt it, as the pro 
montories of a mountainous coast stretch out into a motionless sea. The 
fiery sun is overhead ; and that refreshing view is anxiously looked for,— 
Damascus seen from afar, within the desert circumference, resting like au 
island of Paradise, in the green enclosure of its beautiful gardens 


COIN OF DAMASCUS.” 


This view is so celebrated, and the history of the place is so illustrious, 
that we may well be excused if we linger a moment, that we may describe 
them both. Damascus is the oldest city in the world. Its fame begins 
with the earliest patriarchs, and continues to modern times. While other 
cities of the Hast have risen and decayed, Damascus is still what it was. 
It was founded before Baalbee and Palmyra, and it has outlived them 
both. While Babylon is a heap in the desert, and Tyre a ruin on the 
shore, it remains what it is called in the prophecies of Isaiah, “the head οἵ 
Syria.”4 Abraham’s steward was “ Eliezer of Damascus,”> and the limit 
of his warlike expedition in the rescue of Lot was ‘‘ Hobah, which is on 
the left hand of Damascus.” * How important a place it was in the flour- 
ishing period of the Jewish monarchy, we know from the garrisons which 
David placed there,’ and from the opposition it presented to Solomon. 

1 1 Kings xix. 15. 

? The word IHTAI, “fountains,” on this coin should be particularly noticed. The 
cast was obtained from Paris by the kindness of Mr. Akerman. 

3 Josephus makes it even older than Abraham. (Ant. i. 6,3.) For the traditions 
of the events in the infancy of the human race, which are supposed to have happened 
In its vicinity, see Pocoke, ii. 115, 116. The story that the murder of Abel took place 
here is alluded to by Shakspere, 1 K. Hen. VI. i. 3. 


4 Tsai. vii. 8. 5 Gen. xy. 2. 6 Gen. xiv. 15. 
7 2 Sam. viii. 6. 1 Chron. xviii. 8 5.1 Kings xi. 24 


mrsTORY OF DAMASCUS. 87 


The history of Naaman and the Hebrew captive, Elisha and Gehazi, ang 
of the proud preference of its fresh rivers to the thirsty waters of Israel, 
are familiar to every one. And how close its relations continued to be 
with the Jews, we know from the chronicles of Jeroboam and Ahaz, and 
the prophecies of Isaiah and Amos.! Its mercantile greatness is indicated 
by Ezekiel in the remarkable words addressed to Tyre,>—‘‘Syria was thy 
merchant by reason of the multitude of the wares of thy making: they 
_ occupied in thy fairs with emeralds, purple, and broidered work, and fine 
linen, and coral, and agate. Damascus was thy merchant in the multitude 
of the wares of thy making, for the multitude of ail riches ; in the wine of 
Helbon, and white wool.”’ Leaving the Jewish annals, we might follow 
its history through continuous centuries, from the time when Alexander 
sent Parmenio to take it, while the conqueror himself was marching from 
Tarsus to Tyre,‘—to its occupation by Pompey,>—to the letters of Julian 
the Apostate, who describes it as “the eye of the Hast,”°—and onward 
through its golden days, when it was the residence of the Ommiad Caliphs, 
and the metropolis of the Mahomedan world,—and through the period 
when its fame was mingled with that of Saladin and Tamerlane,—to our 
own days, when the praise of its beauty is celebrated by every traveller 
from Europe. It is evident, to use the words of Lamartine, that, like 
Constantinople, it was a “ predestinated capital.” Nor is it difficult to ex- 
plain why its freshness has never faded through all this series of vicissi- 
tudes and wars. 

Among the rocks and brushwood at the base of Antilibanus are the 
fountains of a copious and perennial stream, which, after running a course 
of no great distance to the south-east, loses itself in a desert lake. But 
before it reaches this dreary boundary, it has distributed its channels over 
the intermediate space, and left a wide area behind it, rich with prolifie 
vegetation. These are the “streams from Lebanon,” which are known to 
us in the imagery of Scripture ;7—the “rivers of Damascus,” which 
Naaman not unnaturally preferred to all the “waters of Isracl.”> By 


1 See 2 Kings xiv. 28, xvi. 9,10. 2 Chr. xxiv. 23, xxviii. 5, 23. Isai. vii.8. Amos. 
i. 3, 5. 

? The port of Beyroot is now to Damascus what Tyre was of old. 

5 Ezek. xxvii. 16, 18. 

* Quintus Cartius, iii. 13, iv. 1. Arrian, ii. 11. 

5 See above, Ch. I. p. 26. Its relative importance was not so great when it was 
under a Western power like that of the Seleucid or the Romans: hence we find it less 
frequently mentioned than we might expect in Greek and Roman writers. This arose 
from the building of Antiozh and other cities in Northern Syria. 

6 Julian, Ep. xxiv. Τὴν Δίος πόλιν ἀληθῶς, καὶ τὸν τῆς ἙΩΦώας ἁπάσης ὀφθαλμόν 
τὴν ἱερὰν καὶ μεγίστην Δάμασκον λέγω. There is some reason to believe that this 
letter is not genuine. See the 54th note in Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, ch. li. 

7 Song of Sol. iv. 15. 8 2 Kings v. 12. 4 et: 


88 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἼ. PAUL. 


Greck writers the stream is called Chrysorrhoas,! or “ the river of gold” 
And this stream is the inestimable unexhausted treasure of Damascus. 
The habitations of men must always have been gathered around it, as the 
Nile has inevitably attracted an immemorial population to its banks. The 
desert is a fortification round Damascus. The river is its life. It igs 
drawn out into watercourses, and spread in all directions. Tor miles 
around it is a wilderness of gardens,—gardens with roses among the 
tangled shrubberies, and with fruit on the branches overhead. Every . 
where among the trees the murmur of unseen rivulets is heard. Even in 
the city, which is in the midst of the garden, the ciear rushing of the 
current is a perpetual refreshment. Every dwelling has its fountain ; and 
at night, when the sun has set behind Mount Lebanon, the lights of the 
city are seen flashing on the waters. 

It is not to be wondered at that the view of Damascus, when the dim 
outline of the gardens has become distinct, and the city is seen gleaming 
white in the midst of them, should be universally famous. All travellers 
in all ages have paused to feast their eyes with the prospect ; and the 
prospect has been always the same. It is true that in the Apostle’s day 
there were no cupolas and no minarets: Justinian had not built St. 
Sophia, and the caliphs had erected no mosques. But the white buildings 
of the city gleamed then, as they do now, in the centre of a verdant inex- 
haustible paradise. The Syrian gardens, with their low walls and water- 
wheels, and careless mixture of fruits and flowers, were the same then as 
they are now. The same ficures would be seen in the green approaches 
to the town, camels and mules, horses and asses, with Syrian peasants, and 
Arabs from beyond Palmyra. We know the very time of the day when 
Saul was entering these shady avenues. It was at mid-day,’ the birds 
were silcit in the trees. Tke hush of noon was in the city. The sun was 
burning fiercely in the sky. The perseeutor’s companions were enjoying 
the cool refreshment of the shade after their journey : and his eyes rested 
with satisfaction on those walls which were the end of his mission, and con- 
tained the victims of his righteous zeal. 

We have been tempted into some prolixity in describing Damascus, 
But, in describing the solemn and miraculous event which took place in its 
seighbourhood, we hesitate to enlarge upon the words of Scripture. And 
Scripture relates its circumstances in minute detail. If the importance we 
are intended to attach to particular events in early Christianity is to be 


1 Strabo, xvi. 2. Ptolem. v. 15,9. ee Plin. H. N. v. 16. 

3 Acts xxii. 6, xxvi. 13. Notices of the traditionary place where the vision was seen 
are to be found both in the older and later travellers. Irby and Mangles say it is 
“ outside the eastern gate :”’ and in the Boat and Carayan it is described as “ahont a 
mile from the town, and near the Christian burying-ground which belongs te the 
Armenians.” 


IMPORTANCE OF ST. PAUL’S CONVERSION. 89 


measured by the prominence assigned to them in the Sacred Records, we 
must confess that, next after the Passion of our blessed Lord, the event 
to which our serious attention is especially called is the Conversion of St 
Paul. Besides various allusions to it in his own epistles, three detailed naz 
ratives of the occurrence are found in the Acts. Once it is related by St 
Luke (ix.),—-twice by the Apostle himself,—in his address to his country: 
men at Jerusalem (xxii.),—in his defence before Agrippa at Coesarea 
(xxvi.). And as, when the same thing is told in more than one of the 
Holy Gospels, the accounts do not verbally agree, so it is here. St. Luke 
is more brief than St. Paul. And each of St. Paul’s statements supplies 
something not found in the other. The peculiar difference of these two 
statements, in their relation to the cireumstances under which they were 
given, and as they illustrate the Apostle’s wisdom in pleading the cause 
of the Gospel and reasoning with-his opponents, will be made the subject 
of some remarks in the later chapters of this book. At present it is our 
natural course simply to gather the facts from the Apostle’s own words, 
with a careful reference to the shorter narrative given by St. Luke. 

In the twenty-second and twenty-sixth chapters of the Acts we are 
told that it was ‘‘ about noon ”—‘ at mid-day ”—when the “ great light ” 
shone ‘‘ suddenly” from heaven (xxii. 6, xxvi. 18). And those who 
have had experience of the glare of a mid-day sun in the Hast, will best 
understand the description of that light, which is said to have been “a 
light above the brightness of the sun, shining round about Paul and them 
that journeyed with him.” All fell to the ground in terror (xxvi. 14), or 
stood dumb with amazement (ix. 7). Suddenly surrounded by a light so 
terrible and incomprehensible, ‘‘ they were afraid.” ‘ They heard not the 
voice of Him that spake to Paul” (xxii. 9), or, if they heard a voice, 
“they saw no man” (ix. 1). The whole scene was evidently one of the 
utmost confusion : and the accounts are such as to express, in the most 
striking manner, the bewilderment and alarm of the travellers. 

But while the others were stunned, stupified and confused, a clear 
light broke terribly on the soul of one of those who were prostrated on the 
ground.? A voice spoke articulately to him, which to the rest was a 
sound mysterious and indistinct. He heard what they did not hear. He 

1 It has been thought both more prudent and more honest to leave these well-known 
discrepancies exactly as they are found in the Bible. They will be differently explained 
by different readers, according to their views of the inspiration of Scripture. Those 
who do not receive the doctrine of Verbal Inspiration will find in these discrepancies a 
confirmation of the general truth of the narrative. Those who lay stress on this 
doctrine may fairly be permitted to suppose that the stupified companions of Saul fell 
to the grcund and then rose, and that they heard the voice but did not understand if, 
Much has been written on this subject by the various commentators. 


1 It is evident from Acts ix. 6, 8, xxyi. 16, that Saul was prostrate on the ground 
when Jesus Christ spoke to him. 


θ0 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


saw what they did not see. To them the awful sound was without a 
meaning : he heard the voice of the Son of God. To them it was a bright 
light which suddenly surrounded them : he saw Jesus, whom he was per: 
secuting. The awful dialogue can only be given in the language of Scrip- 
ture Yet we may reverentially observe that the words which Jesus 
spoke were ‘“‘in the Hebrew tongue.” The same language,’ in which, 
during His earthly life, He spoke to Peter and John, to the blind man by 
the walls of Jericho, to the woman who washed His feet with her tears— 
the same sacred language was used when He spoke from heaven to Hix 
persecutor on earth. And as on earth He had always spoken in parables, 
ΒΟ it was now. That voice which had drawn lessons from the lilies that 
grew in Galilee, and from the birds that flew over the mountain slopes 
near the sea of Tiberias, was now pleased to call His last Apostle with a 
figure of the like significance: ‘Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? 
It is hard for thee to kick against the goad.” As the ox rebels in vain 
against the goad’ of its master, and as all its struggles do nought but 
increase its distress—so is thy rebellion vain against the power of my 
grace. IT have admonished thee by the word of my truth, by the death 
of my saints, by the voice of thy conscience.? Struggle no more against 
conviction, “‘ lest a worse thing come unto thee.” 

It is evident that this revelation was not merely an inward impression 
made on the mind of Saul during a trance or ecstacy. It was the direct 
perception of the visible presence of Jesus Christ. This is asserted in vari- 
ous passages, both positively and incidentally. In his first letter to the 
Corinthians, when he contends for the validity of his own apostleship, his 
argument is, ‘‘Am I not an Apostle? Have I not seen Jesus Christ, the 
Lord?” And when he adduces the evidence for the truth of the Resur- 
rection, his argument is again, ‘‘ He was seen.... by Cephas..,. by 
James.... by all the Apostles.... last of all by me....as one born 
out of due time ” (xv.8). By Cephas and by James at Jerusalem the reality 
of Saul’s conversion was doubted ;° but “ Barnabas brought him to the 

1 Tt is only said in one account (xxvi. 14) that Jesus Christ spoke in Hebrew. But 
this appears incidentally in the other accounts from the Hebrew form Σαοὺλ being 
used (ix. 4, xxii. 8). In ix. 1, 8, &c., it is the Greek Σαῦλος, a difference which is not 
noticed in the English translation. So Ananias (whose name is Aramaic) seems to 
have addressed Saul in Hebrew, not Greek. (ix. 17. xxii. 13.) 

2 The κέντρον, or stimulus, is the goad or sharp-pointed pcle, which in southern 
Europe and in the Levant is seen in the hands of those who are ploughing or driving 
cattle. The words σκληρόν cot πρὸς κέντρα Δλακτίζειν, in ix. 5, are an interpolation 
from xxvi. 14. They are in the Vulgate, but not in the Greek MSS. For instances of 
this proverb, which is very frequent both in Greek and Latin writers, see Wetstein. 

3 “ Pupugi te stimulis miraculorum, predicationis Stephani aliorumque, remorsibus 
conscientiz et inspirationibus internis. Alios adhibebo stimulos sed acriores et majo=i 


damno tuo.”’ Tirinus in Poole’s Synopsis. 
4 1 Cor. ix. 1. / 3 Acts ix. 27. 


VISION OF JESUS CHRIST. 91 


Apostles, and related to them how he had seen the Lord in the way, and had 
spoken with him.” And similarly Ananias had said to him at their first 
meeting in Damascus ; “‘ The Lord hath sent me, even Jesus who appeared 
to thee in the way as thou camest” (ix.17). ‘‘ The God of our fathers hath 
chosen thee that thou shouldest see that just one, and shouldest hear the 
voice ef his mouth” (xxii. 14). The very words which were spoken by 
the Saviour, imply the same important truth. He does not say,! “1 am 
the Son of God—the Eternal Word—the Lord of men and of angels :”— 
but, “I am Jesus” (ix. 5, xxvi. 15), “Jesus of Nazareth” (xxii. 8). “1 
am that man, whom not having seen thou hatest, the despised prophet of Na- 
zareth, who was mocked and crucified at Jerusalem, who died and was buried. 
But now 1 appear to thee, that thou mayest know the truth of my Resurrec- 
tion, that I may convince thee of thy sin, and call thee to be my Apostle.” 

The direct and immediate character of this call, without the interven- 
tion of any human agency, is another point on which St. Paul himself, in 
the course of his apostolic life, laid the utmost stress ; and one, therefore, 
which it is incumbent on us to notice here. ‘A called Apostle,” “an 
Apostle by the will of God,”* “an Apostle sent not from men, nor by 
man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised Him from the 
dead ;”* these are the phrases under which he describes himself, in the 
cases where his authority was in danger of being questioned. No human 
instrumentality intervened, to throw the slightest doubt upon the reality 
of the communication between Christ Himself and the Apostle of the 
Heathen. And, as he was directly and miraculously called, so was the work 


1 Διατί μὴ εἶπεν, ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ Ὑἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ; ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ἐν ἀρχῇ Λόγος " ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ἐν 
δεξιᾷ καθήμενος τοῦ Πατρός" ὁ ἐν μορφῇ Θεοῦ ὑπάρχων" ὁ τὸν οὐρανὸν τείνας " ὁ τὴν 
γῆν ἐργασάμενος" ὁ τὴν ϑάλατταν ἁπλώσας" ὁ τοὺς ᾿Αγγέλους ποίησας " ὁ πανταχοῦ 
παρὼν καὶ τὰ πάντα πληρῶν" ὁ προὼν καὶ γεννηθείς ; διατί μὴ εἶπε τὰ σεμνὰ ἐκεῖνα καὶ 
uéyana καὶ ὑψηλά ;---ἀλλ᾽ “ ἐγώ εἰμι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος, ὃν σὺ διώκεις "" ἀπὸ τῆς κάτω 
πόλεως, ἀπὸ τοῦ κάτω χωρίου καὶ τοῦ τόπου ; διότι ἠγνόει αὐτὸν ὁ διώκων " εἰ γὰρ ἤδει 
αὐτὸν, οὐκ dv ἐδίωξεν " ἠγνόει ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ Ἰ]ατρὸς ἦν γεννηθείς " ὅτι δὲ ἀπὸ Ναζαρὲτ ἣν, 
ἤδει" εἰ οὖν εἶπεν αὐτῷ, ᾿Εγώ εἰμι ὁ Ὑἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ" ὁ ἐν ἀρχῇ Λόγος" 6 τὸν οὐρανὸν 
ποιήσας, εἶχεν εἰπεῖν, ἄλλος τε ἐκεῖνος, καὶ ἄλλον ἐγὼ διώκω" εἰ εἶπεν αὐτῷ ἐκεῖνα τὰ 
μεγάλα καὶ λαμπρὰ καὶ ὑψηλὰ, εἶχεν εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἔστιν οὗτος ὁ σταυρωθείς " ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα 
udby ὅτι ἐκεῖνον διώκει τὸν σαρκωθέντα, τὸν μορφὴν δούλου λαβόντα, τὸν μετ’ αὐτοῦ 
συναναστραφέντα, τὸν ἀποθανόντα, τὸν ταφέντα, ἀπὸ τοῦ κάτω χωρίου, λέγει " “ ἐγώ εἰμι 
Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος, ὃν σὺ διώκεις "" ὃν οἶδας, ὃν γνωρίζεις, τὸν μετὰ σοῦ ἀναστρε- 
gouevov. Chrysostom in Cramer’s Catena, p. 152. 

* Κλητὸς ἀπόστολος. Romi. 1. 1 Cor. 1. 1.) ᾿Απόστολος διὰ ϑελήματος Θεου. 
(2 Cor.i. 1. Eph.i. 1. Col. i. 1.) These expressions are not used by St. Peter, St. 
James, St. Jude, or St. John. And it is remarkable that they are not used by St. Paul 
himself in the Epistles addressed to those who were most firmly attached to bim. They 
are found in the letters to the Christians of Achaia, but not in those to the Christians 
of Macedonia. (See 1 Thess. i. 1. 2 Thess. i. 1. Phil. i 1.) And though in the 
letters to the Ephesians and Colossians, not in that to Philemon, which is believed te 
have been sent at the same time. See Philemon, 1. 

9 Οὐκ ἀπ’ ἀνθρώπων, οὐδὲ δι’ ἀνθρώπου. Gal. i. 1. 


92 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


immediately indicated, to which he was set apart, and ia which in efter 
years he always gloried,—the work of “ preaching among the Gentiles the 
unsearchable riches of Christ.”! Unless indeed we are to consider the 
words which he used before Agrippa? as a condensed statement 3 of all 
that was revealed to him, both in his vision on the way, and afterwards by 
Ananias in the city: “1 am Jesus, whom thou persecutest : but rise, and 
stand upon thy feet ; for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, te 
make thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast 
seen, and of those things in which I will appear unto thee, delivering thee 
from the people, and from the Gentiles, unto whom now I send thee, to 
open their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, and from the 
power of Satan unto God, that they may reccive forgiveness of sins, aud 
inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that is in Me.” 

But the full intimation of all the labours and sufferings that were be 
fore him was still reserved. He was told to arise and go into the city, 
and there it should be told him what it had been ordained‘ that he should 
do. He arose humbled and subdued, and ready to obey whatever might 
be the will of Him who had spoken to him from heaven. But when he 
opened his eyes, all was dark around him, The brilliancy of the vision 
had made him blind. Those who were with him saw, as before, the trees 
and the sky, and the road leading into Damascus. But he was in dark- 
ness, and they led him by the hand into the city. Thus entered Saul into 
Damascus ;—not, as he had expected, to triumph in an enterprize on 
which his soul was set, to brave all difficulties and dangers, to enter into 
1ouses and carry off prisoners to Jerusalem ;—but he passed himself like 
a prisoner beneath the gateway and through the street called “ Straight,” 
where he saw not the crowd of those who gazed on him, he was led by the 
hands of others, trembling and helpless to the house of Judas,> his dark 
and solitary lodging. 

Three days the blindness continued. Only one other space of three 
days’ duration can be mentioned of equal importance in the history of the 
world. The conflict of Saul’s feelings was so great, and his remorse so 
piercing and so deep, that during this time he neither ate nor drank. He 
vould have no communion with the Christians, for they had been terrified 
by the news of his approach. And the unconverted Jews could have no 
true sympathy with his present state of mind. He fasted and prayed in 

Δ Eph iit 8. See Rom. xi. 13. xv. 16. Gal. ii 8. 1 Tim. ii. 7. 2°Tim. L 11) & 

® Acts xxvi, 15-18, 

‘ It did not fall in with Paul’s plan in his speech before Agrippa (xxvi.) to mention, 
Ananias, as, in his speech to the Jews at Jerusalem (xxii.) he avoided any explicit men- 
tion of the Gentiles, while giving the narrative of his conversion. 

4 Κἀκεῖ σοι λαληθήσεται περὶ πάντων ὧν τέτακταί σοι ποιῆσα! " is the expression 


in his own speech. (xxii. 10.) See ix. 6, and compare xxvi. 16. 
5 Acts ix. 11, ΘΌχ; Ὁ: 


ΑΝΑΝΙΑΒ. 93 


silence. ‘The recollections of his early years,—the passages of the ancient 
Scriptures wiich he had never understood,—the thought of his own crus 
elty and violence,—the memory of the last looks of Stephen,—all these 
crowded into his mind, ard made the three days equal to long years of 
repentance. And if we may imagine one feeling above all others te 
have kept possession of his heart, it would be the feeling suggested by 
Christ’s expostulation: ‘“ Why persecutest thou ΜῈ 731 This feeling 
would be attended with thoughts of peace, with hope, and with faith. 
He waited on God: and in his blindness a vision was granted to him. 
He seemed to behold one who came in to him,—and he knew by reve- 
lation that his name was Ananias,—and it appeared to him that the 
stranger laid his hand on him, that he might receive his sight.’ 

The economy of visions, by which God revealed and accomplished His 
will, is remarkably similar in the case of Ananias and Saul at Damascus, 
and in that of Peter and Cornelius at Joppa and Crsarea. The simulta- 
neous preparation of the hearts of Ananias and Saul, and the simultane: 
ous preparation of those of Peter and Cornelius,—the questioning and 
hesitation of Peter, and the questioning and hesitation of Ananias,—the 
one doubting whether he might make friendship with the Gentiles, the 
other doubting whether he might approach the enemy of the Church,— 
the unhesitating obedience of each, when the Divine will was made clearly 
known,—the state of mind in which both the Pharisee and the Centurion 
were found,—each wa'ting to see what the Lord would say unto them,— 
this close analogy wil not be forgotten by those who reverently read the 
two consecutive chapters, in which the baptism of Saul and the baptism 
of Cornelius are narrated in the Acts of the Apostles. 

And in another respect there is a close parallelism between the two 
histories. The same exact topography characterizes them both. In the 
one case we have the lodging with “ Simon the Tanner,” and the house “ by 
the sea-side” (x. 6),—in the other we have “ the house of Judas,” and 
“the street called Straight” (ix. 11). And as the shore, where “ the 
saint beside the ocean prayed,” is an unchanging feature of Joppa, which 
will ever be dear to the Christian heart ;4 so are we allowed to bear in 
mind that the thoroughfares of Kastern cities do not change,* and to be- 
lieve that the “Straight Street,” which still extends through Damascus in 
long perspective from the Eastern Gate, is the street where Ananias spoke 
to Saul. More than this we do not venture to say. In the first days of 
the Church, and for some time afterwards, the local knowledge of the 


1 Sce Mat. xxv. 40, 45. ; 2 Acts:ix./ 12. 

* Acts ix. and x. Compare also xi. 5-18, with xxii. 12-16. 

4 See “ The Christian Year ;’’ Monday in Easter Weck. 

§ See Lord Nugent’s remarks on the Jerusalem Bazaar, in his “ Sacred ani Clasaica! 
Lands,” vol. ii pp. 40, 41. 


64 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Christians at Damascus might be cherished and vividly retained. But 
now that through long ages Christianity in the East has been weak and 
degraded, and Mahommedanism strong and tyrannical, we can only say 
that the spots still shown to travellers as the sites of the house of Ananias, 
and the house of Judas, and the place of baptism, may possibly be true. 
We know nothing concerning Ananias, except what we learn from St, 
Luke or from St. Paul. He was a Jew who had become a “disciple” of 
Christ (ix. 10), and he was well reputed and held to be “devout accord- 
ng to the law,” among “all the Jews who dwelt there” (xxii. 12). Heis 
never mentioned by St. Paul in his Epistles ; and the later stories respect- 
ing his history are unsupported by proof? Theugh he was not ignorant 
of the new convert’s previous character, it seems evident that he had no 
personal acquaintance with him ; or he would hardly have been described 
as ‘one called Saul, cf Tarsus,” lodging in the house of Judas. He was 
not an Apostle, nor one of the conspicuous members of the Church. And 
it was not without a deep significance,’ that he, who was called to be an 
Apostle, should be baptized by one of whom the Church knows nothing, 
but that he was a Christian “ disciple,” and had been a “devout” Jew. 
Ananias came into the house where Saul, faint and exhausted4 with 
three days’ abstinence, still remained in darkness. When he laid his hands 
on his head, as the vision had foretold, immediately he would be recog- 
nised as the messenger of God, even before the words were spoken, ‘‘ Bre- 
ther Saul, the Lord, even Jesus, that appeared unto thee in the way as 
thou camest, hath sent me, that thou mightest receive thy sight, and be 
filled with the Holy Ghost.” These words were followed, as were the 
werds of Jesus Himself when He spoke to the blind, with an instantaneous 


1 See, for instance, some of the older travellers, as Thevenot, parts i.and ii. Maun- 
drell (1714), p. 36. Pococke, ii. 119. 

2 Tradition says that he was one of the seventy disciples, that he was afterwards 
Bishop of Damascus, and stoned after many tortures under Licinius (or Lucianus) the 
Governor. Augustine says he was a priest at the time of St. Paul’s baptism. Cicume- 
nius calls him a deacon. His day is kept on Oct. 1, by the Greeks, on Jan. 25, by 
the Latins. See the Acta Sanctorum under that day. Baronius (sub anno 35) says 
that he had fied from Jerusalem in the persecution of Stephen, and formed a Christian 
community at Damascus. The Acta ex MS. Greco in the Acta Sanctorum make him 
go from Antioch to Damascus. 

3 Ananias, as Chrysostom says, was not one τῶν κορυφαίων ἀποστόλων, because Paul 
was not to be taught of men. On the other hand, this very circumstance shows the 
importance attached by God to baptism. Olshausen remarks very justly :—‘ Hochst 
wichtig ist hier der Umstand, dass der Apostel Paulus keineswegs bloss vermittelst 
dieser wunderbaren Berufung durch den Herrn selbst Glied der Kirche wird, sondern 
dass er sich noch taufen lassen muss.”? He adds that this baptism of Paul by Ananias 
did not imply any inferiority or dependence, more than in the case of our Lerd and 
John the Baptist. 

« See Acis ix. 19 


BAPTISM OF SAUL. 93 


dissipation of darkness: ‘‘ There feil from his eyes as it had beeu scales : 
and he received sight forthwith” (ix. 18): or, in his own more vivid ex: 
pression, “ the same hour he looked up on the face of Ananias” (xxii. 13), 
It was a face he had never seen before. But the expression of Christian 
love assured him of reconciliation with God. He learnt that “the God 
of his fathers” had chosen him “ to know His will,”—‘‘ to see that Just 
One,”—“ to hear the voice of His mouth,”—to be ‘ His witness unto all 
men.”* He was baptized, and “ the rivers of Damascus” became more to 
him than ‘all the waters of Judah” had been. His body was strength- 
ened with food ; and his soul was made strong to “suffer great things” for 
the name of Jesus, and to bear that Name ‘before the Gentiles, and 
kings, and the children of Israel.” 9 

He began by proclaiming the honour of that Name to the children of 
israel in Damascus. He was “not disobedient to the heavenly vision ” 
(xxvi. 19), but “ straightway preached in the synagogues” that Jesus was 
“the Son of God,” —and “showed unto them that they should repent and 
turn to God, and do works meet for repentance.” His Rabbinical and 
Pharisaic learning was now used to uphold the cause which he came to 
destroy. The Jews were astounded. They knew what he had been at 
Jerusalem. They knew why he had come to Damascus. And now they 
saw him-contradicting the whole previous course of his life, and utterly 
discarding that ‘‘ commission of the high-priests,” which had been the au- 
thority of his journey. Yet it was evident that his conduct was not the 
result of a wayward and irregular impulse. His convictions never hesi- 
tated ; his energy grew continually stronger,’ as he strove in the syna- 
gogues, maintaining the truth against the Jews, and “arguing and prov- 
ing that Jesus was indeed the Messiah.” 7 

The period of his first teaching at Damascus does not seem to have © 
lasted long. Indeed it is evident that his life could not have been safe, 
had he remained. The fury of the Jews when they had recovered from 
their first surprise must have been excited to the utmost pitch ; and they 
would scon have received a new commissioner from Jerusalem armed with 
full powers to supersede and punish one whom they must have regarded as 
the most faithless of apostates. Saul left the city, but not to return to 


1 It is difficult to see why the words ἀπέπεσον ἀπὸ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτοῦ dost λεπίδες 
should be considered merely descriptive by Olshausen and others. One of the argu- 
ments for taking them literally is the peculiar exactness of St. Luke in speaking on 
such subjects. See a paper on the medical style of St. Luke in the Gertleman’s Mag- 
azine for June 1841. 

2 sedi, 3 See 2 Kings vy. 12. 4 See Acts ix. 15, 16. 

5. ix, 20. Where Ἰησοῦν, and not Χριστὸν, is the true reading. Verse 22 (dre of τὲς 
ἐστιν ὁ Χριστὸς) would make this probable, if the authority of the MSS. were not 
decisive. 

ὁ Σαῦλος δὲ μᾶλλον ἐυεδυναμοῦτο. (ix. 22.) 

υμδιθάζων ὅτι οὗτός ἐστιν 6 Χοιστός. (Ibid.) 


͵ 


90 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Jerusalem. Conscious of his divine mission, he never felt that it was ne 
cessary to consult ‘‘ those who were Apostles before him, but he went inte 
Arabia, and returned again into Damascus.” } 

Many questions have been raised concerning this journey into Arabia 
The first question relates to the meaning of the word. From the time when 
the word ‘ Arabia” was first used by any of the writers of Greece or 
Rome,’ it has always been a term of vague and uncertain import. Some 
times it includes Damascus ;3 sometimes it ranges over the Lebanon itself, 
and extends even to the borders of Cilicia The native geographers usu- 
ally reckon that stony district, of which Petra was the capital, as belong- 
ing to Egypt,—and that wide desert towards the Euphrates, where the 
Bedouins of all ages have lived in tents, as belonging to Syria,—and have 
limited the name to the Peninsula between the Red Sea and the Persian 
Gulf, where Jemen, or “ Araby the Blest,” is secluded on the south.? In 
the three-fold division of Ptolemy, which remains in our popular language 
when we speak of this still untravelled region, both the first and second 
of these districts were included under the name of the third. And we 
must suppose St. Paul to have gone into one of the former, either that 
which touched Syria and Mesopotamia, or that which touched Palestine 
and Egypt. If he went into the first, we need not suppose him to have 
travelled far from Damascus. For though the strong powers of Syria 
and Mesopotamia might check the Arabian tribes, and retrench the Ara- 
bian name in this direction, yet the Gardens of Damascus were on the 
verge of tle desert, and Damascus was almost as much an Arabian as a 
Syrian town. 

And if he went into Petrean Arabia, there still remains the questicn 
of his motive for the journey, and his employment when there. Hither 
retiring before the opposition at Damascus, he went to preach the Gospel, 
and then, in the synagogues of that singular capital, which was built 
amidst the rocks of Edom,* whence “ Arabians” came to the festivals at 


1 Gal. i. 17: 

5. Herodotus speaks of Syria as the coast of Arabia. Τῆς ᾿Αραθίας τὰ παρὰ ϑαλάσσαν 
Σύριοι νέμονται. (ii. 12.) Xenophon, in the Anabasis (i. 5) calls a district in Mesopo- 
tamia, to the north of Babylonia, by the name of Arabia; and Σκηνῖται “Apabeg are 
placed by Strabo (xvi. 1, and xvi. 3) in the same district. 

3 Ὅτι δὲ Δαμασκὸς τῆς ᾿Αραθικῆς γῆς ἣν καὶ ἔστιν, εἰ Kal νῦν προσνενέμηται TH Στηοο- 
φοινίκῃ λεγομένῃ οὐδ᾽ ὑμῶν τινὲς ἀρνήσασθαι δύνανται. Justin Mart. ο. Tryph. Jebb’e 
ed. 1719, p. 239. ‘Damascus ΑΥΤΆ: retro deputabatur, antequam transcripta erat ig 
Syrophenicem ex distinctione Syriarum.” Tertull. adv. Mare. ili. 13, and adv. Jud. § 9 

4“ Arabia... amplitudine longissima a monte Amano, a regione Cilicia Comma- 
genesque descendit ... nec non in media Syria ad Libanum montem penctrantibus 
Nubeis.” (Plin. H. N. vi. 32.) And so Plutarch, in the Life of Pompey (ὃ 56), speaks 
of Arabs in Mount Amanus. 

5 See Mannert’s Geographie der Griechen und Romer, and Winer’s Realworterbuch, 

ὁ Strabo, ia his description of Petra, says that his friend Athenwlorus found great 


RETIREMENT INTO ARABIA. 0% 


Jerusalen:, he testified of Jesus ; or he went for the purpose of contem 
plation and solitary communion with God, to deepen his repentance and 
fortify his soul w.th prayer ; and then perhaps his steps were turned te 
those meuntain heights by the Red Sea, which Moses and Elijah had trod- 
den before him. We cannot attempt to decide the question. The views 
waich different inquirers take of it will probably depend on their own ten- 
dency to the practical or the ascetic life. On the one hand, it may be argued 
that such zeal could not be restrained, that Saul could not be silent, but 
that he would rejoice in carrying int) the metropolis of King Aretas the 
Gospel which his Ethnarch could afterwards hinder at Damascus.* On 
the other hand, it may be said that, with such convictions recently worked 
in his mind, he would yearn for suutude,—that a time of austere medita- 
tion before the beginning of a great work is in conformity with the econo- 
my of God,—that we find it quite natural, if Paul followed the example 
of the Great Lawgiver and the Great Prophet, and of ΟΝῈ greater than 
Moses and Elijah, who, after His baptism and before His ministry, “ re- 
turned from Jordan and was led by the Spirit into the wilderness.” * 
While Saul is in Arabia, preaching the Gospel in obscurity, or pre- 

paring for his varied work by the intuition of Sacred Truth,—it seems the 
naturai place for some reflections on the reality and the momentous signifi- 
cance of his conversion. It has already been remarked, in what we have 
drawn from the statements of Scripture, that he was called directly by 
Christ without the intervention of any other Apostle, and that the pur- 
pose of his call was clearly indicated, when Ananias baptized him. He 
was an Apostle “ not of men, neither by man,” 4 and the Divine will was 
“to work among the Gentiles by his ministry.”*> But the unbeliever may 
still say that there are other questions of primary importance. He may 
suggest that this apparent change in the current of Saul’s thoughts, and 
this actual revolution in the manner of his life, was either the contrivance 
of deep and deliberate imposture, or the result of wild and extravagant 
fanaticism. Both in ancient and modern times, some have been found who 
have resolved this great occurrence in the promptings of self-interest, or 
have ventured to call it the offspring of delusion. There is an old story 
mentioned by Epiphanius, from which it appears that the Ebionites were 
content to find a motive for the change, in an idle story that he first be 
came a Jew that he might marry the High Priest’s daughter, and then be 
care the antagonist of Judaism because the High Priest deceived him.* 
numbers of strangers there. ᾿Αθηνόδωρος, ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος καὶ ἡμῖν éraipoc.... 
εὑρεῖν ἐπιδημοῦντας ἔφη πολλοὺς μὲν Ῥωμαίων, πολλοὺς δὲ Kal τῶν ἄλλων ξένων. 
(xvi 4.) In the same paragraph. after describing its cliffs and peculiar situation, he 
ways that it was distant three or four days’ journey from Jericho. See above, p. 81, u. 6 

WV Acts ie 11: ? See 2 Cor. xi. 32. 

3 Luke iy. 1. 4 Gal. i. 1. 5 Acts xxi. 19. 

* Too Παύλου κατηγοροῦντες οὐκ αἰσχύνονται ἐπιπλάστοις τισὶ Tole τῶν ψευδαποσ' 

VOL, 1.—7 


8 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


And there are modern Jews, who are satisfied with saying that be 
changed rapidly from one passion to another, like these impetuous soule 
who cannot hate or love by halves. Can we then say that St. Pani was 
simply an enthuseast or an impostor? The question has been so well an- 
swered in a celebrated English book,? that we are content to refer to it. 
It will never be possible for any to believe St. Paul to have been a mere 
enthusiast, who duly considers his calmness, his wisdom, his prudence, and, 
above all, his humility, a virtue which is not less inconsistent with fanati- 
cism than with imposture. And how can we suppose that he was an im- 
postor who changed his religion for selfish purposes? Was he influenced 
by the ostentation of learning ? He suddenly cast aside all that he had 
been taught by Gamaliel, or acquired through long years of study, and 
took up the opinions of the fishermen of Galilee, whom he had scarcely 
ever seen, and who had never been educated in the schools. Was it the 
love of power which prompted the change? He abdicated in a moment 
the authority which he possessed, for power ‘‘ over a flock of sheep driven 
to the slaughter, whose Shepherd himself had been murdered a little be- 
fore ;” and ‘all he could hope from that power was to be marked out ina 
particular manner for the same knife, which he had seen so bloodily drawn 
against them.” Was it the love of wealth? Whatever mizht be his own 
worldly possessions at the time, he joined himself to those who were cer- 
tainly poor, and the prospect before him was that which was actually real- 
ised, of ministering to his necessities with the labour of his hands.3 Was 
it the love of fame? His prophetic power must have been miraculous, if 
he could look beyond the shame and scorn which then rested on the ser- 
vants of a crucified master, to that glory with which Christendom now 
surrounds the memory of St. Paul. 

And if the conversion of St. Paul was net the act of an euthusiast or 
an impostor, then it ought to be considered how much this wonderful oc- 


τόλων αὐτῶν κακούργοις καὶ πλάνης λόγο: πεποιημένοις. Tapota μὲν αὐτὸν, ὡς αὐτὸς 
ὁμολογεῖ καὶ οὐκ ἀρνεῖται, λέγοντες. ἜΣ ᾿Βλλήνων δὲ αὐτὸν ὑποτίθενται, λαθόντες 
τὴν πρόφασιν ἐκ τοῦ τύπου διὰ τὸ φιλάληθες ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ῥηθὲν, ὅτι Ταρσεύς εἰμι, οὐκ 
ἀσήμου πόλεως πολίτης" (Acts xxi.) εἶτα φάσκουσιν αὐτὸν εἶναι "EAAnva, καὶ ‘EAAnvisog 
μητρὸς καὶ “Ἕλληνος πατρὸς παῖδα" ἀναθεθηκέναι δὲ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ χρύνον ἐκεὶ 
“μεμενηκέναι, ἐπιτεθυμηκέναι δὲ ϑυγατέρα τοῦ ἱερέως πρὸς γάμον ἀγαγέσθαι, καὶ τούτου 
ἕνεκα προσήλυτον γενέσθαι καὶ περιτμηθῆναι" εἶτα μὴ γαθόντα τὴν κόρην ὠργίσθαι 
καὶ Kara περιτομῆς γεγραφέναι, καὶ κατὰ Labbdrov καὶ νομοθεσίας. Epiph. ad War. i. 
2, ἃ 10. Below in § 25, he argues the impossibility of this story from its contradiction 
‘¢o Phil. iii. and 2 Cor. xi. Barnabas, theugh a Cyprian, was a Levite, and why not 
Paul a Jew, though a Tarsian? And are we to believe, he adds, what Ebion says of 
Paul, or what Peter says of him. (2 Pet. ili.}? 

1 Such is M. Salvador’s explanation. Jésus Christ et sa Doctrine, liv. iii. 5.2, Pau! 
et l’Eglise. 

* Lyttelton’s Observations on the Conversion and Apostleship of St. Paal 

3 Acts xx. 33, 44. 1 Cor. xv. 8. 1 Thess. ii. 4, 5, 6, 9, ἄορ, 


HIS RETURN TO DAMASCUS. SY 


suiriace luvolyes. As Lord Lyttelton observes, “the conversion and 
apostleship of St, Paul alone, duly considered, is cf itself a demonstration 
sufficient to prove Christianity to be a divine revelation.” Saul wat 
arrested at the height of his zeal, and in the midst of his fury. In the 
words of Chrysostom, “ Christ, like a skilful physician, healed him when 
his fever was at the worst :”! and he proceeds to remark, in the same 
eloquent ser:aon, that the truth of Christ’s resurrection, and the present 
power of Him who had been crucified, were shown far more forcibly, than 
they could have been if Paul had been otherwise called. Nor ought we 
to forget the great religious lessons we are taught to gather from this 
event. We see the value set by God upon honesty and integrity, wher 
ve find that he, “who was before a blasphemer and a persecutor and in- 
iurious, obtained mercy because he did it ignorantly in unbelief”? And 
wé learn the encouragement given to all sinners who repent, when we are 
told that ‘for this cause he obtained mercy that in him first Jesus Christ 
mi¢ht shew forth all long suffering, for a pattern to them which should 
hereafter believe on Him to life everlasting.” 

We return to the narrative. Saul’s time of retirement in Arabia waz 
uct of long continuance. He was not destined to be the Evangelist of the 
last. In the Epistle to’ the Galatians,? the time, from his conversion to 
his final departure from Damascus, is said to have been “three years,” 
which, according to: the Jewish way of reckoning, may have been three 
eatire years, or only one year with parts of two others. Meantime Saul 
had ‘returned to Damascus, preaching boldly in. the name of Jesus.” (ix. 
27.) The Jews, being no longer able to meet him in controversy, resorted 


' Καθέπερ ἰατρὸς ἄριστος, ἀκμάζοντος ἔτι τοῦ πυρετοῦ, τὸ βοήθημα αὐτῷ ἐπήγαγεν ὁ 
Χρίστος. (om. xix. in Act.) See the same homily below. 

5. Tim.i.13. See Luke xii. 48. xxiii. 34. Acts iii, 17. 1 Cor. ii.8. On the 
other hand, “unbelieving ignorance” is often mentioned in Scripture, as an aggrava- 
tion of sin: e. g. Eph. iv. 18,19. 2 Thess. 1, 7, 8 We should bear in mind Aristotle’s 
distinction (Eth, Nie. iii. 1.) of ἀγνοῶν and δύ dyvoiay,—thus stated by Aquinas on this 
very passage,-—“ Alind est ignoranter agere, aliud par ignorantiam: zgnoranter facit 
aliquid qui nescit quod facit, tamen si sciret etiam faceret illud : per ignorantiam facit 
qui facit aliquid quod uon faceret si nosset.”” Div. Thom. Comm. in Paul. Ep. p. 391. 
See the note of Estius, and especially the following remark: “‘Objectum seu materia 
misericordiw, miseria est ; unde quando miseria major, tanto magis nata est misericor- 
diam commovere.’’ A man is deeply wretched who sins through ignorance ; and, as 
Augustine says, Paul in his uncenverted state was like a sick man who through madness 
tries to kill his physician. 

3 In Acts ix. 23, the time is said to have been “many days.” Dr. Paley has observ- 
ed in a note on the Hore Pauling (p. 82) a similar instance in the Old Testament (1 
Kin ss ii. 38, 39.), where “many days” is used to denote a space of “three years :”’— 
“ And Siimet dwelt at Jerusalem many days ; aud it came to pass, at the end of three 
years, that two of the servants of Shimei ran away.’ The edition of the Hore Pauii- 
ne referred to in this work is that of Mr. Tate, entitled “The Continuous History of 
St. Paul’’ 1840. 


100 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


to that which is the last argument of a desperate cause :! they resolved ts 
assassinate him. Saul became acquainted with the conspiracy ; and al 
due precautions were taken to evade the danger. But the political cir- 
cumstances of Damascus at the time made escape very difficult. Either 
in the course of the hostilities which prevailed along the Syrian frontiers 
between Herod Antipas and the Romans, on one side, and Aretas, King 
of Petra, on the other,—and sossibly in consequence of that absence of 
Vitellius,? which was caused by the emperor’s death,—the Arabian mon- 
arch had made himself master of- Damascus, and the Jews, who sympa- 
thised with Aretas, were high in the favour of his officer, the Ethnarch. 
Or Tiberius had ceased to reign, and his successor had assigned Damascus 
to the King of Petra, and the Jews had gained over his officer and his sol- 
diers, as Pilate’s soldiers had once been gained over at Jerusalem. St. 
Paul at least expressly informs us,‘ that ‘the Ethnarch kept watch over 
the city, with a garrison, purposing to apprehend him.” St. Luke says,° 
that the Jews “‘ watched the city-gates day and night, with the intention 
of killing him.” The Jews furnished the motive, the Ethnarch the military 
force, The anxiety of the ‘‘ disciples” was doubtless great, as when Peter 
was imprisoned by Herod, “and prayer was made without ceasing of the 
Church unto God for him.”*® Their anxiety became the instrument of his 
safety. From an unguarded part of the wall, in the darkness of the night, 
probably where some overhanging houses, as is usual, in Eastezn cities, 
eopened upon the outer country, they let him down from a window? ina 
basket. There was something of humiliation in this mode of escape ; and 
this, perhaps, is the reason why, in a letter written ‘‘ fourteen years” after- 
1’Enl τον ἰσχυρόν συλλογισμὸν ἔρχονται οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι. κ. τ. A. S. Chrys. Hom. xx. 


2 See above, p. 81. 

3 Some have supposed that this Ethnarch was merely an officer who regulated the 
affairs of the Jews themselves, such as we know to have existed under this title in cities 
with many Jewish residents. See Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7,2, and 8,5. B.J.ii.6,3. Anger 
imagines that he was an officer of Aretas accidentally residing in Damascus, who in- 
duced the Roman government to aid the conspiracy of the Jews. Neither hypothesis 
seems very probable. Schrader suggests (p. 153) that the Ethnarch’s wife might, 
perhaps, be a Jewish proselyte, as we know was the case with a vast number of the 
women of Damascus. 

4 2 Cor. xi. 32, ἐφρούρει. 5 Acts ix. 24. 6 Acts xii. 5. 

7 Διὰ ϑυρίδος, (2 Cor, xi. 32.) So Rahab let down the spies; and so David escaped 
from Saul. The word ϑυρίς is used in the LXX. in both instances. Καὶ κατεχάλασεν 
αὐτοὺς διὰ τῆς ϑυρίδος. (Josh. ii. 15.) Kat κατάγει ἡ Μελχολ τὸν Aabld διὰ τῆς 
ϑυρίδος, καὶ ἀπῆλθε καὶ ἔφυγε καὶ σώζεται. (1 Sam. xix. 12.) 

8 The word in 2 Cor. xi. 32, is σαργάνη ; in Acts ix. 25, it is σπυρίς, the word used 
In the Gospels, in the narrative of the miracle of feeding the “four thousand,” as 
opposed to that of feeding the “ five thousand,”’ when κόφινος is used. Compare Mat. 
xiv. 20. Mark vi. 43. Luke ix.17. John vi. 13, with Mat. xv. 37. Mark viii. 8, and 
both with Mat. xvi. 9,10. See Prof. Blunt’s Scriptural Coincidences, pt iv. § xi. 1847 
In Rich’s Companion to the Dictionary, contrast the illustration under Sporta (σπυρίς) 
with that under Cophinus (κόφινος. 


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ESCAPE TO JERUSALEM. 101 


wards, he specifies the details, “glorying in his infirmities,” when he is 
wiout to speak of “ his visions and revelations of the Lord.”? 

Thus already the Apostle had experience of “perils by his own coun 
trymen, and perils in the city.” Already “in journeyings often, in weari- 
ness and painfulness”? he began to learn “how great things he was to 
suffer” for the name of Christ. Preserved from destruction at Damascus, 
he turned his steps towards Jerusalem. His motive for the journey, as he 
tells us in the Epistle to the Galatians, was a desire to become acquainted 
with Peter. Not that he was ignorant of the true principles of the Gos- 
pel. He expressly tells us that he neither needed nor received any instruc- 
tion in Christianity from those who were “apostles before him.” But he 
must have heard much from the Christians at Damascus of the Galilean 
fisherman. Can we wonder that he should desire to see the Chief of the 
Twelve,—the brother with whom now he was consciously united in the 
bonds of a common apostleship, 
constant companion of his Lorn ? 

How changed was everything since he had last travelled this roaa 
between Damascus and Jerusalem. If, when the day broke, he looked 
back upon that city from which he had escaped under the shelter of night, 
as his eye ranged over the fresh gardens and the wide desert, how the 
remembrance of that first terrible vision would call forth a deep thanks- 
giving to Him, who had called him to be a “ partaker of His sufferings.” 
And what feelings must have attended his approach to Jerusalem. ‘“ He 
was returning to it from a spiritual, as Ezra had from a bodily, captivity, 
and to his renewed mind all things appeared new. What an emotion 
smote his heart at the first distant view of the Temple, that house of sacri- 
fice, that edifice of prophecy. Its sacrifices had been realised, the Lamb 
of God had been offered: its prophecies had been fulfilled, the Lord had 

1 2 Cor. xi. 30. xii. 1-5. Both Schrader and Wieseler are of opinion that the vision 
mentioncd tere is that which he saw at Jerusalem, on his return from Damascus (Acts 
xxii. 17. Sve below, p. 103), and which was naturally associated in his mind with the 
recollection of his escape. Schrader’s remarks on the train of ideas are worth quoting. 
“Wie genau er hier die Flucht von Damaskus und die Entzuckung mit einander ver- 
bindet, zcigt sein ganzer Gedankengang. Er hat vorher eine Menge seiuer Leiden als 
Christ aufyezahlt. Nun nimmt sein Geist plotzlich einen hohern Aufschwung; ein 
Theil der Vergangeneit schwebt ihm auf einmal lebendig vor der Seele ; seine Rede wird 
abgehrochener, wie ein gehemmter Strom, der auf einmal wieder anenoreht : Gott 
Weiss dass ich nicht luge—ich floh von Damaskus—doch nein, es ist nicht gut, dass 
ich mich ruhme—fch kenne einen Christen—er kam in Entzuickung, Gott weiss es wie 
—er wurde in das Paradies versetzt, Gott weiss, wie es zuging—ja ich konnte mich 


wohl ruhmen, ohne zu lugen, aber ich will es nicht. Wer fuhlt es nicht, dass hier 


vom Anfang bis zu Ende alles Eins ist und nicht auseinander gerissen werden darf?” 
pp. 157, 158. 


2 2 Cor. xi. 26, 27. 3 Acts ix. 16. 
4 ᾿Ιστορῆῇσαι ἸΠέτρον. i. 18. See the remarks ef Jerome and Chrysostom on thi 
passage. 5 1 Pet. iv. 5. 


102 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


come unto it. As he approached the gates, he might have trodden the 
very spot where he had so exultingly assisted in the death of Stephen, aud 
ne entered them perfectly content, were it God’s will, to be dragged cut 
through them to the same fate. He would feel a peculiar tie of brother- 
hood to that martyr, for he could not be now ignorant that the same 
Jesus who in such glory had called him, had but a little while before ap- 
peared in the same glory to assure the expiring Stephen. The ecstatic 
look and words of the dying saint now came fresh upon his memory with 
their real meaning. When he entered into the city, what deep thoughts 
were suggested by the haunts of his youth, and by the sight of the spots 
where he had so eagerly sought that knowledge which he had now so 
eagerly abandoned. What an intolerable burden had he cast off. He 
felt as a glorified spirit may be supposed to feel on revisiting the scenes of 
its fleshly sojourn.” ! 

Yet not without grief and awe could he look upon that city of his fore 
fathers, over which he now knew that the judgment of God was impend- 
ing. And not without sad emotions could one of so tender ἃ nature think 
of the alienation of those who had once been his warmest associates. The 
grief of Gamaliel, the indignation of the Pharisees, the fury of the Hellen. 
istic Synagogues, all this, he knew, was before him. The sanguine hopes, 
however, springing from his own honest convictions, and his fervent zeal to 
_ communicate the truth to others, predominated in his mind. He thought 
that they would believe as he had believed. He argued thus with himself, 
—that they well knew that he had “imprisoned and beaten in every syna- 
gogue them that believed in Jesus Christ,”—and that “‘ when the blood of 
His martyr Stephen was shed, he also was standing by and consenting 
unto his death, and kept the raiment of them that slew him,” *—and that 
_when they saw the change which had been produced in him, and heard 
the miraculous history he could tell them, they would not refuse to “ receive 
his testimony.” 

Thus, with fervent zeal, and sanguine expectations, “he attempted to 
join himself to the disciples” of Christ. But, as the Jews hated him, so 
the Christians suspected him. His escape had been too hurried to allow 
of his bringing “letters of commendation.” Whatever distant rumour 
might have reached them of an apparition on his journey, of his conduct 
at Damascus, of his retirement in Arabia, they could not believe that he 
was really a disciple. And then it was that Barnabas, already known to 
us as a generous contributor of his wealth to the poor,‘ came forward 
again as the “ Son of Consolation,”—“ took him by the hand,” and brought 

1 Scripture Biography, by Rev. R. WW. Evans, second series, Ὁ. 337 
* The argument used in his ecstacy in the Temple (Acts xxii. 17-21), when it was 


rt vealed to him that those in Jerusalem would not receive his testimony. 
3 Acts ix. 26. 4 See Acts iv. 36 


BARNABAS. 108 


bim to the Apostles. It is probable that Barnabas and Saul were ao 
quaimted with each other before. Cyprus is within a few hours’ sail from 
Cilicia. The schools of Tarsus may naturally have attracted one, who, 
though a Levite, was a Hellenist: and there the friendship may have 
begun, which lasted through many vicissitudes, till it was rudely interrupt- 
ed in the dispute at Antioch.?, When Barnabas related how “ the Lord” 
Jesus Christ had personally appeared to Saul, and had even spoken to 
him, and how he had boldly maintained the Christian cause in the syna- 
gogues of Damascus, then the Apostles laid aside their hesitation. Peter’s 
argument must have been what it was on another occasion: ‘‘ Forasmuch 
as God hath given unte him the like gift as He did unto me, who am I 
that I should withstand God?”? He and James, the Lord’s brother, the 
only other Apostle‘ who was in Jerusalem at the time, gave to him “the 
right hands of fellowship.” And he was with them, ‘coming in and going 
out,” more than forgiven for Christ’s sake, welcomed and beloved as a 
friend and a brother. 

This first meeting of the fisherman of Galilee and the tentmaker of 
Tarsus, the chosen companion of Jesus on earth, and the chosen Pha- 
risee who saw Jesus in the heavens, the Apostle of the circumcision 
and the Apostle of the Gentiles, is passed over in Scripture in a few 
words. ‘The Divine record does not linger in dramatic description on 
those passages which a mere human writing would labour to embellish. 
What took place in the intercourse of these two Saints,—what was said 
of Jesus of Nazareth who suffered, died, and was buried,—and of Jesus, 
the glorified Lord, who had risen and ascended, and become “ head over 
all things to the Church,”—what was felt of Christian love and devotion,— 
what was learnt, under the Spirit’s teaching, of Christian truth, has noé 
been revealed, and cannot be known. The intercourse was full of present 
comfort, and full of great consequences. But it did not last long. Fif- 
teen days passed away, and the Apostles were compelled to part. The 
same zeal which had caused his yoice to be heard in the Hellenistic syna- 
gogues in the persecution against Stephen, now led Saui in the same syna- 
gogues to declare fearlessly his adherence to Stephen’s cause. The same 
fury which had caused the murder of Stephen, now brought the murderer 
of Stephen to the verge of assassination. Once more, as at Damascus, the 
Jews made a conspiracy to put Saul to death ; and once more he was res- 
sucd by the anxiety of the brethren.* 


» Acts ix. 27 2 Acts xv. 39. 3 See Acts xi, 17. 
4 “When Saui was come to Jerusalem .. . Barnabas took him and brought him te 
the Apostles . . . and he was with them coming in and going out at Jerusalem.” (Acts 


ix. 26-26.) “After three years I went up to Jerusalem to see Peter, and abode with 
him fifteen days. But other of the Apostles saw I none, save James the Lord’s 
brother” (Gal. i. 18, 19.) ὅ Acts ix. 29, 30. 


104 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


Reluctantly, and not without a direct intimation from on high, he 
retired from the work of preaching the Gospel in Jerusalem As he 
was praying one day in the Temple, it came to pass that he fell into a 
trance,' and in his ecstacy he saw Jesus, who spoke to him and said, 
“Make haste and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem : for they will noi 
receive thy testimony concerning me.” He hesitated to obey the com- 
mand, his desire to do God’s will leading him to struggle against the hin- 
drances of God’s providence—and the memory of Stephen, which haunted 
him even in his trance, furnishing him with an argument.? But the com- 
mand was more peremptory than before: ‘Depart ; for I will send thee 
far hence unto the Gentiles.” The scene of his apostolic victories was not 
to be Jerusalem. For the third time it was declared to him that the field 
of his labours was among the Gentiles. ‘This secret revelation to his soul 
conspired with the outward difficulties of his situation. The care of God 
gave the highest sanction to the anxiety of the brethren. And he suffered 
himself to be withdrawn from the Holy City. 

They brought him down to Cwsarea by the sea,? and from Cwsarea 
they sent him to Tarsus.‘ Tlis own expression in the Epistle to the Gala- 
tians (i. 21) is that he went ‘into the regions of Syria and Cilicia.” 
From this it has been inferred that he went first from Ceesarea to Antioch, 
and then from Antioeh to Tarsus. And such a course would have been 
perfectly natural: for the communication of the city of Cxsar and the 
Herods with the metropolis of Syria, either by sea and the harbour of Se- 
leucia, or by the great coast-road through Tyre and Sidon, was easy and 
frequent. But the supposition is unnecessary. In consequence of the 
range of Mount Taurus, Cilicia has a greater geographical affinity with 
Syria than with Asia Minor. Hence it has existed in frequent political 
combination with it from the time of the old Persian satrapies to the mod- 


1 See Acts xxii. 17-21. Though Schrader is sometimes laboriously unsuccessful in 
explaining the miraculous, yet we need not entirely disregard what he says (p. 160) 
concerning the oppression of spirit, under the sense of being mistrusted and opposed, 
with which Saul came to pray in the Temple. And we may compare the preparation 
for St. Peter’s vision, before the conversion of Cornelius. 

2 Compare the similar expostulations of Ananias, ix. 13, and of Peter, x. 14. 

3 Olshausen is certainly mistaken in supposing that Casarea Philippi is meant: 
Whenever “ Cxsarea”’ is spoken of absolutely, it always means Ceesarea Stratonis. And 
even if it is assumed that Saul travelled by land through Syria to Tarsus, this would 
not have been the natural course. His words are “Um zu Lande nach Tarsus von 
Jerusalem auszugehen, wurde Paulus nicht den weitern Weg uber Caesarea Stratonis 
gewahlt haben.” But though it may be true that this Caesarea is nearer the Syrian 
frontier than the other, the physical character of the country is such that he would 
naturally go by the other Czsarea, unless indeed he travelled by Namascus tu Antioch, 
which 15 highly improbable. See also a gocd note by Mr. Tate in the “Continuous 
History,” &c., p. 106. 

4 Acts ix. 20. 


PAUL WITHDRAWS TO SYRIA AND CILICIA. 108 


erz pachalies of tho Sultan: and ὁ Syria and Cilteia” appears in history 
aimost as a weneiie geographical tern, the more important district being 
mentioned first.! Within the limits of this region Saul’s activitics were 
now exercised in studying and in teaching a$ Tarsus,—or in founding those 
Churches? which were afterwards greeted in the Apostolic letter from 
Jerusalern, as the brethren “in An‘ioch, and Syria, and Cilicia,” and 
which Paul himself confirmed after his separation from Barnabas, travel- 
Lug through “Syria and Cilicia.” 

Whatever might be the extent of his journeys within these limits, we 
know at least that he was at Tarsus. Once more we find him in the home 
cf his childhood. It is the last time we are distinctly told that he was 
there. Now at least, if not before, we may be sure that he would come 
into active intercourse with the heathen philosophers of the place? Τὴ 
his last residence at Tarsus, a few years before, he was a Jew, and not 
only a Jew but a Pharisee, and he looked on the Gentiles around him as 
outcasts from the favour of God. ‘Now he was ἃ Christian, and not only 
a Christian, but conscious of his mission as the Apostle of the Gentiles. 
Therefore, he would surely meet the philosophers, and prepare to argue 
with them on their own ground, as afterwards in the “market” at Athens 
with “the Epicureans and the Stoics.”4 Many Stoics of Tarsus were men 
of celebrity in the Roman Empire. Athenodorus, the tutor of Augustus, 
has becn already mentioned.2 He was probably by this time deceased, 
and receiving those divine honours, which, as Lucian informs us, were paid 
to him after his death. The tutor of Tiberius also was a Tarsian and a 
Stoic. His name was Nestor. He was probably at this time alive: for he 
lingered to the age of ninety-two,® and, in all likelihood, survived his 


1 This is well illustrated by the hopeless fecling of the Greek soldiers in the Ana- 
basis, when Cyrus had drawn them into Cilicia; by various passages in the history of 
the Seleucid: ; by the arrangements of the Romans with Antiochus ; by the division 
of provinces in the Notitia; and by the course of the Mahommedan conquests. 

7 Acts xv. 23, 41. When we find the existence of Cilician Churches mentioned, the 
obvious inference is that St. Paul founded them during this period. 

3 The passage in Strabo, referred to above, Ch. I. p. 22, is so important that we give 
a free translation of it here. “The men of this place are so zealous in the study of 
philosophy and the whole circle of education, that they surpass both Athens and 
Alexandria, and every place that could be mentioned, where schools of philoscphers 
are found. And the difference amounts to this. Here, those who are fond of learning 
are all natives, and strangers do not willingly reside here: and they themselves do not 
remain, but finish their education abroad, and gladly take up their residence elsewhere, 
and few return. Whereas, in the other cities which I have just mentioned, except 
Alexandria, the contrary takes place : for many come to them and live there willingly ; 
but you will see few of the natives either going abroad for the sake of philosophy, or 
caring to study it at home. The Alexandrians have both characters; for they receive 
many strangers, and send out of their own people not a few.” 

4 Acts xvii. 17, 18. 5 See p. 45. 

6 See the Treatise called “Macrobii,” ascribed to Lucian, where Athenodorns anv 


LG6 THE LIFE AND EPISTLE3 OF ST. PAUL. 


wicked pupil, whose death we have recently noticed. Now amony th: se 
eminent sages and instructors of heathen emperors was One whose teach 
ing was destined to survive, when the Stoic philosophy should fave per: 
ished, and whose words still instruct the rulers of every civilised nation 
How far Saul’s arguments had any success in this quarter we cannot even 
guess ; and we must not anticipate the conversion of Cornelius. At least, 
he was preparing for the future. In the synagogue we cannot believe that 
he was silent or unsuccessful. <n his own family, we may well imagine 
that some of those Christian “ kinsmen,”! whose names are handed down 
to us,—possibly his sister, the playmate of his childhood, and his sister’s 
son,” who afterwards saved his life,—were, at this time, by his exertions 
gathered into the fold of Christ. 

Here this Chapter must close ; while Saul is in exile from the earth]: 
Jerusalem, but diligently occupied in building up the walls of the “ Jerusa- 
lem which is above.” And it was not without one great and important 
consequence that that short fortnight had been spent in Jerusalem. He 
was now known to Peter and to James. His vocation was fully ascer- 
tained and recognised by the heads of the Judean Christians. It is true 
that he was yet “‘unknown by face” to the scattered Churches of Judea.’ 
But they honoured him of whom they had heard so much. And when the 
news came to them at intervals of all that he was doing for the cause of 
Christ, they praised God and said, ‘ Behold! he who was once our 
persecutor is now bearing the glad tidings of that faith which formerly he 
laboured to root out ;” ‘and they glorified God in him.” 


Nestor are enumerated among those philosophers who have lived to a great age, 
᾿Αθηνόδωρος, Σάνδωνος, Tapceds, Στωικὸς, ὅς καὶ διδάσκαλος ἐγένετο Kaiozpog Σεθαστοῦ 
Θεοῦ, ὑφ᾽ οὗ ἡ Ταρσέων πόλις καὶ φύρων ἐκουφίσθη, δύο καὶ ὁγδοήκοντα ἔτη βιοὺς, 
ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι, καὶ τιμὰς ὁ Γαρσέων δῆμος ἀυτῷ κατ’ ἔτος ἕκαστον ἀπονέμει 
ὡς ἤρωϊ. Νέστωρ δὲ Στωικὸς ἀπὸ Ταρσοῦ, διδάσκαλος Καίσαρος 'Γιθερίου, ἐτη δυὸ καὶ 
ἐνενήκοντα, ὃ 21. Strabo menticns another Tarsian called Nestor, an Academician, 
who was the tutor of Marcellus, xiy. 5. ὶ 

1 Rom. xvi. Sce p. 46. 

2 About twenty years after this time (Acts xxiii. 17, 23) he is called νεανίας, the 
very word which is used of Saul himself (Acts vii. 58) at the stoning of Stephen. It 
is justly remarked by Hemsen (p. 39), that the young man’s anxiety for his uncle 
(xxiii. 16-23) seems to imply a closer affection than that resulting from relationship 
alone. 

2 See Gal. i. 21-24. The Greek words ἀκούοντες ἦσαν... . viv εὐαγγελίζεται, seem 
to imply a continued preaching of the Gospel, the intelligence of which came now and 
then to Judea. From the following words, however (ἔπειτα διὰ δεκατεσσάρῶν trav), 
St. Paul appears to describe in i. 23, 24 the effect produced by the tidings not only of 
his labors in Tarsus, but of his subsequent and more extensive labours as a missionary 
to the Heathen. It should be added, that Wieseler thinks he staid only half a year at 


Tarsus. 
® 


COIN OF ARETAS. tu} 


COIN OF APETAS, KING OF pamscvs. ! 


1 From the British Museum. The inscription is given above, p. 32, n. 4. Since that 
note was written, some important confirmaticn has been received of the opinion there 
expressed. Mr. Burgon, of the British Museum, says in a letter: “Ihave carefully 
looked at our two coins of Aretas, and compared them with those described by Mion- 
net, p. 284. I feel convinced that they are much earlier than the reigns of Caligula or 
Claudius, and rank with the coins of the later Seleucide or Tigranes. These coins of Are 
tas do not appear to have dates: and, even granting that the coin of Mionnet, No. 20 p. 
284, bears A P, which I doubt, he himself (no mean judge insuch a matter) does not cite 
A P as a date,—and I should not admit it as such, till other coins be produced with 
unquestionable dates. Nothing is more common than for the most careful and learned 
men to draw false inferences from books on coins, if they have not practical knowledge 
enough on the subject to guide them in matters which may be regarded as technical. 
Sestini (Classes Generales, Florence, 1821, p, 141) does cite A P as a date, and he igs 
an authority as good as Mionnet ; but in this case I think him wrong. As to the word 
&IAEAAHN, it is worth observing that the later kings of Cappadocia (fearing the 
Roman Power) call themselves PIAOPQMAIOS.” 

Τὸ should be added, that there are certain consular denarii of the Plautian family, 
where King Aretas is represented as kneeling in submission by the side of a camel. 
An engraving of one of these coins is to be found in the “ Thesaurus Morellianus, 
&e.,” 1734, Pl. 1. ig. 1. This is doubtless the same Arabian monarch who is commemo 
rated on the former coin,—not the earlier Aretas of the Maccabees, nor the later Aretas 
of St. Paul,—-but the king who submitted to Scaurus. The Roman general’s name is 
in the exergue with that of Aretas: and it is interesting to contrast the coin in which 
the Arabian king calls himself the friend of the Greeks, with τοι in which he 
acknowledges himself the subject of the Romans 


1Us "HE LIFX ANC EPISTLES OF ST. PAULA 


CHAPTER IV. 


“ Atte lat unusquisque vestrum, fratres mei, quit habeat Christianus. Quod home 
est, commune cum multis: quod Christianus est, secernitur a multis; et plus ad illum 
pertinet quod Christianus, quam quod homo.”—Aug. in Joh. Ev. cap. i. tract. v. 


WIDER DIFFUSION OF CHRISTIANITY.—ANTIOCH.—CHRONOLOGY OF THE ACTS. 
REIGN OF CALIGULA.—CLAUDIUS AND HEROD AGRIPPA I.—THE YEAR 44. 
-—CONVERSION OF THE GENTILES.—sT. PETER AND CORNELIUS.—JOPPA AND 
CESAREA,—T. PETER’S VISION.—BAPTISM OF CORNELIUS.—INTEILIGENOE 
FROM ANTIOCH.—WMISSION OF BARNABAS.—SAUL WITH BARNABAS AT AN- 
TIOCH.-—THE NAME ‘“‘ CHRISTIAN.”—DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF ANTIOCH. 
—CHARACTER OF ITS INHABITANTS.—EARTHQUAKES.—FAMINE.——RARNABAS 
AND SAUL AT JERUSALEM.—DEATH OF ST, JAMES AND OF HEROD AGRIPPA. 
—RETURN WITH MARK. TO ANTIOCH.—PROVIDENTIAL PREPARATION OF ST. 
PAU’..— RESULTS OF HIS MISSION TO JERUSALEM. 


Hirnerro the history of the Christian Church has been confined within 
Jewish limits. We have followed its progress beyond the walls of Jerusa- 
lem, but hardly yet beyond the boundaries of Palestine. If any traveller 
from a distant country has been admitted into the community of believers, 
the place of his baptism has not been more remote than the “desert” of 
Gaza. If any “aliens from the commonwealth of Israel” have been 
admitted to the citizenship of the spiritual Israelites, they have been 
“strangers” who dwell among the hills of Samaria. But the time is 
rapidly approaching when the knowledge of Christ must spread more 
rapidly,—when those who possessed not that Book, which caused perplex- 
ity on the road to Ethiopia, will hear and adore His name,—and greater 
strangers than those who drew water from the well of Sychar will come 
nigh to the Fountain of Life. The same dispersion which gathered in the 
Samaritans, will gather in the Gentiles also. The ‘“ middle wall of parti- 
tion” being utterly broken down, all will be called by the new and glorious 
name of “ Christian.” 

And as we follow the progress of events, and find that all movements 
‘in the Church begin to have more and more reference to the Heathen, we 
observe that these raovements begin to circulate more and more round 4 
new centre of activity. Not Jerusalem, but Antioch, not the Holy Cit? 
of God’s ancient people, but the profane city of the Greeks and Romans 


ANTIOCH. 109 


is the place 1.) which the studert cf sacred history is now directed, Dur. 
ing the remainder of the Acts of the Apostles our attention is at least 
divided between Jerusalem and Antioch, until at last, after following St 
Paul’s many journeys, we come with him to Rome. For some time Con: 
stantinople must remain a city of the future ; but we are more than once 
reminded of the greatness of Alexandria :! and thus even in the life of the 
Aj-oztle we find prophetic intimations of four of the five great ceutres of 
the early Catholic Church. 

At present we are occupied with Antioch, and the point before us ia 
that particular moment in the Church’s history, when it was first called 
Christian. Both the place and the event are remarkable : and the time, # 
we are able to determine it, is worthy of our attention. Though we are 
following the course of an individual biography, it is necessary to pause, 
on critical occasions, to look around on what is passing in the empire at 
large. And, happily, we are now arrived at a point where we are able 
distin tly to see the path of the Apostle’s life intersecting the general his- 
tory of the period. This, therefore, is the right place for a few chronolo- 
gical remarks? A few such remarks, made once for all, may justify what 
has gone before, and prepare the way for subsequent chapters. 

Some readers may be surprised that up to this point we have made no 
attempts to ascertain or to state exact chronological details. But theol 
gians are well aware of the difficulties with which such enquiries are 
aitended, in the beginnings of St. Paul’s biography. ‘The early chapters 
in the Acts are like the narratives in the Gospels. It is often hardly pos- 
sibie to learn how far the events related were contemporary or consecutive. 
It is impossible to determine the relations of time, which subsist between 
Paul’s retirement into Arabia and Peter’s visit to the converted Samari- 
tans,* or between the journey of one apostle from Joppa to Ceesarea and 
the journey of the other from Jerusalem to Tarsus.‘ Still less have we 
sufficient data for pronouncing upon the absolute chronology of the earliest 
transactions in the Church. No one can tell what particular folly or 
crime was engaging Caligula’s attention, when Paul was first made a 
Christian at Damascus. No one can tell on what work of love the Chris- 


1 See Acts vi. 9, (with ii. 10) xxvii. 6, xxviii. 11; and compare Acts xviii. 24, xix. 1, 
with 1 Cor. i. 12, iii, 4-6, and Tit. iii, 13. 

* The chronological authorities principally referred to in this work have been the 
foliowing English books :—1l. Bp. Pearson’s Annales Paulini, in the Enchiridion 
Theologicum ; 2. The late Professor Burton’s Attempt to ascertain the Chronology of 
the Acts, &c., 1830; 3. Greswell’s Dissertations, &c.; 4. Mr. Browne’s Ordo Seclo- 
rum: and the following German books :—l. The first volume of Schrader’s 4postel 
Paulus ; 2. Anger’s Treatise De temporum in Actis Apostolorum raticve, Leipsig, 
1833 ; 3. Wicseler’s Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalter ι, 

3 Acts viii. and Acts ix. (with Gal. i.) 

* arta ix. and Acts x 


110 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


tians were occnpied when the emperor was inaugurating his bridge at 
Puteoli,! or exhibiting nis fantastic pride on the shores of the British Sca.? 
In a work of this kind it is better to place the events of the Apostle’s life 
in the broad light cast by the leading features of the period, than to 
attempt to illustrate them by the help of dates, which, after all, can be 
only conjectural. Thus we have been content to say, tnat he was bozn in 
the strongest and most flourishing period of the reign of Augustus ; and 
that he was converted from the religion of the Pharisees about the time 
j when Caligula succeeded ‘'Tikevius, 
But soon after we enter on the reign 
of Claudius we encounter a coinci- 
dence which arrests our attention. 
We must first take a rapid glance at 
the reign of his predecessor. Though 
the cruelty of that reign stung the 
Jews in every part of the empire, and 
produced an indignation which never 
subsided, one short paragraph will be 
enough for all that need he said con- 
cerning the abominable tyrant.’ 

In the early part of the year 37 
Tiberius died, and at the close of the 
same year Nero was born. Letween 
the reigns of these two emperors are 
those of Caligula and Claudius. The 
four years during which Caligula sat 
on the throne of the world were mis- 
erable for all the provinces, both in 
the west and in the οὐδ. In Gaul, 
his insults were aggravated by his 


Y ji 1) 

Oy, BU HIN 

Hf iin, wi ΤΣ 

ΡΝ 
Ἦν εκ di 


> 
SS ἈΝ ΝΟΣ, 


CALIGULA.® 


personal presence. In Syria his caprices were felt more remotely but not 
less keenly. The changes of administration were rapid and various. In 
the year 36, the two great actors in the crime of the crucifixion had dis- 
appeared from the public places of Judea. Pontius Pilate® had been ais- 


1 Where St. Paul afterwards landed, Acts xxviii. 13. 

5 Herod was with Caligula in this progress. This emperor’s triumph had no more 
meaning than Napoleon’s column at Boulogne; but in the next reign Lritain wus 
really conquered. See below. 

3 The reader is here requested to refer to pp. 29, 44, 45, 55, 64, 69, and the notes. 

4 It ix much to be regretted that the books of Tacitus, which contained the life of 
Valigula, are lost. Our information must be derived from Dio Cassius, Suetonius, aud 
Tosephus. 

5 From the Musée Royal (Laurent, Paris), vol. ii. 

6 He did not arrive at Rome till after the death of Tiberius. Like his predecesser 


CLAUDIUS AND HEROD AGRIPPA. 611} 


missed by Vitcllius to Rome, and Marcellus sent te govera in his stead. 
Caiaphas had beau deposed by the same secular authority, and succeeded 
by Jonathan. Now, in the year 37, Vitellius was recalled from Syria, 
and Petronius came to occupy the governor’s residence at Antioch. Mar- 
cellus at Cxsarea made way for Marullus: and Theophilus was made 
high-priest at Jerusalem in the place of his brother Jonathan. Agrippa, 
the grandson of Herod the Great, was brought out of the prison where 
Tiberius had confined him, and Caligula gave a royal crown,! with the 
tetrarchies of two of his uncles, to the frivolous friend of his youth. And 
as this reion began with restless change, so it ended in cruelty and impicty. 
The emperor, in the career of his blasphemous arrogance, attempted to 
force the Jews to worship him as God.’ One universal fecling of horror 
pervaded the scattered Israelites, who, though they had scorned the Mes- 
siah promised to their fathers, were unable to degrade themselves by a 
return to idolatry. Petronius, who foresaw what the struggle must be, 
wrote letters of expostulation to his master: Agrippa, who was then in 
Italy, implored his patron to pause in what he did: an embassy was sent 
from Alexandria, and the venerable and learned Philo? was himself com- 
missioned to state the inexorable requirements of the Jewish religion. 
Everything appeared to be hopeless, when the murder οὔ" Caligula, on the 
24th of January, in the year 41, gave a sudden relief to the persecuted 
people. 

With the accession cf Claudius (a.p. 41) the Holy Land had a king 
once more. Juda was added to the tetrarchies of Philip and Antipas, 
and Herod Agrippa I. ruled over the wide territory which had been gov- 
erned by his grandfather. With the alleviation of the distress of the 
Jews, proportionate suffering came upon the Christians. The “rest” 
which, in the distractions of Caligula’s reign, the churches had enjoyed 
“throughout all Judeea, and Galilee, and Samaria,” was now at an end. 
“ About this time Herod the king stretched forth his hands to vex certain 
of the church.” He slew one Apostle, and ‘because he saw it pleased 
the Jews,” he proceeded to imprison another. But he was not long spared 
to seek popularity among the Jews, or to murder and oppress the Chris- 
he had governed Judiea during ten or eleven years, the emperor having a great dislike 
to frequent changes in the provinces. 

1 Tiberius had imprisoned him ,because of a conversation overheard by a slave, when 
Catigula and Herod Agrippa were together in a carriage. Agrippa was much at Rome 
both at the beginning and end of Caligula’s reign. See Ὁ. 29, n. 1. 

* It appears from Dio Cassius and Suetonius that this was part of a gencral system 
{or extending the worship of himself through the empire. 

3 See above, pp. 36, 37, and 65. The “Legatio ad Caium”’ in Philo is, next after 
Josephus, the most important writing of the period for throwing light on the condition 
of ihe Jews in OCaligula’s reign. The Jewish envoys had their interview with the cm- 


peror at Puteoli, in the autumn of the same year (40 a. p.) in which he had made his 
progress through Gaul to the shore of the ocean. 


112 THE LizE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tiangs. Inthe year 44 he perished by that sudden and dreadful death 
which is recorded in detail by Josephus and St. Luke.‘ In close coinci- 
cence with this event we have the mention of a certain journey of ΒΓ. 
Paul to Jerusalem. Here then we have one of those lines of intersection 
between the sacred history and the general history of the world, on which 
the attention of intelligent Christians ought to be fixed. This year, 44 
4.D., and another year, the year 60 a.p. (in which Felix ceased to be gov- 
ernor of Judea, and, leaving St. Paul bound at Ceesarea, was succeeded by 
Festus), are the two chronological pivots of the apostolic history.2 By 
help of them we find its exact place in the general history of the world. 
Between these two limits the greater part of what we are told of St. Pau 
is situated and included. 

Using the year 44 as a starting-point for the future, we gain a new 
light for tracing the Apostle’s steps. It is evident that we have only te 
ascertain the successive intervals of his life, in order to see him at every 
point, in his connection with the transactions of the empire. We shall 
observe this often as we proceed. At present it is more important to re- 
mark that the same date throws some light on that earlier part of the 
Apostle’s path which is confessedly obscure. Reckoning backwards, we 
remember that ‘three years” intervened between his conversion and re 
turn to Jerusalem.? Those who assign the former event to 39 or 40, and 
those who fix on 87 or some earlier year, differ as to the length of time 
he spent at Tarsus, or in “ Syria and Cilicia.”* All that we can say with 
certainty is, that St. Paul was converted more than three years before the 
year 44." 

1 Ant. xix. 8. Acts xii. The proof that his death took place in 44 may be seen in 
Anger and Wieseler ; and, indeed, it is hardly doubted by any. A coincident and cor- 
roborative proof of the time of St. Paul’s journey to Jerusalem, is afforded by the 
mention of the Famine, which is doubtless that recorded by Josephus (sce below, p. 
126, note). Anger has shown (pp. 41-45) tnat this famine must be assigned to the 
interval between 44 and 47 ; and Wieseler (pp. 157-161) has fixed it more closely te 
the year 45. 

2 It ought to be stated, that the latter date cannot be established by the same exact 
proof as the former ; but, as a political fact, it must always be a cardinal point of ref- 
erence in any system of Scripture chronology. Anger and Wieseler, by a careful 
induction of particulars, have made it highly probable that Festus sacceeded Felix in 
the year 60. Burton places this event in the year 55, and there are many other opinicus, 
More will be said on this subject when we come to Acts xxiv. 27. 

3 Gal. i. 18. 

4 Acts ix. 30. Gal. i. 21. Wieseler (pp. 147, 148), with Schrader (p. 59), thinks that 
he stayed at Tarsus only half a year or a year; Anger (pp. 171, 172), that he was there 
two years, between 41 and 43; Hemsen (p. 40), that he spent there the years 40, 41, 
and 42. Among the English writers, Bp. Pearson (p. 359) imagines that great part of 
the interval after 39 was passed in Syria; Burton (pp. 18, and 48), who places ta: 
conversion very early, is forced to aliow nine or ten years for the time spent in γυῖα 


᾿ and Cilicia. 
Ὁ Wieseler places the Conversion in the year 39 or 40. As we have said before the 


THE YEAR 44. 113 


‘The date thus important for all students of Bible chronology is worthy 
of special regard by the Christians of Britain. Fer in that year the Em 
peror Claudius returned from the shores of this island to the metropolis of 
his empire. He came here in command of a military expedition, to com- 
plete the work which the landing of Cesar a century before, had begun, 
or at least predicted! Wher Claudius came to Britain, its inhabitants 
were not Christian. They could hardly in any sense be said to have been 
civilised. He came, as he thought, to add a barbarous province to his 
already gigantic empire: but he really came to prepare the way for the 
silent progress of the Christian Church. His troops were the instruments 
of bringing among our barbarous ancestors those charities which were just 
then beginning to display themselves? in Antioch and Jerusalem. A 
“new name” was faintly rising on the Syrian shore, which was destined to 
spread like the cloud seen by the Prophet’s servant from the brow of 
Mount Carmel. <A better civilisation, a better citizenship, than that of 
the Roman empire, was preparing for us and for many. One Apostie at 
Tarsus was waiting for his call to proclaim the Gospel of Clrist to the 
Gentiles. Another Apostle at Joppa was receiving a divine intimation 
that ‘God is no respecter of persons, but that in every nation he that 
feareth Him and worketh righteousness, is accepted with Him.” + 

If we could ascertain the exact chronological arrangement of these 
passages of Apostolical history, great light would be thrown on the cir- 
cumstantial details of the admission of Gentiles to the Church, and on the 
growth of the Church’s conviction on this momentous subject. We should 
then be able to form some idea of the meaning and results of the fortnight 
spent by Paul and Peter together at Jerusalem. But it is not permitted 
to us to know the manner and degree in which the different Apostles were 
illuminated. We have not been informed whether Paul ever felt the diff 
culty of Peter,—whether he knew from the first the full significance of his 
ceall,—whether he learnt the truth by visions, or by the gradual workings 
of his mind under the teaching of the Holy Spirit. All we can confidently 
assert ts, that he did not learn from St. Peter the myste y ‘“ which in other 
ages wis not made known unto the sons of men, as it was now revealed 
auntu Gud’s holy apostles by the Spirit ; that the Gentiles should be fellow- 
heirs, and cf the same body, and partakers of His promise in Christ by 
the Gospel.” ¢ 


force of his reasoning consists in the convergence of his different lines of argument to 
one point. The following passages should be especially observed as bearing on this 
yarticular question, pp. 162-167, and 176-208. 

1 It may be gathered from Dio Cassius, Ix. 21, 23, 24 (with Suet. Claud. 17), that 
the emperor left Rome in July, 43, and returned in January, 45. See Anger, p. 40, ἢ. & 

2 See Acts xi. 22-24, and 27-30. 

2 Acts x. 34, 35. 4 Eph. iii. 4-6. See Col. i. 26, 21. 

var 1-8 


114 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


If St. Paul was converted in 39 or 40, and if the above-mentioned rest 
of the churches was in the last years of Caligula (a.p. 39-41), and if 
this rest was the occasion of that journey to Lydda and Joppa which ulti- 
mately brought St. Peter to Cxesarea, then it is evident that St. Punt was 
at Damascus or in Arabia when Cornelius was baptized. Paul was sum- 
moned to evangelize the Heathen, and Peter began the work, alinost sim- 

-ultaneously. The great transaction of adinitting the Gentiles to the 

Church was already accomplished when the two Apostles met at Jeru- 
salem. “St. Paul would thus learn that the door had beeu opened to 
him hy the hand of another ; and when he went to Tarsus, the later 
agreement’ might then have been partially adopted, that he should “ go 
to the Heathen,” while Peter remaincd as the Apostle of ‘ the Circum- 
cision,” 

If we are to bring down the conversion of Cornelius nearer to the year 
44, and to place it in that interval of time which St. Paul spent at Tar- 
sus,’ then it is natural to suppose that his conversations prepared Peter’s 
mind for the change which was at hand, and sowed the seeds of that revo- 
lution of opinion of which the vision at Joppa was the crisis and comple- 
tion. Paul might learn from Peter (as possibly also from Barnabas) 
many of the details of our blessed Saviour’s life. And Peter, meanwhile, 
might gather from him some of those higher views concerning the Gospel 
which prepared him for the miracles which he afterwards saw in the 
household of the Roman centurion. Whatever might be the obscurity 
of St. Paul’s early knowledge, whether it was revealed to him or not that 
the Gentile converts would be called to overleap the ceremonies of Juda- 
ism on their entrance into the Church of Christ,—he could not fail to have 
a clear understanding that his own work was to 116 among the Gentiles. 
This had been announced to him at his first conversion (Acts xxvi. 17, 
18), in the words of Ananias (Acts ix. 15) : and in the vision preceding 
his retirement to Tarsus (Acts xxii. 21), the words which commanded 
him to go were, ‘“‘ Depart, for I will send thee far hence to the Gentiles.” 

In considering, then, the conversion of Cornelius to have happened 
after this journey from Jerusalem to Tarsus, and before the mission of 
Barnabas to Antioch, we are adopting the opinion most in accordance 
with the independent standing-point occupied by St. Paul. And this, 
moreover, is the view which harmonises best with the narrative of Scrip 
ture, where the order ought to be reverently regarded as well as the words 
In the order of Scripture narration, if it cannot be proved that the preach- 


1 This is Wieseler’s view ; but his arguments are not conciusire. By some (as by 
Schrader) it is hastily taken for granted that St Paul preached the Gospel to Gentiles 
at Damascus. 

2 Gal. ii. 9. 

8 Ont: duration of this interval, see above, Ὁ. 112, note 4. 


8T. PETER AND CORNELIUS. 115 


irg of Pster at Csesarea was chronologicaily earlier than the preaching of 

Paul at Anttovh, it is at least brought before us theologically, as the be 

ginning of the Gospel made known to the Heathen. When an important 
change is at hand, God usually causes a sitent preparation in the minds 
of men, and some great fact occurs, which may be taken as a type and 
symbol of the general movement. Such a fact was the conversion of Cor- 
nelius, and so we must consider it. 4 

The whole transaction is related and reiterated with so much minute 
hess,' that if we were writing a history of the Church, we should be re 
quired to dwell on it at length. But here, we have only to do with it, aa 
the point of union betweon Jews and Gentiles, and as the bright starting- 
point of St. Paul’s career. A few words may be allowed, which are sug- 
gested by this view of the transaction as a typical fact in the progress of. 
God’s dispensations. The two men to whom the revelations were made, 
and even the places where the divine interferences occurred, were charac- 
teristic of the event. Cornelius was in Cesarea and St. Peter in Joppa ;— 
the Roman soklicr in the modern city, which was built and named in the 
Emperor's honour,—the Jewish Apostle in the ancient sea-port which as- 
sociates its name with the early passages of Hebrew history,—with the 
voyage of Jonah, the building of the Temple, the wars of the Macca- 
bees.? All the splendour of Cvesarea, its buildings and its ships, and the 
Temple of Rome and the Emperor, which the sailors saw far out at sea,? 
all has long since vanished. Herod’s magnificent city is a wreck on the 
shore. A few ruins are all that remain of the harbour. Joppa lingers 
on, like the Jewish people, dejected but not destroyed. Czxsarea has 
perished, like the Roman Empire which called it into existence. 

And no men could well be more contrasted with each other than those 
two men, in whom the Heathen and Jewish worlds met and were recon- 
ciled. We know what Peter was—a Galilean fisherman, brought up in 
the rudest district of an obscure province, with no learning but such as he 
might have gathered in the synagogue of his native town. All his early 
days he had dragged his nets in the lake of Gennesareth. And now he 
was at Joppa, lodging in the house of Simon the tanner, the apostle of a 
religion that was to change the world. Cornelius was an officer in the Ro- 
man army. No name was more honourable at Rome than that of the 
Cornelian House. It was the name borne by the Scipios, and by Sulla, 
and the mother of the Gracchi. In the Roman army, as in the army of 
modern Austria, the soldiers were drawn from different countries and 
spoke different languages. Along the coast of which we are speaking, 

1 See the whole narrative. Acts x. 1—xi. 19. 
* sonah i. 3. 2 Chr. ii. 16. See Josh. xix. 46. Ezra iii. 7, and various passages im 


the Apocrypha. 1 Esd. v.55. 1 Mae. x. 75. xiv. 5. 2 Mac. xii, 3, &e. 
* A tull account of Cwsarea will be given hereafter. 


116 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


many of trem were recruited from Syria and Judea.’ But the corps te 
which Cornelius belonged seems to have been a cohort of Italians separate 
from the legionary soldiers,? and hence called the “Italian cohort.” He 
was no doubt a true-born Itaiian. Educated in Rome, or some provincial 
town, he had entered upon a soldier’s life, dreaming perhaps of military 
glory, but dreaming as little of that better glory which now surrounds the 
Corneliar. name,—as Peter dreamt at the lake of Gennesareth of becoming 
the chosen companion of the Messiah of Israel, and of throwing open the 
doors of the Catholic Church to the dwellers in Asia and Africa, to the 
- barbarians on the remote and unvisited shores of Furope, and to the 
undiscovered countries of the West. 

Put to return to our proper narrative. When intelligence came to 
Jerusalem that Peter had broken through the restraints of the Jewish 
law, and had even “eaten” at the table of the Gentiles,’ there was gen- 
eral surprise and displeasure among ‘‘those of the circumcision.” But 
when he explained to them all the transaction, they approved his conduct, 
and praised God for His mercy to the heathen. And soon news came from 
a greater distance, which showed that the same unexpected change was ope- 
rating more widely. We have seen that the persecution, in which Stephen 
was killed, resulted in a general dispersion of the Christians. Wherever 
they went, they spoke to their Jewish brethren of their faith that the 
promises had been fulfilled in the life and resurrection of Jesus Christ. 
This dispersion and preaching of the Gospel extended even to the island 
of Cyprus, and along the Pheenician coast as far as Antioch. For some 
time the glad tidings were made known only to the scattered children of 
israel.» But at length some of the Hellenistic Jews, natives of Cyprus 
and Cyrene, spoke to the Greeks® themselves at Antioch, and the Divine 


1 Joseph. A. xiv. 15, 10, B: J. 1. 17, 1. 

3. Not a cohort of the “ Legio Italica,” of which we read at a later period (Tacit. H. 
i.59,64. ii 41,100. iii, 14). This legion was raised by Nero (Dio. Cass. lv. 24. Suet. 
Nero, 19). See Biscoe, p. 304, note s., and the whole of his elaborate discussiun, pp. 
300-314. Wieseler (Chronol. p. 145, note 2) thinks they were Italian volunteers, 
There is an inscription in Gruter, in which the following words occur : “ Cohors mili- 
tum Italicorum voluntaria, que est in Syria.” See it in Akerman’s Numismatic Ilus- 
trations, p. 34. 

3 Συνέφαγες αὐτοῖς. Acts xi. 3. See x. 48. No such freedom of intercourse took 
place in his own reception of his Gentile guests, x. 23. (αὐτοὺς ἐξένισε.) 

4 xi. 18. 

5 See xi. 19-20. 

6 xi. 20. There seems no doubt that "E2Anvac is the right reading (see Griesbach, 
Lachmann, Olshausen, and De Wette; and Mr. Tate’s note, p. 133), probably in the 
sense of Greek proselytes of the Gate. Thus they were in the same position as Cor- 
uclius. It has been doubted which case was prior in point of time. Some are of 
opinion that the events at Antioch took place first. Others believe that those wha 
spoke to the Greeks at Antioch had previously heard of the conversion of Cornelius 


INTELLIGENCE FROM ANTIOCH. 117 


Spirit gave such power to the Word, that a vast number ‘believed ane 
turned to the Lord.” The news was not long in travelling to Jerusalem 
Perhaps some message was sent in haste to the Apostles of the Church 
The Jewish Christians in Antioch might be perplexed how to deal with 
their new Gentile converts : and it is not unnatural to suppose that the 
presence cf Barnabas might be anxiously desired by the fellow-missionaries 
of his native island. 

We ought to observe the honourable place which the island of Cyprus 
was permitted to occupy in the first work of Christianity. We shall soon 
trace the footsteps of the Apostle of the heathen in the beginning of his 
travels over the length of this island ; and see here the first earthly 
potentate converted and linking his name for ever with that of St. Paul. 
Now, while Saul is yet at Tarsus, men of Cyprus are made the instruments 
of awakening the Gentiles ; one of them might be that “ Mnason of Cy- 
prus,” who afterwards (then “a disciple of old standing” ) was his host at 
Jerusalem ;? and Joses the Levite of Cyprus,? whom the Aposjles had 
long ago called ‘the Son of Consolation,” and who had removed all the 
prejudice which looked suspiciously on Saul’s conversion,‘ is tne first 
teacher sent by the Mother-Church to the new disciples at Antioch. “ He 
was a good man, and full of the Holy Ghost and of faith.” He rejoiced 
when he saw what God’s grace was doing ; he exhorted® all to cling fast 
to the Saviour whom they had found, and he laboured himself with abun- 
dant success. But feeling the greatness of the work, and remembering the 
zeal and strong character of his friend, whose vocation to this particular 
task of instructing the heathen was doubtless well known to him, “ he de- 
parted to ‘Tarsus to seek Saul.” 

Whatever length of time had elapsed since Saul came from Jerusalem 
to Tagsus, and however that time had been employed by him,—whether 
he had already founded any of those churches in his native Cilicia, which 
we read of soon after (Acts xv. 41),—whether he had there undergone 
any of those manifold labours and sufferings recorded by himself (2 Cor. 
xi.) but omitted by St. Luke,—whether by active intercourse with the 
Gentiles, by study of their literature, by travelling, by discoursing with 
the philosophers, he had been making himself acquainted with their opin 
ions and their prejudices, and so preparing his mind for the work that was 
before him,—or whether he had been waiting in silence for the call of 


There scems no objection to supposing the two cases nearly simultaneous, that of 
Cornelius being the great typical transaction on which our attention is to be fixed. 


1 Διελθόντες τὴν νῆσον... τῷ ἀνθυπάτῳ Lepyiw Παύλῳ... ... Σαῦλος, ὁ καὶ Παῦλως 
Acts xiii. 6-9. 
2 "Αρχαίῳ μαθητῇ, Acts xxi. 16. Acts iv. 36. 4 Acts ix. 27. 


§ Παρεκάλει, xi. 23. Compare υἱὸς παρακλήσεως (iv. 36), which ought rather to be 
translated “Son of Exhortation” or “ Son of Prophecy” (4x73) 42). See xiii 1. 


118 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


God’s providence, praying for guidance from above, reflecting on the com 
dition of the Gentiles, and gazing more and more closely on the vlan of 
the wortd’s redemption,—however this may be, it must have been an event 
ful day when Barnabas, having come across the sea from Sclucia, or round 
by the defiles of Mount Amanus, suddenly appeared in the streets of Tar- 
sus. ‘The last time the two friends met was in Jerusalem. All that they 
then hoped, and probably more than they then thought possible, bad 
occurred. ‘God had granted to- the Gentiles repentance unto 1]: ἢ 
(xi. 18). Barnabas had ‘seen the grace of God” (xi. 23)with his own 
eyes at Antioch, and under his own teaching “a great multitude” (xi. 24) 
had been “added to the Lord.” But he needed assistance. Je needed 
the presence of one whose wisdom was higher than his own, whose zeal 
was an example to all, and whose peculiar mission had been miraculously 
declared. Saul recognized the voice of God in the words of Barnabas ; 
and the two friends travelled in all haste to the Syrian metropolis.' 

There they continued “a whole year,” actively prosecuting the sacred 
work, teaching and confirming those who joined themselves to the assem- 
blies * of the ever-increasing Church. As new converts, m vast numbers, 
came in from the ranks of the Gentiles, the Church began to lose its 
ancient appearance of a Jewish sect, and to stand out in relief, as a great 
self-existent community, in the face beth of Jews and Gentiles. Hitherto 
it had been possible, and even natural, that the Christians should be con- 
sidered, by the Jews themselves, and by the Gentiles whose notice they 
attracted, as only one among the many theological parties which prevailed in 
Jerusalem, and in the Dispersion. But when Gentiles began to listen to 
what was preached concerning Christ,—when they were united as_breth- 
ren on equal terms, and admitted to baptism without the necessity of pre 
vious cireumcision,—when the Mosaic features of this society were lost in 
the wider character of the New Covenant,—then it became evident that 
these men were something more than the Pharisees or Sadducces, the 
Essenes ὁ or Herodians, or any sect or party among the Jews. ‘Thus a 
new term in the vocabulary of the human race came into existence at An- 
tioch about the year 44. Thus Jews and Gentiles, who, under the teach- 
ing of St. Paul,> believed that Jesus of Nazareth was the Saviour of the 
world, ‘‘ were first called Christians.” 


1 Chrysostom says that Barnabas brought Saul from Tarsus to Antioch :—drz ἐνταῦθα 
καὶ ἐλπίδες χρησταὶ, καὶ μείζων ἡ πόλις, Kal πόλυ τὸ πλῆθος. Of Antioch he says :— 
σκόπει, πῶς κάθαπερ γῆ λιπαρὰ τὸν λόγον ἐδέξατο ἡ πόλις αὕτη, καὶ πόλυν τὸν καρπὸν 
ἀπεδείξατο. Hom. xxv. 

7 See Acts xi. 26. 3 See above, pp. 31 ard ΟἿ, 

4 See above, pp. 34, 35. 

5 Ob μικρὸν τῆς πόλεως ἐγκώμιον, Is the remark of Chrysostom. He govs so far vs te 
gay: Ὄντως διὰ τοῦτο ἐνταῦθα ἐχρηματίσθησαν καλεῖσθαι Χριστιανοὶ, 371 ‘LuiAo 
«ἐνταῦθα τοσοῦτον ἐποίησε χρόνον. See Hom. xxv.. and Cramer’s Catena. 


THE NAME * CHRISTIAN.” 119 


It is not likely that they received this name from the Jews. The 
* Children of Abraham”! employed a term much more expressive of hatred 
ard contempt. They called them ‘‘the sect of the Nazarenes.”? These 
disciples of Jesus traced their origiu to Nazareth in Galilee ; and it wasa pro- 
verb, that nothing good could come from Nazareth. Besides this, there was 
a further reason why the Jews would not have called the disciples of Jesus 
by the name of “ Christians.” The word “ Christ” has the same meaning 
with “ Messiah.” And the Jews, however blinded and prejudiced on this 
subject, would never have used so sacred a word to point an expression of 
mockery and derision ; and they could not have used it in grave and seri 
ous earnest, to designate those whom they held to be the followers of a 
false Messiah, a fictitious Christ. Nor is it likely that the ‘ Christians” 
gave this name to themselves. In the Acts of the Apostles, and in their 
own letters, we find them designating themselves as “ brethren,” “ disci- 
ples,” “believers,” “saints.’4 Only in two places® do we find the term 
“Christians ;” and in both instances it is implied to be a term used by 
those who are without. There is little doubt that the name originated 
with the Gentiles,* who began to see now that this new sect was so far 
fistinct from the Jews, that they might naturally receive a new designa- 
tion. And the form of the word implies that it came from the Romans,’ 
not from the Greeks. The word “ Christ” was often in the conversation 
of the believers, as we know it to have been constantly in their letters. 
“ Christ ” was the title of Him, whom fhey avowed as their leader and their 
chief. They confessed that this Christ had been crucified, but they assert- 
ed that He was risen from the dead, and that He guided them by His 
invisible power. Thus “Christian” was the name which naturally found 
its place in the reproachful language of their enemies.* In the first 

1 Mat. iii. 9. Luke iii. 8. John viii. 39. 3 Acts xxiv. 5. 

3 John i. 46. See John vii. 41,52. Luke xiii. 2, &c. 

4 Acts xv. 23. ix. 26. v.14. ix. 32. Rom. xv. 25. Col. i. 2, &c. 

5 Acts xxvi. 28, and 1 Pet. iv. 16. 

6 All this is well argued by Hemsen, pp. 45-47, and note. 

7 So we read in the Civil Wars of “ Marians” and “ Pompeians,” for the partizans oa 
Marius and Pompey ; and, under the Enipire, of “Othonians” and “ Vitellians,” for 
the partizans of Otho and Vitellius. The word “Herodians” (Mat. xxii. 16. Mark iii. 
6. xii. 13. See p. 34) is formed exactly in the same way. 

S It isa Latin derivative from the Greek term for the Messiah of the Jews. It is 
connected with the office, not the name, of our Saviour; which harmonises with the 
important fact, that in the Epistles He is usually called not “Jesus”? but “ Christ.” 
(See a good paper in the North British Review on the Antiquity of the Gospels.) The 
word “Jesuit” (which, by the way, is rather Greek than Latin) did not come into the 
vocwbulary of the Church till after the lapse of 1500 years. It is not a little remark- 
able that the word “Jesuit” isa proverbial term of reproach, even in Roman Catholia 
countries ; while the werd “Christian ”’ is used so proverbially for all that is good, that 
it has been applied to benevolent actions, in which Jews have participated. (See 
Bishop Wilberforce’s speech in the House of Lords on the Jews in 1848.) This remindy 


120 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUI. 


instance, we have every reason to believe that it was a term of ridicule and 
derision. And it is remarkable that the people of Antioch were notorious 
for inventing names of derision, and for turning their wit into the channels 
of ridicule? And in every way there is something very significant in the 
place where we first received the name we bear. Not in Jerusalem, the 
city of the Old Covenant, the city of the people who were chosen to the 
exclusion of all others, but in a Heathen city, the Eastern centre of Greck 
fashion and Roman luxury ; and not till it was shown that the New Cov: 
enant was inclusive of all others, then and there we were first called 
Christians, and the Church received from the World its true and honour- 
able name.° 


us of the old play on the words Χριστὸς and Χρηστὸς, which was not unfrequent in the 
early Church. 

3 See Tac. Ann. xy. 44. It isneedless to remark that it soon became a title of glory, 
Julian tried to substitute the term “ Galilean” for “ Christian.” Mr. Humphry quotes 
the following remarkable words from the Liturgy of St. Clement :--εὐγχαριστοῦμέν σοι, 
ὅτ) τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Χριστοῦ cov ἐπικέκληται ἐφ᾽ Huac, καὶ σοι προσῳκειώμεθα. 

2 Apollonius of Tyana was driven out of the city by their insults, and sailed away 
(like St. Paul) from Seleucia to Cyprus, where he visited Paphos. Philost. Vit. iii. 16. 
See Julian’s Misopogen, and what Zosimus says of this empcror’s visit to Antioch (1119 
11, p. 140 of the Bonn ed.). See also Chrysostom’s first homily on Dives and Lazarus, 
and the account which Zosimus gives of the breaking of the statues in the reten of 
Theodosius (iv. 41, p. 223). One of the most remarkable is mentioned in the Persian 
War under Justinian, where Procopius says, ᾿Αντιοχέων ὁ δῆμος (εἰσὶ γὰρ οὐ κατεσπου- 
δασμένοι, ἀλλὰ γελοίοις τε καὶ ἀταξίᾳ ἱκαβς ἔχονται) πολλὰ εἰς τὸν Χοσρόην ὑδριζόν 
τε ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάλ' εων καὶ ξὺν γέλωτι ἀκόσμῳ ἐτώθαζον (Bell. Pers. ii. 8) ; the consequence 
of which was the destruction both of themselves and their city. 

3 Malalas says (Chronog. x.) that the name is given by Evodius, “who succeeded St. 
Peter as bishop of Antioch.” ’Eml αὐτοῦ Χριστιανοὶ ὠνομάσθησαν, Tod αὐτοῦ ἐπισκοποῦ 
Etodov προσομιλήσαντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐπιθήσάντος αὐτοῖς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦτο. pany γὰρ 
Ναζωραῖοι καὶ Ταλιλαῖοι ἐκαλοῦντο οἱ Χριστιανοί, p. 247 of the Bonn Edition. There 
is another tradition that a council was held for the specific purpose of giving a name to 
the body of believers. The following passage from William of Tyre exhibits, in a short 
compass, several of the medieval ideas concerning this passage of the Sacred History. 
It will be observed, that St. Peter is made bishop of Antioch, that the great work of 
building up the Church there is assigned to him and not to St. Paul, and the relation 
ef St. Luke and Theophilus is absolutely determined :— 

“Tn hac Apostolorum Princeps cathedram obtinuit sacerdotalem, et pontifical: pri- 
mum functus est dignitate: viro venerabili Theophilo, qui erat in eadem civitate 
potentissimus, in proprio dogmate basilicam dedicante. Cui Lucas, ex eadem urbe 
trahens originem, tam Evangelium suum, quam Actus Apostolorum scripsit: qui οἱ 
beato Petro, septimus in ordine Pontificum, in eadem Ecclesia successit. In hac etiam 
primus fidclium habitus est conventus, in qua et Christianorum nomen dedicatum est. 
Prius enim qui Christi sequebantur doctrinam, Nazareni dicebantur : postmodum veré 
a Christo deducto nomine, auctoritate illius Synodi, Christiani sunt dicti fideles universi. 
Unde etiam, quia gens sine difficultate pradicantem suscepit Apostolum, ad Christi 
Hdem unanimiter conversa, et nomen, qucd sicut unguentum effusum longé latéque 
redolet, prima invenit et docuit, nomen ejcs designatum est novum, et Theopolis est 
appellata: ut que prius hominis nequam et impii [7 6. Antiochi] nomen pertuleras 


DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF ANTIOCH. 125 


In narrating the journeys of St. Paul, it will now be our daty to speak 
of Antioch, not Jerusalem, as his point of departure and return. Let us 
look, more closely than has hitherto bezn necessary, at its character, ite 
history, and its appearance. The positio:. which it occupied near the abrupt 
angle formed by the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor, and in the opening 
where the Orontes passes between the ranges of Lebanon and Taurus, has 
already been noticed.’ And we have mentioned the numerous colony of 
Jews which Scleucus introduced into his capital, and raised to an equality 
of civil rights with the Greeks.? There was everything in the situation 
and circumstances of this city, to make it a place of concourse for all classes 
and kinds of people. By its harbour of Seleucia it was in communication 
with all the trade of the Mediterranean ; and, through the open country 
behind the Lebanon, it was conveniently approached by the caravans from 
Mesopotamia and Arabia. It united the inland advantages of Aleppo 
with the maritime opportunities of Smyrna, It was almost an oriental 
Rome, in which all the forms of the civilised life cf the empire found some 
representative. Through the first two centuries of the Christian era, it 
was what Constantinople became afterwards, “the Gate of the East.” 
And, indeed, the glory of the city of Ignatius was only gradually eclipsed 
by that of the city of Chrysostom. That great preacher and commentator 
himself, who knew them both by familiar residence, always speaks of An- 
tioch with peculiar reverence,? as the patriarchal city of the Christian 
name. 

There is something curiously prophetic in the stories which are told of 
the first founding of this city. Like Romulus on the Palatine, Seleucus 
is said to have watched the flight of birds from the summit of Mount 
Casius. An eagle took a fragment of the flesh of his sacrifice, and carried 
ejus qui cam ad fidem voeaverat, domicilium et civitas deinceps appellaretur, super hoc 
condignam recipiens a Domino retributionem.’’—Gul. Tyr. iy. 9. 

When the Crusaders were besieged in turn, Peter the Hermit went to the Mahome 
Yan commander and appealed as follows (vi. 15) :— 

“ Flane urbem Apostoloram princeps Petrus, nostre fidei fidelis et prudens dispensa- 
tor, verbi sui virtute, et exhortationis qua preemincbat gratia, sed et sigaorum magni- 
tudine ab idololotria revocans, ad fidem Christi convertit, nobis eam reddens 
peculiarem.” 

ΤΡ 20). LES Hig 

3 See especially Hom vii. on St. Matthew (p. 98, Field’s Ed.) where he tells the 
people of Antioch, that though they boasted of their city’s preeminence in having first 
enjoyed the Christian name, they were willing enough to be surpassed in Christian vir- 
tue by more homely cities. The writers of the Middle Ages use the strongest language 
concerning Antioch, Thus, Leo Diaconus, in the tenth century ;—Tpity τῶν περὶ τὴν 
οἰκουμένην πύλεων, TO τε κάλλει Kal τῷ μεγέθει τῶν περιθόλων, ἔτι δὲ πλήθει τοῦ δήμον, 
καὶ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἀμηχάνοις κατασκευαῖς (iy. 11, p.73 of the Bonn Edition) : and William 
of Tyre in the twelfth ;—Civitas gloriosa et nobilis, tertium vel potius secundum (nam 


de hoc maxima questio est) post urbem Roman dignitatis gradum sortita; omnium 
provinciarum quas tractus orientalis continet, princeps et moderatrix, iv. 9. 


122 THE LIFE ANI EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


it to a point on the sea-shore, a little to the north of the moutt: of the 
Orontes. There he founded a city, and called it Selewcta? arter his own 
name. This was on the 23d of April. Again, on the Ist of May, he 
sacrificed on the hill Silphius; and then repeated the ceremony and 
watched the auguries at the city of Antigonia, which his vanquished rival, 
Antigonus, had begun and left unfinished. An eagle again decided that 
this was not to be his own metropolis, and carried the flesh to the hill 
Silphius, which is on the south side of the river, about the place where it 
turns from the north to the west. Five or six thousand Athenians and 
Macedonians were ordered to convey the stones and timber of Antigonia | 
down the river; and Antioch was founded by Seleucus, and cailed after 
his father’s name.’ 

This fable, invented perhaps to give a mythological sanction to what 
was really an act of sagacious prudence and princely ambition, is well 
worth remembering. Seleucus was not slow to recognise the wisdom οὖ 
Antigonus in choosing a site for his capital, which should place it in ready 
communication both with the shores of Greece and with his eastern terri- 
tories on the Tigris and Euphrates ; and he followed the example promptly, 
and completed his work with sumptuous magnificence. Few princes 
have ever lived with so great a passion for the building of cities ;3 and 
this is a feature of his character which ought not’ to be unnoticed in this 
narrative. Two at least of his cities in Asia Minor have a close connexion 
with the life of St. Paul. These are the Pisidian Antioch‘ and the Phry- 
gian Laodicea,® one called by the name of his father, the other of his 
mother. He is said to have built in all nine Seleucias, sixteen Antiochs, 
and six Laodiceas.6 This love of commemorating the members of his 
family was conspicuous in his works by the Orontes. Besides Seleucia 
and Antioch, he built in the immediate neighbourhood, a Laodicea in 
honour of his mother, and an Apamea? in honour of his wife. But by far 
the most famous of these four cities was the Syrian Antioch. 

We must allude to its edifices and ornaments only so far as they are 
due to the Greek kings of Syria and the first five Caesars of Rome.’ If 

1 See Acts xiii. 4. 

The story is told by Malalas at the beginning of the eighth book. See it also in 
Vaillant’s Scleucidarum Imperium. Some say that Seleucus called the city after his 
father, some after his son. 

3 Mannert, p. 363. A Acts xi, 14. xiv. Δ΄. 2) Taman 17" 

5 Coloss. iv. 13, 15,16. See Rev. i. 11. iii. 14. 6 See Vaillant, as above. 

7 There was another Apamea, riuch mentioned by Cicero, in Asia Minor, not far 
froin the Phrygian Laodicea and Pizidian Antioch. 

8 The authorities principally referred to for the history and topography of Antioch 
have been the Chronographia of John Malalas (Ed. Bonn), and the History of William 
of Tyre. Other sources of information are Libanius and Julian’s Misopogon. <A vast 


amount of learning is collected together in C. Ὁ. Muller’s “ Antiquitates Antiochene :” 
Gottingen, 1839. 


DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF ANTIOCH. 123 


we were to allow our description to wander to the times of Justinian ΟἹ 
the Crusaders, though these are the times of Antioch’s greatest glory, we 
should be transgressing on a period of history which does not belong te 
us. Strabo, in the time of Augustus, describes the city as a Tetranolis, 
or union of four cities.| The two first were erected by Scleucus Nicator 
himself, in the situation already described, between Mount Silphius and the 
river, on that wide space of level ground where a few poor habitations still 
remain, by the banks of the Orontes. The river has gradually changed 
its course and appearance, as the city has decayed. Once it flowed round 
an island, which, like the island in the Seine,? by its thoroughfares and 
bridges, and its own noble buildings, became part of a magnificent whole. 
But, in Paris, the Old City is on the island; in Antioch, it was the New 
City, built by the second Selencus and the third Antiochus. Its chief 
features were a palace, and an arch like that of Napoleon. The fourth 
and last part of the Tetrapolis was built by Antiochus Epiphanes, where 
Mount Silphius rises abruptly on the south. On one of its craggy sum- 
mits he placed, in the fervour of his Romanising mania,’ a temple dedicated 
to Jupiter Capitelinus ; and on another, a strong citadel, which dwindled 
to the Saracen Castle of the first Crusade. At the rugged bases of the 
mountain, the ground was levelled for a glorious street, which extended 
for four miles across the length of the city, and where sheltered crowds 
culd walk through continuous colonnades from the eastern to the western. 
suburb. The whole was surrounded by a wall, which, ascending to the 
aeights and returning to the river, does not deviate very widely in its 
course from the wall of the Middle Ages, which can still be traced by the 
fragments of ruined towers. ‘This wali is assigned by a Byzantine writer 
to ‘Tiberius, but it seems more probable that the emperor only repaired 
what Antiochus Epiphanes had θα}... Turning now to the period of the 
Empire, we find that Antioch had memorials of all the great Romans 
whose names have been mentioned as yet in this biography. When 
Pompey was defeated by Cwsar, the Conqueror’s name was perpetuated 
in this Hastern city by an aqueduct and by baths, and by a basilica called 
Casarium. In the reign of Augustus, Agrippa® built in all cities of the 


1 After having said that the district of Seleucis is a Tetrapolis, as containing the 
four cities, Antioch, Seleucia, Apamea, and Laodicea, he says of Antioch ; ἔστε δὲ καὶ 
city Τετράπολις, xvi. 2. 

* Julian the Apostate suggests a parallel between Paris and Antioch. See the Miso« 
pogon, and compare Gibbon’s 19th and 23rd chapters. 

3 See above, Ὁ. 27, n. 1. 

4 Sce Muller Antiq. Antioch, pp. 54, and 81. 

δ This friend of Augustus and Mecenas must be carefully distinguished from that 
grandson of Herod who bore the same naine, and whose death is one of the subjects of 
this chapter. For the works of Herod the Great at Antioch see Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, 3 
δ. J. i. 21, LL 


194 JHE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


empire, and Herod of Judea followed the example to tbe utinost cf his 
power. Both found employment for ΟἿ munificence at Antioch A 
gay suburb rose under the patrcnage of the one, and the othe: contrib 
uted a road and a portico, The reign of Tiberius was less remarsablo for 
great architectural works ; but the Syrians by the Orontes had to thank 
him for many improvements and restorations in their city. ven the four 
years of his successor left behind tzem the aqueduct and the baths of 
Caligula. 

The character of the inhabitants is easily inferred from the influences 
which presided over the city’s growth. Its successive enlargement by the 
Seleucidee proves that their numbers rapidly increased from the first. The 
population swelled still further, when, instead of the metropolis af τ 
Greek kings of Syria, it became the residence of Roman governors. ‘The 
mixed multitude received new and important additions in the officiuls who 
were connected with the details of provincial administration. Luxurious 
Romans were attracted by its beautiful climate. New wants continually 
multiplied the business of its commerce. Its gardens and houses grew and 
extended on the north side of the river. Many are the allusions to An- 
tioch, in the history of those times, as a place of singular pleasure and en- 
joyment. Here and there, an elevating thought is associated with its 
name. Poets have spent their young days at Antioch,! great generals 
have died there,? emperors have visited and admired it. But, for the 
most part, its population was a worthless rabble of Greeks and Orientals, 
The frivolous amusements of the theatre were .the occupation of their life. 
Their passion for races, and the ridiculous party-quarrels* connected with 
them, were the patterns of those which afterwards became the disgrace of 
Byzantium. The oriental clement of superstition and imposture was not 
less active. The Chaldean astrologers found their most credulous disciples 
in Antioch.» Jewish impostors,® sufficiently common throughout the Kast, 


1 See Cic. pro Archia Poeta. 

7 All readers of Tacitus will recognize the allusion. (See Ann. ii.) It is not possi- 
ble to write about Antioch without some allusion to Germanicus and his noble-minded 
wife. And yet they were the parents of Caligula. 

3 For all that long series of emperors whose names are connected with Anticch, see 
Muller. 

4 See especially what Malalas says of the Blue Faction and the Green Faztion, 
under the reigns of Caligula and Claudius. Both Emperors patronized the latter, 
Mal. pp. 244, and 246, 

5 Chrysostom complains that even Christians in his day, were led away by this pas 
δου for horoscopes. See Hom iy. on 1 Cor. Compare the ‘ Ambubaiarum Collegia” 
of Horace. Juvenal traces the superstitions of heathen Rome to Antioch, “In Tiberim 
defluxit Orontes.” i 

6 Compare the cases of Simon Magus (Acts viii.), Flymas the Sorcerer (Acts xiii), 
and the sous of Sceva (Acts xix.) We shall have occasiva to return to this subp-ot 


again. 


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ALLEGORICAL STATUE OF ANTIOCH. 125 


found their best opportunities here. It is probable that no populations 
have ever been more abandoned than those of oriental Greek cities undet 
the Roman Empire, and of these cities Antioch was the greatest and the 
worst.! Τῇ we wish to realise the appearance and reality of the compli- 
cated heathenism of the first Christian century, we must endeavour to 
imagine the scene of that suburb, the famous Daphne,” with its fountains 
and groves of bay trees, its bright buildings, its crowds of licentious vota- 
ries, its statue of A pollo,—where, 
under the climate of Syria and 
the wealthy patronage of Rome, 
all that was beautiful in nature 
and in art had created a sanctu- 
ary for a perpetual festival of 
vice. x 
Thus, if any city, in the first 
century, was worthy to be called 
the Heathen Queen and Metro- 
polis of the East, that city was 
Antioch. She was represented, 
in a famous allegorical statue, as 
a female figure, seated on a rock 
and crowned, with the river 
Orontes at her feet. With this 
image, which art has made per- 
petual, we conclude our descrip- 
tion. There is no excuse for 
continuing it to the age of Ves- 
pasian and Titus, when Judea 
was taken, and the Western 
Gate, decorated with the spoils, 
was called the 4“ Gate of the mde nica. laine ae aoe 


1 Ausonius (Ordo Nob. Urb. iii.) hesitates between the rank of Antioch and Alexan- 
dria, in eminence and vice. 
“Tertia Phebex lauri domus Antiochia, 
Vellet Alexandri si quarta colonia poni. 
Ambarum locus unus: et has furor ambitionis 
In certamen agit vitiorum. Turbida vulgo 
Utraque, et amentis populi malesana tumultu.”’ 

? Gibbon’s description of Daphne (ch. xxiii.) is well known. For more exact details 
see Muller, pp. 42-49. The sanctuary was en the high ground, four or five miles to the 
S. W. of Antioch. The road led through the suburb of Heraclea. 

2 For thiscelebrated statue of the Τύχη ’Avtioyeiac, or Genius of Antioch, so con- 
stantly represented ou coins, see Muller, Antig. Antioch, pp. 35-41, and his Archaolo 
gie, p. 165. The engraving here given is from Pistolesi’s Vaticano. 

4 See Malalas (book x. p. 261), who adds that Titus built a theatre at Antioch where 


126 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PATL. 


Cherubim,”—or to the Saracen age, when, after many years of Christian his 
tory and Christian mythology, we find the “ Gate of St. Paul” placed oppo 
site the “ Gate of St. George,” and when Dake Godfrey pitched his camp 
between the river and the city-wall.1. And there is reason to believe that 
earthquakes,’ the constant enemy of the people of Antioch, have so altered 
the very appearance of its site, that such a description would be of little 
use. As the Vesuvius of Virgil or Pliny* would hardly be recognised in 
the angry neighbour of modern Naples, so it is more than probable that 
the dislocated crags, which stili rise above the Orontes, are greatly altered 
in form from the fort-crowned heights of Seleucus or Tiberius, Justinian or 
Tancred.‘ 

Earthquakes occurred in each of the reigns of Caligula and Claudius.® 
And it is likely that, when Saul and Barnabas were engaged in their apos- 
tolic work, parts of the city had something of that appearance, which still 
makes Lisbon dreary, new and handsome buildings being raised in close 
proximity to the ruins left by the late calamity. It is remarkable how 
often great physical calamities are permitted by God to follow in close 
succession to each other. That age, which, as we have seen, had been 
visited by earthquakes,* was presently visited by famine. The reign of 
Claudius, from bad harvests or other causes, was a period of general dis- 
tress and scarcity ‘‘ over the whole world.”? In the fourth year of his 
reign, we are told by Josephus that the famine was so severe, that the 
price of food became enormous, and great numbers perished.’ At this 
time it happened that Helena, the mother of Izates, king of Adiabene, 
and a recent convert to Judaism, came to worship at Jerusalem. Moved 
a synagogue had been. On the theatre was the inscription “Ex prada Judwa” Ἔξ 
apaida "lovdaia.) 

1 The description of the ground in William of Tyre (iv. 10, 13, 14, &c.) is deserving 
of careful attention. He frequently mentions the gate of St. Paul. 

3 Muller Antig. Antioch, pp. 13-17. 3 Georg. ii. 224. Plin. Epp. vi. 16 & 20. 

4 Sce William of Tyre, besides the passages above referred to, in his description of the 
taking of the city, v. 23. vi. 1. Many of those who were ignorant of the nature of the 
ground fled to the heights, and “ confractis cervicibus et membris contritis, vix de seipsis 
reliquerunt aliquam memoriam.” 

5 “arly in the morning on March 23, in the year 37,”—ézaev ὑπὸ ϑεομηνίας 
᾿Αντιόχεια 7 μεγάλη ... ἔπαθε δὲ καὶ μέρος Δάφνης. Malalas, x. p. 243. And again 
under Claudius,—’Eceic@y δὲ τότε καὶ ἡ μεγάλη ᾿Αντιοχεία πώλις, καὶ διεῤῥάγῃ ὁ ναὸς 
τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος καὶ τοῦ “Apews καὶ τοῦ Ἡρακλέος καὶ οἶκοι φανεροὶ ἔπεσαν, p. 240. 

6 Malalas, in the passage last referred to, mentions an earthquake in Asia Minor, and 
ἃ grant of money by the Emperor Claudius for the restoration of the injured cities. For 
sid rendered to certain cities of Asia Minor after a similar catastrophe (Tac. A. ii. 47, 
Plin. N. Ἡ. ii. 86), Tiberius was honoured with a commemorative statue, the pedastal 
of which !#is been discovered at Puteoli. See Muller, Arch. p. 231. 

7 Besides the famine in Judea, we read of three others in the reign of Claudius ; one 
in Greece, mentioned by Eusebius, and two in Rome, the first mentioned by Dio Cas 
gis (1x. 11), the second by Tacitus (A. xii. 43). 

§ Antiq. iii. 15,3. xx. 2, 5, and 5, 2. 


FAMINE AND PERSECUTION. 127 


mith compassion for the misery she saw around her, she sent to purchess 
corn from Alexandria and figs from Cyprus, for distribution aniong tha 
poor. Izates himself (who had also been converted by one who bore tue 
same name! with him who baptized St. Paul) shared the charitable fee. 
ings of his mother, and sent large sums of money to Jerusalem. 

While this relief came from Assyria, from Cyprus, and from Africa, to 
the Jewish sufferers in Judea, God did not suffer His own Christian peo- 
ple, probably the poorest and certainly the most disregarded in that coun- 
try, to perish in the general distress. And their relief also came from 
nearly the same quarters. While Barnabas and Saul were evangelizing 
the Syrian capital, and gathering in the harvest, the first seeds of which 
had been sown by “‘ men of Cyprus and Cyrene,” certain prophets came 
down from Jerusalem to Antioch, and one of them named Agabus an- 
nounced that a time of famine was at hand? The Gentile disciples felt 
that they were bound by the closest link to those Jewish brethren whom 
though they had never seen they loved. ‘‘ For if the Gentiles bad been 
made partakers of their spiritual things, their duty was also to minister 
unto them in carnal things"* No time was lost in preparing for the 
coming calamity. All the members of the Christian community, according 
to their means, “determined to send relief,” Saul and Barnabas being 
chosen to take the contribution to the elders at Jerusalem.+ 

About the time when these messengers came to the Holy City on their 
errand of love, a worse calamity than that of famine had fallen upon the 
Church. One Apostle had been murdered, and another was in prison 
There is something touching in the contrast between the two brothers, 
James and Joln. One died before the middle of the first Christian cen- 
tury ; the other lived on to its close. One was removed just when his 
Master’s kingdom, concerning which he had so eagerly enquired,® was be 
ginning to show its real character ; he probably never heard the word 
“Christian” pronounced. Zebedee’s other son remained till the antichris- 
tian δ enemies cf the faith were ‘already come,” and was labouring against 
them when his brother had been fifty years at rest in the Lord. He who 
nad foretold the long service of St. John, revealed to St. Peter that he 
should die by a violent death.? But the time was not yet come. Herod 
had bound him with two chains. Besides the soldiers who watched his 
sleep, guards were placed before the door of the prison. And “after the 


1 This Ananias wasa Jewish merchant, who made proselytes among the women about 
tne court of Adialene, and thus obtained influence with the king. (Jos. Ant. xx. 2, 3.) 
See what kas been said above (pp. 19 and 100. n. 3) about the female proselytes ad 
Damascus and Iconium. 

3 Acts xi. 28. 3 Rom. xv. 27. 4 Acts xi. 29, 30. 

5 See Mark x. 35-45. Acts i. 6. 8.1 John ii 18. iv. 3. 2 δ πη 7 

7 John xxi. 18-22. See 2 Pet. i. 14. 


198 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES CF ST. PAUL. 


passover”! the king intended to bring him out and gratify the people with 
his death. But Herod’s death was nearer than St. Peter’s. For a mo 
ment we see the Apostle in captivity? and the king in the plenitude of his 
power. But before the autumn a dreadful change had taken place. On 
the Ist of August (we follow a probable calculation,’ and borrow some 
circumstances from the Jewish historian‘) there was a great commemora- 
tion in Cxesarea. Some say it was in honour of the emperor’s safe return 
from the island of Britain.» However this might be, the city was crowded, 
and Herod was there. On the second day of the festival he came into 
the theatre. That theatre had been erected by his grandfather,’ who had 
murdered the Innocents ; and now the grandson was there, who had mur- 
dered an Apostle. The stone seats, rising in a great semicircle, tier 
above tier, were covered with. an excited multitude. The king came in, 
clothed in magnificent robes, of which silver was the costly and brilliant 
material. It was early in the day, and the sun’s rays fell upon the king, 
so that the eyes of the beholders were dazzled with the brightness which 
surrounded him. Voices from the crowd, here and there, exclaimed that 
it was the apparition of something divine. And when he spoke and made 
an oration to the people, they gave a shout, saying, “ It is the voice of a 
God and not of a man.” But in the midst of this idolatrous ostentation 
the angel of God suddenly smote him. He was carried out of the theatre 
a dying man, and on the 6th of August he was dead. 


1 μετὰ τὸ πάσχα, Acts xii. 4. The traditional places of St. James’ martyrdom and of 
the house of St. Mark (mentioned below) are both in the Armenian quarter. One is 
the Armenian, the other the Syrian, convent. See Mr. Williams’ “ Memoir of Jerusa- 
lem,” printed as a Supplement to the “ Holy City,” the second edition of which (1849) 
had not appeared when our earlier chapters were written. 

2 Yor the tradition concerning these chains, see Platner’s Account of the Church of 
San Pietro in Vincoli in the Beschreibung Roms. By a curious coincidence, the festi- 
val is on August Ist; the first day of that festival of Caesarea, at which Agrippa died, 
The Chapel of the Tower of London is dedicated to St. Peter ad Vincula. See Cun- 
ningham’s Handbook for London, and Macaulay’s History, i. 628. 

3 That of Wieseler, pp. 132-136. 

4 Compare Acts xii. 20-24, with Josephus, Ant, xix. 8, 2. 

5. This is Anger’s view. Others think it was in honour of the birthday of Claudius 
(Aug. 1). Wieseler has shown that it was more probably the festival of the Quinquen- 
nalia, observed on the same day of the same month in honour of Augustus. The ob- 
gervance dated from the taking of Alexandria, when the month Sextilis received the 
emperor’s name. 

ὁ See Joseph. Ant. xv. 9,6. Itis from his narrative (xix. 8, 2) that we know the 
theatre to have been the scene of Agrippa’s death-stroke. The “throne” (Acts xii, 
21) is the tribunal (βῆμα) pretoris or sedes praetorum (Suet. Aug. 44. Ner. 12. See 
Dio Cass. lix. 14). Josephus says nothing of the quarrel with the Tyrians and Sido 
aians. Probably it arose simply from mercantile relations (see 1 Kings v. 11. Ezek. 
xxvii. 17), and their desire for reconciliation (Acts xii. 20) would naturally be increased 
bz the existing famine. Baronius strangely traces the misunderstanding to St. Petex’s 
having formed Christian churches in Phnicia. See the next note. 


HIS RETURN ΤῸ ANTIOCIL. 129 


This was that year, 44,1 on which we have already said so much The 
country was placed again under Roman governors, and hard times were at 
nand for the Jews. Herod Agrippa had courted their favour. He had 
done much for them, and was preparing to do more. Josephus tells us, 
that “he had begun to encompass Jerusalem with a wall, which, had it been 
brought to perfection, would have made it impracticable for the Romans 
to take it by siege : but his death, which happened at Caesarea, before he 
had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him.”* That part of 
tue city, which this boundary was intended to inclose, was a suburb when 
St. Paul was converted. The work was not completed till the Jews were 
preparing for their final struggle with the Romans :* and the Apostle, 
when he came from Antioch to Jerusalem, must have noticed the unfin- 
ished wall to the north and west of the old Damascus gate. We cannot 
determine the season of the year when he passed this way. We are not 
sure whether the year itself was 44 or 45. It is not probable that he was 
in Jerusalem at the passover, when St. Peter was in prison, or that he 
was praying with those anxious disciples at the ‘house of Mary the 
mother of John, whose surname was Mark.”‘ But there is this link of 
interesting connection between that house and St. Paul, that it was tho 
familiar home of one who was afterwards (not always® without cause for 
anxiety or reproof) a companion of his journeys. When Barnabas and 
Saul returned to Antioch, they were attended by ‘“ John, whose surname 
was Mark.” With the affection of Abraham towards Lot, his uncle® Bar- 
nabas withdrew from the scene of persecution. We need not doubt that 
higher motives were added,—that at the first, as at the last,7 St. Paul 
regarded him as “‘ profitable to him for the ministry.” 

Thus attended, he willingly retraced his steps towards Antioch. A 
field of noble enterprise was before him. He could not doubt that God, 
who had so prepared him, would work by his means great conversions 
among the Heathen. At this point of his life, we cannot avoid noticing 


1 See Baronius, under this year, for various passages of the traditionary life of St. 
Peter ; his journey from Antioch through Asia Minor to Rome; his meeting with Simon 
Magus, &c.; and the other Apostles; their general separation to preach the Gospel to 
fhe Gentiles in ali parts of the world: the formation of the Apostles’ Creed, &. St. 
Peter is wlleged to have held the See of Antioch for seven years before that of Rome. 
(See under year 39.) The meeting (‘in qua neuter errasse monstratar’’) of St. 
Paul and Si. Peter at Antioch (Gal. ii. 11) is connected with Acts xv. 35 (year 51) 
The same want of eriticism is apparent in modern Roman Catholic historians, e. g 
Robrbacker, Histoize Universelle de ’Eglise Catholique, liv. xxiv. vol. 4. 

2B, 1111 Ὁ. 

3. See Robinson, vol. i. pp. 411 and 465; Williams’ Memoir, p. 84; and Schulz’ 
Jerusalem, 

4 Acts xi. 12. 5 See Acts xiii. 13. xy. 37-39. 

© It should be observed that ἀνεψιὸς (Col. iv, 10) does not necessari!y mean “nephew. 

7 See 2 Tim. iv. 11. 

VOL. 1.—9 


180 ΤῊ LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


those circumstances of inward and outward preparation, which fitted him 
for his peculiar position of standing between the Jews and Gentiles. He 
was not a Sadducee, he had never Hellenised,—he had been educated at 
Jerusalem,—everything conspired to give him authority, when he ad- 
dressed his countrymen as a ‘‘ Hebrew of the Hebrews.” At the same 
time, in his apostolical relation to Christ, he was quite disconnected with 
the other Apostles ; he had come in silence to a conviction of the truth 
at a distance from the Judaising Christians, and had early overcome those 
prejudices which impeded so many in their approaches to the Heathen. 
He had just been long enough at Jerusalem to be recognised and wel- 
comed by the apostolic college,’ but not long enough even to be known by 
face “unto the churches in Judea.”* He had been withdrawn into 
Cilicia till the baptism of the Gentiles was a notorious and familiar fact te 
those very churches. He could hardly be blamed for continuing what St 
Peter had already begun. 

And if the Spirit of God had prepared him for building up the United 
Church of Jews and Gentiles, and the Providence of God had directed ali 
the steps of his life to this one result, we are called on to notice the singu- 
lar fitness of this last employment, on which we have seen him engaged, 
for assuaging the suspicious feeling which separated the two great branches 
of the Church. In quitting for a time his Gentile converts at Antioch, 
and carrying a contribution of money to the Jewish Christians at Jeru- 
salem, he was by no means leaving the higher work for the lower. He 
was building for after-times. The interchange of mutual benevolence was 
a safe foundation for future confidence. Temporal comfort was given in 
gratitude for spiritual good received. The Church’s first days were chris- 
tened with charity. No sooner was its new name received, in token of the 
union of Jews and Gentiles, than the sympathy of its members was assert- 
ed by the work of practical benevolence. We need not hesitate to apply 
to that work the words which St. Paul used, after many years, of another 
collection for the poor Christians in Judea :—‘‘ The administration of this 
service not only supplieth the want of the Saints, but is abundant also by 
many thanksgivings unto God ; whiles by the experiment of this ministra- 
tion they glorify God for, your professed subjection unto the Gospel of 
Christ, and for your liberal distribution unto them.’ 

1 Acts ix. 27. 3. Gal. i. 22. 
* These were the churches οὗ Lydda, Saron, Joppa, &e., which Pe‘er had been visit 


ing when he was summoned to Caesarea. Acts ix. 32-43. 
4 2 Cor. ix 12-14. 


SECOND PART OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 133 


CHAPTER V. 


“Saulus qui fuecrat fit adempto lumine Paulus : 
Mox recipit visum, fil Apostolus, ac populorum 
Doctor.’—Pruprentivus, Vas Electionis. 


SECOND PART OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.—REVELATION AT A®STIOCE.-=— 
PUBLIC DEVOTIONS.—DEPARTURE OF BARNABAS AND SAUL.—THE ORCNTES.-— 
HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF SELEUCIA.—VOYAGE TO CYPRUS.—SaLAMIS.-— 
ROMAN PROVINCIAL SYSTEM.—PROCONSULS AND PROPRATORS.—SERGiTS 
PAULUS.—ORIENTAL IMPOSTORS AT ROME AND IN THE PROV:NCES.—f£LYMAS 
BARJESUS.—HISTORY OF JEWISH NAMES.—SAUL AND PAUL. 


Tue second part of the Acts of the Apostles is generally reckoned to be- 
gin with the thirteenth chapter. At this point St. Paul begins to appear 
as the principal character ; and the narrative, gradually widening and ex- 
panding with his travels, seems intended to describe to us, in mintts detail, 
the communication of the Gospel to the Gentiles. The thirteenth and 
fourteenth chapters embrace a definite and separate subject ; and this sub- 
ject is the first journey of the first Christian missionaries to the Heathen. 
These two chapters of the inspired record are the authorities for the pre- 
sent and the succeeding chapters of this work, in which we intend to fol- 
low the steps of Paul and Barnabas, in their circuit through Cyprus and 
the southern part of Lesser Asia. 

The history begins suddenly and abruptly. We are told that there 
were in the Church at Antioch, “ prophets and teachers,” and among the 
rest “ Barnabas,” with whom we are already familiar, The others were 
“Simeon, who was surnamed Niger,” and “ Lucius of Cyrene,” and “ Ma- 
naen, the foster-brother of Herod the Tetrarch,”—and “Saul,” who still 
appears under his Hebrew name. We observe, moreover, not only that 
he is mentioned after Barnabas, but that he occupies the lowest place in 
this enumeration of “prophets and teachers.” The distinction between 
these two offices in the Apostolic Church will be:discussed hereafter. At 
present it is sufficient to remark that the “ prophecy ” of the New Testament 
does ποὺ necessarily imply a knowledge of things to come, but rather a 
gift of exhorting with a peculiar force of inspiration. In the Church’s 
sarly miraculous days the “prophet” appears to have been ranked higher 


a A) 


ν Avrioyeia κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν. Acts xiii. 1. 


182 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUT.. 


than the “ teacher.”! And we may perhaps infer that, up to this point of 
the history, Barnabas had belenged to the rank ‘of ‘“ prophets,” and Saul 
to that of “teachers ;” which would ἘΦ ix strict conformity with the infe 
riority of the latter to the former, whict:, as 2 have seen, has been hitherto 
observed. 

Of the other three who are grouped with thcse two chosen missionaries 
we do not know enough to justify any long disqmsition. But we may re- 
mark in passing that there is a certain interest attaching to each one of 
them. Simeon is one of those Jews who bore a Latin surname in addition 
to theic &:cbrew name, like “ John whose surname was Mark,” mentioned 
in jhe ‘ast verse of the preceding chapter, and like Saul himself, whose 
change of appellation will presently be brought under notice.’ Lucius, 
probabiy the same who 15 mentioned in the Epistle to the Romans,’ is a 
native of Cyrene, that African city which has already been mentioned as 
abounding in Jews, and which sent to Jerusalem our Saviour’s cross- 
bearer. Manaen is spoken of as the foster-brother of Herod the 
Tetrarch: this was Herod Antipas, the Tetrarch of Galilee ; and since 
we learn from Josephus® that this Herod and his brother Archelaus were 
childzen 2f the same mother, and afterwards educated together at Rome, 
it is prodaole that this Christian prophet or teacher had spent his early 
childhovd ‘vith those two princes, who were now both banished from Pal- 
estine to the banks of the Rhone.® 

These were the most conspicuous persons in the Church of Antioch, 
when a revelation was received of the utmost importance. The occasion 
oa which the revelation was made seems to have been a fit preparation for 
it. The Christians were engaged in religious services of peculiar solem- 
nity. The Holy Ghost spoke to them “as they ministered unto the Lord 

1 Compare Acts xiii. 1 with 1 Cor. xii. 28, 29. Eph. iv. 11. 

2 See Acts xiii. 9. Compare Col. iv. 11. 

3 Rom. xvi. 21. There isno reason whatever for supposing that St. Luke (Lucanus) 
is meant, though Wetstein ingeniously quotes Herodotus in commendation of the phy 
sicians of Cyrene: ἹΙρῶτοι piv Κροτωνιῆται ἰητροὶ ἐλέγοντο dvd τὴν “EdAada εἶναι, 
δεύτεροι δὲ Κυρηναῖοι, iii. 131, 

4 See above, p. 17, n. 6. 

5 Their mother’s name was Malthace, a Samaritan. B. J.i. 28,4. See Ant. xvii. 1, 
8. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρχέλαος καὶ ᾿Αντίπας παρὰ τινὶ ἰδιώτῃ τροφὰς εἶχον ἐπὶ “Ῥώμης. Compare 
ἀνατεθραμμένος, Acts xxii. 3. The word σύντροφος, xiii. 1, refers to an earlier period. 
One of the sect of the Essenes (see pp. 34, 35), who bore the name of Manaen or Manaem, 
is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xv. 10, 5), as having foretold to Herod the Great, in 
the days of his obscurity, both his future power and future wickedness. The historian 
adds, that Herod afterwards treated the Essenes with great kindness. Nothing is more 
likely than that this Manaen was the father of the companion of Herod's children. 
Another Jew of the same name is mentioned, at a later period (B. J. ii. 17, 8, 9. Life 
5), as having encouraged robberies, and come to a violent end. The name is the same 
with that of the king of Israel. 2 Kings xv. 14-22. See the LXX. 

6 See above, pp. 29 and 54, 


REVELATION AT ANTIOCH. 133 


and fasted.” ‘The word! here translated. ‘ ministered,” has been taken by 
opposite controversialists to denote the celebration of the “sacrifice of the 
mass” on the one hand, or the exercise of the office of ‘‘ preaching” on the 
other. It will be safer if we say simply that the Christian community at 
Antioch were engaged in one united act of prayer and humiliation. That 
this solemnity would be accompanied by words of exhortation,-and that it 
would be crowned and completed by the holy communion, is more than 
probable ; that it was accompanied with fasting? we are expressly told. 
These religious services might have had a special reference to the means 
which were to be adopted for the spread of the Gospel now evidently 
intended for all; and the words, “separate me now? Barnabas and Saul 
for the work whereunto I have called them,” may have been an answer to 
specific prayers. How this revelation was made, whether by the mouth of 
some of the prophets who were present, or by the impulse of a simultane- 
ous and general inspiration,—whether the route to be taken by Barnabas 
and Saul was at this time precisely indicated,—and whether they had 
previously received a conscious personal call, of which this was the public 
ratification,*—it is useless to inquire. A definite work was pointed out, as 
now about to be begun under the counsel of God ; two definite agents in 
this work were publicly singled out: and we soon see them sent forth to 
their arduous undertaking, with the sanction of the Church at Antioch. 
Their final consecration and departure was the occasion of another re 
ligious solemnity. A fast was appointed, and prayers were offered up ; 
and, with that simple ceremony of ordination ® which we trace through the 
earlier periods of Jewish history, and which we here see adopted, under 
the highest authority, in the Christian Church, “‘ they laid their hands on 
them, and sent them away.” The words are wonderfully simple ; but 


1 Αειτουργούντων, v. 2. Chrysostom considers it equivalent to κηρυττόντων, Hom, 
xxv. So Erasmus: “Proprium est operantium sacris. Nullum autem sacrificium 
Deo gratius quam impertiri doctrinam Evangelicam.” Fleury says, “Comme ils célé- 
broient le service divin :”’ Tillemont, “Ils estoient oceupez aux diverses fonctions de 
leur ministére, comme ἃ offrir le sacrifice, et ἃ prescher :” Baronius, more positively, 
“ Quod habet Latina versio ministrantibus illis, Grecé legitur λειτουργούντων, id est, 
sacrificantibus. Certé quidem non sine sacrificii incruenti ministerio ejusmodi sacras 
ordinationes celebrari, antiqui omnium Ecclesiarum Rituales libri significant.” 

3. For the association of Fasting with Ordination, see Bingham. rv. vi. 6. ΧΧΙ. ii. 8. 

3. This word 6? is quite unnoticed by many of the commentators, and is untranslateé 
in the Vulgate and the English. See its use in the following passages: Luke ii. 15. 
Acts xv. 36. 1 Cor. vi. 20. 

4 It is evident that the course of St. Paul’s journeys was often indeterminate, and 
regulated either by convenient opportunities (as in Acts xxi. 2. xxviii. 11), or by 
compulsion (asin xiv.6. xvii. 14) or by supernatural admonitions (xxii. 21. xvi. 6-10). 

5 St. Paul at least had long been conscious of his own vocation, and could only la 
waiting to be summoned to his work. 

6 It forms no part of the plan of this work to enter into ecclesiastical controvers’vs 
tis sufficient to refer to Acts vi. 6. 1Tim.iv.14. v.22. 2Tim.i.6 Heb. vi 2 


134 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


those who devoutly reflect on this great oveasion, and on the position of 
the first Christians at Antioch, will not find it difficult to imagine the 
thoughts which occupied the hearts of the disciples during the first ‘‘ Eme 
ber Days” of the Church,’—their deep sense of the importance of the 
work which was now beginning,—their faith in God, on whom they could 
rely in the-midst of such difficulties,—their suspense during the absence of 
those by whom their own faith had been fortified,—their anxiety for the 
intelligence they might bring on their return. 

Their first point of destination was the island of Cyprus. It is not ne 
cessary, though quite allowable, to suppose that this particular course was 
divinely indicated in the original revelation at Antioch. “our reasons at 
least can be stated, which may have induced the Aposties, in the exercise 
of a wise discretion, to turn in the first instance to this Island. It is sepa- 
rated by no great distance from the mainland of Syria ; its high mountain- 
summits are easily seen* in clear weather from the coast near the mouth 
of the Orontes ; and in the summer-season many vessels must often have 
been passing and repassing between Salamis and Seleucia. Besides this, 
it was the native place of Barnabas. Since the time when ‘‘ Andrew 
found his brother Simon, and brought him to Jesus,” 4 and the Saviour was 
beloved in the house of ‘‘ Martha and her sister and Lazarus,” 5 the ties of 
family relationship had not been without effect on the progress of the Gos- 
pel.© It could not be unnatural to suppose that the truth would be wel- 
comed in Cyprus, when it was brought by Barnabas and his kinsman 
Mark? to their own connections or friends. Moreover, the Jews were nu- 
merous in Salamis.’ By sailing to that city they were following the track 
of the synagogues. Their mission, it is true, was chiefly to the Gentiles : 
but their surest course for reaching them was through the medium of the 
proselytes and the Hellenising Jews. ΤῸ these considerations we must 
add, in the fourth place, that some of the Cypriotes were already Chris- 
tians. No one place out of Palestine, with the exception of Antioch, had 
been so honourably associated with the work of successful evangelisation.® 

The palaces of Antioch were connected with the sea by the river Oron- 
tes. Strabo" says that in his time they sailed up the stream in one day ; 


1 See Bingham, as above. 

Colonel Chesney speaks of “the lofty island of Cyprus as seen to the S. W. in the 
distant horizon,” from the bay of Antioch—Paper on the Bay of Antioch and the ruins 
of Seleucia Pieria in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. viii. p. 228, 

3 Acts iv. 36. 4 John i. 41, 42. 6 John xi. 5. 

6 See an instance of this in the life of St. Paul himself. Acts xxiii. 16-33. Com: 
pare 1 Cor. vii. 16. 

7 Elyov δὲ καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην ὑπηρέτην. Acts xiii. 5. See xii. 25, and p. 129, n, 6, above 

8 xiii. 5. See below, p. 140. 

9 See Acts iv. 36. xi. 19,20. xxi. 16. 

0 ’Avurdouc ἐκ ϑαλάττης ἐστὶν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν αὐθημερόν. χΧᾺ 2 


THE ORONTES. 198 


and Pausanias! speaks of great Roman works which had improved the 
navigation of the channel. Probably it was navigable by vessels of some 
considerable size, and goods and passengers were conveyed by water 
between the city and the sea, Even in our own day, though there is now 
a bar at the mouth of the river, there has been a serious project of uniting 
it by a canal with the Euphrates, and so of re-establishing one of the old 
lines of commercial intercourse between the Mediterranean and the Indian 
Sea. The Orontes comes from the valley between Lebanon and Anti- 
Lebanon, and does not, like many rivers, vary capriciously between a win- 
ter-torrent and a thirsty watercourse, but flows on continually to the sea. 
Its waters are not clear, but they are deep and rapid. Their course has 
been compared to that of the Wye. They wind round the bases of high 
and precipitous cliffs, or by richly cultivated banks, where the vegetation 
of the south, the vine and the fig-tree, the myrtle, the bay, the ilex, and 
the arbutus, are mingled with dwarf oak and English sycamore.’ If Bar- 
nabas and Saul came down by water from Antioch, this was the course of 
the boat which conveyed them. If they travelled the five or six leagues * 
by land, they crossed the river at the north side of Antioch, and came 
along the base of the Pierian hills by a route which is now roughly covered 
with fragrant and picturesque shrubs, but which then doubtless was a track 


1 His words are very vague, and no date is given. ᾿Ορόντην τὸν Σύρων ποταμὸν οὐ 
τὰ πάντα ἐν ἰσοπέδῳ μέχρι ϑαλάσσης ῥέοντα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ κρημνόν Te ἀποῤῥῶγα καὶ ἐς 
κάταντες ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ φερόμενον, ἠθέλησεν ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς [2] ἀναπλεῖσθαι ναυσὶν ἐκ 
ϑαλάσσης ἐς Ἀντιόχειαν πόλιν" ἔλυτρον οὖν σὺν πόνῳ τε καὶ δάπανῃ χρημέώτων ὀρυξάμε- 
νος ἐπιτήδειον ἐς τὸν ἀνάπλουν, ἐξέτρεψεν ἐς τοῦτο τὸν ποταμόν. Paus Arcad. viii. 29. 

2 Colonel Chesney found the river rapid, and impeded by fish-weirs. He adds, 
“ Tbrahim Pacha talked of making the river navigable, which might be done by blasting 
some rocks in its bed, and by removing the wooden fish-weirs which traverse the river 
in several places near Antioch; it would only be necessary to cut a towing-path for 
horses through the woods along its banks, Lieutenant Cleaveland and the other offi- 
cers were of opinion that a short tug-steamer of suflicient power would certainly go 
up the river to Antioch; which was in fact done by the Columbine’s boat for the 
greater part of the way: and if a row of piles were to be driven into the sea in the 
line of the river, extending beyond the bar, so as to enable the current of the river to 
carry the sand and mud farther out into deep water, the Orontes would then admit 
vessels of 200 tons, instead of being obstructed by a bar, over which there is a depth 
of water of from three and a half to nine feet in winter. At any rate, it might be 
made navigable for boats, as the average fall of the river, between Antioch and the 
sea, scarcely exceeds five feet and a half per mile; and boats would then go twenty- 
reven miles above the town to Murad Pacha and different parts of the lake of Antioch.” 
B. G. J. viii. p. 230. 

3 Por views, with descriptions, see Fisher’s Syria, 1.5, 19, 177. m. 28. 

« Colonel Chesney says, “The windings give a distance of about forty-one miles, 
whilst the journey by land is only sixteen miles and a half.’ —R. G. J. viii. p. 230 
Strabo (xvi. 2) makes the distance from Antioch to Seleicia one hundred and twenty 
stadia. Yorbiger (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, ii. 645) calls if three [German] 
geographical miles, 


136 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


well worn by travellers, like the road from the Pirzus to Athens, or from 
Ostia to Rome. 

Seleucia united the two characters of a fortress and a seaport. It was 
situated on a rocky eminence, which is the southern extremity of an ele- 
vated range! of hills projecting from Mount Amanus. From the south- 
east, where the ruins of the Antioch Gate? are still conspicuous, the 
ground rose towards the north-east into high and craggy summits ; and 
round the greater part of the circumference of four miles* the city was 
protected by its natural position. The harbour and mercantile suburh 
were on level ground towards the west; but here, as on the only weak 
point at Gibraltar, strong artificial defences had made compensation for. 
the weakness of nature.* Seleucus, who had named his metropolis in his 
father’s honour (p. 122), gave his own name to this maritime fortress ;* 
and here, around his tomb,® his successors contended for the key of Syria.’ 
“Seleucia by the sea” was a place of great importance under the Seluci- 
dee and the Ptolemies ; and so it remained under the sway of the Romans. 
In consequence of its bold resistance to Tigranes, when he was in posses: 
sion of all the neighbouring country, Pompey gave it the privileges of a 
“Free City ;”° and a contemporary of St. Paul speaks of it as having 
those privileges still. 


1 This hilly range was called Pieria. Hence the city was called, to distinguish it 
from others of the same name, Seleucia Pieria (Plin. v.18. Strabo xvi. 2). For the 
same reason it was sometimes called Seleucia ad Mare. 

* “On the south side of the city there was a strong gate, adorned with pilasters, and 
defended wiih round towers. This gate is still standing, almost entire, and is called 
the gate of Antioch.”—Pococke. “On the S.E. side of the walls is the gate of Antioch, 
adorned with pilasters and defended by towers; this entrance must have been very 
handsome. Near it, and parallel to the walls, are the remains of a double row of marble 
columns.”’—Chesney. 

3 “The space within the walls of the town and suburbs, which have a circumference 
altogether of about four miles, is filled with the ruins of houses.’’—Chesney. 

4 Ὑπὸ τὴν ἐπὶ ϑάλατταν αὐτῆς νεύουσαν πλευρὰν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις, τά τ’ ἐμπορεῖα 
καὶ τὸ προάστειον κεῖται, διαφερόντως τετειχισμένον. Polybius, v. 59. 

5 Strabo says of the two cities, Ἢ μεγίστη τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ ἐπώνυμος, ἡ δ΄ ἐρυμνο- 
τάτη αὐτοῦ" xvi. 2. A little below he says of Seleucia, "Epuyd ἐστιν ἀξιόλογον καὶ 
κρείττων βίας 7 πόλις. 

8. Seleucus was buried here. Appian. Syr. 63. 

7 See especially the account given by Polybius of the siege of Seleucia in the war of 
Antiochus the Great with Ptolemy, Book v. ch. 58, 59, 60. In these chapters we find 
the clearest description both of its military importance and of its topography. The 
authors owe their best acknowledgments to Colonel Chesney for two obliging com- 
munications in January and February 1850, containing notes on Seleucia, and espe- 
cially a plan of the inner basin and the pier. Since that time, Colonel Chesney’s 
volumes on the Euphrates Expedition have appeared: and more recently a vaiuable 
paper on “ Seleucia Pieria,”’ by Dr. Yates, has been published in the -Wuseum of Clas- 
sical Antiquities, Part VI. 

8 ᾿Ελευθέραν αὐτὴν ἕκοινε ἸΤομπήϊος, ἀποκλείσας Τι γράνην. Strabo xvi. 2. Tarsua 
had the same privileges. See p. 45. Compare p. 25, τιοΐο. 9 Flin. v. 18. 


EXCAVATION AT SELEUCIA (From Laborde). 


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SELEUCIA. 13) 


Tue most remarkable work among the extant remains of Seleucia, is an 
Inunense excavation,—probably the same with that which is mentioned by 
Polybius,'—leading from the upper part of the ancient city to the sea. It con 
sists alternately of tunnels and deep open cuttings. It is dificult to give a 
confident opinion as to the uses for which it was intended. But the best 
conjecture seems to be that it was constructed for the purpose of drawing 
off the water, which might otherwise have done mischief to the houses and 
shipping in the lower part of the town; and so arranged at the same time, 
as when needful, to supply a rush of water to clear out the port. The 
inner basin, or dock, is now a morass ; but its dimensions can be measured, 
and the walls that surrounded it can be distinctly traced.* The position 
of the ancient-flood-gates, and the passage through which the vessels were 
moved from the inner to the outer harbour, can be accurately marked, 
The very piers of the outer harbour are still to be seen under the water. 
The southern jetty takes the wider sweep, and overlaps the northern, form: 
ing a séeure entrance and a well protected basin. The stones are of great 
size, ‘some of them twenty feet long, five feet deep, and six feet wide ;” 
and they were fastened to each other with iron cramps. ‘The masonry of 
ancient Seleucia is still so good, that not long since a Turkish Pasha‘ con 
ceived the idea of clearing out and repairing the harbour. 


1 Πρόσθασιν δὲ μίαν ἔχει κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ ϑαλάττης πλευρὰν κλιμακωτὴν καὶ χειροποίη- 
τον, ἐγκλίμασι καὶ σκαλώμασι πυκνοῖς καὶ συνεχέσι διειλημμένην. Polyb. v. 59. 

2 Pococke gives ἃ rude plan of Seleucia, with the harbour, ἄο. The more exact and 
minute description of Colonel Chesney is as follows :—‘‘ On the south side of the en- 
trance there is a substantial jetty, formed of large blocks of stone, secured by iror, 
cramps. It runs N. W. for seventy yards to the sea, and it may still be traced curving 
more to the N. under water, and overlapping the northern jetty, which is in a more 
ruinous state, but appears to have taken the direction of W. S. W., forming a kind of 
basin, with a narrow entrance tolerably well protected, and altogether suited for the 
Roman galleys. The ancient flood-gates are about fifty yards Εἰ. of the south pier. 
The paseage for the galleys, &c., is cut through the solid rock, on which are the re 
mains of a defensive tower on each side. Apartments below, with the remains of stair- 
cases to the top of each, are sufficiently distinct, as well as the places where the gates . 
had been suspended between the towers. Immediately on passing the gateway, the 
passage widens to about one hundred yards ; it takes the direction of §. E. by E., be- 
tween two solid walls of masonry for three hundred and fifty yards, to the entrance of 
the great basin, which is now closed by a garden wall. The port or basin is an irreg- 
ular oval of about four hundred and fifty yards long by three hundred and fifty in 
width at the southern extremity, and rather more than two hundred at the northern. 
The surrounding wall is formed of large cut stones solidly put together, and now ris 
ng only about seven feet above the mud, which during the lapse of ages has gradually 
wccumulated, so as to cover probably about eight feet above the original level. The 
exterior side of the kasin is about one-third of a mile from the sea; the interior is close 
ὦ the foot of the hill,” pp. 230, 231. 

3 Pococke. 

4 Ali Pasha, governor of Bagdad in 1835, once governor of Aleppo. ‘‘ The found» 
‘ion of his plan (when he turned his thoughts to the means of increasing the commer 
iial prosperity of thio part of Turkey), was to be the restoration of the once magniti 


188 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


These piers were unbroken when Saul and Barnabas came duwn te 
Scleucia, and the large stones fastened by their iron cramps protected the 
vessels in the harbour from the swell of the western sea. Here, in the 
midst of uusympzthising sailors, the two missionary Apostles, with their 
younger companion, stepped on board the vessel which was to convey 
them to Salamis. As they cleared the port, the whole sweep of the bay 
of Antioch opened on their left,—the low ground by the mouth of the 
Orontes,—the wild and woody,country beyond it,—and then the peak of 
Mount Casius, rising symmetrically from the very edge of the sea to a height 
of five thousand ἴθ. On the right, in the south-west horizon, if the day 
was clear, they saw the island of Cyprus from the first.2, The current sets 
northerly and north-east between the island and the Syrian coast.2* But 
with a fair wind, a few hours would enable them to run down from Seleu- 
cia to Salamis ; and the land would rapidly rise in forms well-known and 
farailiar to Barnabas and Mark. 

Until the present year (1850) we have not been in possession of ac- 
curate charts of the coast near Salamis. Almost every island of the 
Mediterranean, except Crete and Cyprus, has been minutely surveyed and 
described by British naval officers. The soundings of the coast of Crete 
are as yet comparatively unknown : but the charts of Cyprus are on the 


cent port of Seleucia, the masonry of which is still in so good a state that it merely 
requires trifling repairs in some places, and to be cleared out, which might have been 
done for £31,000, and partially for £10,000.’,—Chesney. 

1 “The lofty Jebel-el-Akrab, rising 5318 feet above the sea, with its abutments ex- 
tending to Antioch.’’—Chesney, p. 228. Pliny’s language concerning this mountain 
is absurdly extravagant: “In promontorio Seleucia. Super eam mons Casius. Cujus 
excelsa altitudo quarta vigilia orientem per tenebras Solem adspicit, brevi circumactu 
corporis diem noctemque pariter ostendens. Ambitus ad cacumen xrx. M. pass. est, 
altitudo per directum rv.”—N. ἘΠ. v. 18. Mount Casius is, however, a conspicuous and 
beautiful feature of this bay. St. Paul must have seen it in all his voyages to and 
from Antioch, and we shall often have occasion to allude to it. 

2 See above, p. 134, n. 2. 

3 “Tn sailing from the southern shores of Cyprus, with the winds adverse, you 
should endeavour to obtain the advantage of the set of the current, which between 
Cyprus and the mouths of the Nile always runs to the eastward, changing its direction 
to the N. E. and N. as you near the coast of Syria.”—Norie, p. 149. “ The current, in 
general, continues easterly along the Libyan coast, and I. N.E. off Alexandria ; thence, 
zdvancing to the coast of Syria, it sets N. E.and more northerly ; so that country ves 
sels bound from Damietta to an eastern port of Cyprus, have been carried by the cur 
rent past the island.’’—Purdy, p. 276. After leaving the Gulph of Scanderoon, the 
current sets to the westward along the south coast of Asia Minor, as we shall have 
occasion to notice hereafter. A curious illustration of the difficulty sometimer expe- 
rienced in making this passage will be found in Meursius, Cyprus, «c., p. 158 ; where 
the decree of an early council is cited, directing the course to be adopted on the death 
of a bishop in Cyprus, if the vessel which conveyed the news could not cross to An 
ticch. ‘ 


VOYAGE TO CYPRUS. 135° 


CAPE GREGO, N.W. BY W. SK MIDS. 


eve of publication! From Cape St. Andrea,’ the north-eastern point of 
the island, the coast trends rapidly to the west, till it reaches Cape 
Grego,’ the south-east extremity. The wretched modern town of Fama 
gousta is nearer the latter point than the former, and the ancient Salamis 
was situated a short distance to the north of Famagousta. Near Cape 
St. Andrea are two or three small islands, anciently called ‘The Keys.” 4 
These, if they were seen at all, would soon be lost to view. Cape Grego is 
distinguished by a singular promonotory of table land. And there is 
little doubt that the woodcut here given from our English sailing diree- 
tions, represents that very “rough, lofty, table-shaped eminence” which 
Strabo mentions in his description of the coast, and which has been identi- 


fied with the Idalium of the classical poets.’ 
The ground lies low in the neighbourhood of Salamis ; and the town 
was situated on a bight of the coast to the north of the river Pedisus. 


1 Captain Graves returned from the survey of Cyprus while these sheets were pass- 
ing through the press. His kindness has enabled us to give the accompanying Map 
of Cyprus and Plan of Salamis, before the publication of the Government Charts. 
Some further information will be embodied in a supplementary note ; and we hope 
that, as Captain Graves is about to proceed to the survey of Crete, we shall soon be in 
possession of abundant information with regard to that island. 

2? The Dinaretum of Pliny, v. 35. This north-eastern extremity of the island, per 
haps from being long and narrow (καθ᾽ ὁ στενὴ ἡ νῆσος, Strabo xiv. 6), was called 
Οὐοὰ βοὸς, or the ox’s tail. Ptolem. ν. 14, ὃ 3. 

2 The Pedalium of Strabo and Ptolemy. 

4 Κλεῖδες, mentioned by Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pliny. See what Herodotus saya 
(v. 108) concerning the Phoenician fleet cruising about the Keys. These islands are 
mentioned by Pococke (ii. 219) as follows: “* Opposite to the north-east corner are the 
isles called Clides by the ancients; the largest of which is not a mile in circumference. 
Authors differ about the number of them; those who name but two, probably took 
notice only of the two largest; there are two more that appear only as rocks, the far- 
thest of which is not a mile from the land. There is another, which has some herbage 
on it, and may be the second as to its dimensions; it is so very near to the land that it 
may have been separated from it since those authors wrote.” 

5 Αόφος τραγὺς, ὑψηλὸς, τυαπεζοειδὴς. Strabo xiv. 6. There is a similar eminence 
on the Spanish coast near Cape de Gat, called Roldan’s Table (la Mesa de Roldan). 
See Purdy, Pt. i. p. 23. For the identification of this place in Cyprus with Idalium, 
see Mannert, vi. 444. Pococke (p. 214) mentions a village called Trapeza near this 
point of the coast. 


140 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


This low land is the largest plain in Cyprus, and the Pedisus is the only 
true river in the island, the rest being only winter-torrents, fiowing in the 
wet season from the two mountain ranges which intersect it from east to 
west, This plain probably represents the kingdom of Teucer, which is 
familiar to us in the early stories of legendary Greece. It stretches in 
wards between the two mountain ranges to the very heart of the country, 
where the modern Turkish capital, Nicosia, is situated.' In the days of 
histezical Greece, Salamis was the capital. Under the Roman Empire, 
if not the seat of government, it was at least the most important mercan- 
tile town. We have the best reasons for believing that the harbour was 
convenient and capacious.?, Thus we can form to ourselves some idea of 
the appearance of the place in the reign of Claudius. A large city by the 
sea-shore, a wide spread plain with cornfields and orchards, and the blue 
distance of mountains beyond, composed the view on which the eyes of 
Barnabas and Saul rested when they came to anchor in the bay of Sa 
lainis. 

The Jews, as we should have been prepared to expect, were numerous 
in Salamis. This fact is indicated to us in the sacred narrative ; for we 
learn that this city had several synagogues, while other cities had often 
only ene They had doubtless been established here in considerable num- 
bers in the active period, which succeeded the death of Alexander. The 
unparalleled productiveness of Cyprus, and its trade in fruit, wine, flax, 
and honey, would naturally attract them to the mercantile port. The 
farming of the copper mines by Augustus to Herod may probably have 
swelled their numbers.» One of the most conspicuous passages in the 
history of Salamis was the insurrection of the Jews in the reign of Trajan, 
when great part of the city was destroyed.© Its demolition was com- 

1 See Pococke’s description, vol. ii. pp. 214-217. He gives a rude plan of ancient 
Salamis. (Sec above, p. 139, n.1.) The ruined aqueduct which he mentions appears 
to be subsequent to the time of St. Paul. We have not had the opportunity of consult- 
ing a more recent work, Von Hammer’s Topographische Ansichten aus der Levante. 

3 See especially the account in Diodorus Siculus (Book xx. pp. 759-761) of the great 
naval victory of Salamis, won by Demetrius Polioreetes over Ptolemy. Scylax also 
says that Salamis had a good harbour. His expression is, λιμένα ἔχουσα κλειστὸν 
χειμερινόν. See Gail. 

3 Acts xiii. 5. Compare v. 9. ix. 20, and contrast xvii 1. xviii. 4. 

4 Philo (Legat. ad Cai.) speaks of the Jews of Cyprus. 

5 See above, p. 17, n. 3. 

6 “The flame spread to Cyprus, where the Jews were numerous and wealthy. One 
Artemio placed himself at their head. They rose and massacred 240,000 of their fel- 
low-citizens; the whole populous city of Salamis became a desert. The revolt of 
Cyprus was first suppressed ; Hadvian, afterwards emperor, landed on the island, and 
marched to the assistance of the few inhabitants who had been dble to act on the defensive. 
He defeated the Jews, expelled them from the island, to whose beautiful coasts no Jew 
was ever after permitted to approach. If one were accidentally wrecked on the inhos 
pitable shore. he was instantly put to death.”’—Milman, iii. 111, 112. The author saya 


SALAMIS TO PAPHOS. 14) 


pleted by an earthquake. It was rebuilt by a Christian empcror, from 
whom it received its medieval name of Constantia.! 

It appears that the proclamation of the Gospel was confined by Bar 
nabas and Saul to the Jews and the synagogues. We have no informa. 
tion of the length of their stay, or the success of their labours. Some 
stress seems to be laid on the fact that John (1. 6. Mark), “ was their 
minister.” Perhaps we are to infer from this, that his hands baptized 
the Jews and proselytes, who were convinced by the preaching of the 
Apostles.’ 

From Salamis they travelled to Paphos, at the other extremity of the 
island. The two towns were probably connected together by a well tra- 
velled and frequented road. It is indeed likely that, even under the Em- 
pire, the islands of the Greck part of the Mediterranean, as Crete and 
Cyprus, were not so completely provided with lines of internal communica- 
tion as those which were nearer the metropolis, and had been longer under 
Roman occupation, such as Corsica and Sardinia. But we cannot help 
believing that Roman roads were laid down in Cyprus and Crete, after the . 
manner of the modern English roads in Corfu and the other Ionian islands, 
which islands, in their social and political condition, present many points 
of resemblance to those which were under the Roman sway in the time of 
St. Paul. On the whole, there is little doubt that his journey from Sa 
lamis to Paphos, a distance from east to west of not more than an hun- 
dred miles, was accomplished in a short time and without difficulty. 

Paphos was the residence of the Roman governor. The appearance 
of the place (if due allowance is made for the differences of the nineteenth 
century and the first) may be compared with that of the town of Corfu 
in the present day, with its strong garrison of imperial soldiers in the 
midst of a Greek population, with its mixture of two languages, with its 
symbols of a strong and steady power side by side with frivolous amuse 
ments, and with something of the style of a court about the residence of 
its governor. All the occurrences, which are mentioned at Paphos as 
taking piace on the arrival of Barnabas and Saul, are grouped so entirely 


above (109), that the Rabbinical traditions are full of the sufferings of the Jews in this 
period. In this island there was massacre before the time of the rebellicn, “and the 
sea that broke upon the shores of Cyprus was tinged with the red hue of carnage.” 

1 Jerome speaks of it under this name: “Salamis, que nune Constantia dicitur.”— 
Ep. Philem. 

3 See 1 Cor. xiv. 16. 

3 On the west of Salamis, in the direction of Paphos, Pococke saw a church and 
monastery dedicated to Barnabas, and a grotto where he is said to have been buried, 
after suffering martyrdom in the reign of Nero (P. 217). There isa legend in Cedrenus 
and Nicephorus Calistus of the discovery of his relics, with the Gospel of St. Matthew 
on his breast, in the reign of Anastasius or Zeno.—See Meursiua A road is marked 
between Salamis and Paphos in the Pentingerian Table. 


142 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


round the governor’s person, that our attention must be turned for a time 
to the condition of Cyprus as a Roman province, and the position and 
character of Sergius Paulus. 

From the time when Augustus united the world under his own power, 
the provinees were divided into two different classes. The business of the 
first Emperor’s life was to consolidate the imperial system under the show 
ef administering a republic. He retained the names and semblances of 
those liberties and rights which Rome had once enjoyed. He found two 
names in existence, the one of which was henceforth inseparably blended 
with the Imperial dignity and Military command, the other with the au- 
thority of the Senate and its Civil administration. The first of these 
names was “ Pretor,” the second was ‘“ Consul.” Both of them were 
retained in Italy ; and both were reproduced in the Provinces as “ Pro- 
pretor” and “ Proconsul.”! He told the Senate and people that he 
would relieve them of all the anxiety of military proceedings, and that 
he would resign to them those provinees, where soidiers were unneces- 
sary to secure the fruits of a peaceful administration. He would take 
upon himself all the care and risk of governing the other provinces, where 
rebellion might be apprehended, and where the proximity of warlike tribes 
made the presence of the legions perpetually necessary. These were his 
professions to the Senate : but the real purpose of this ingenious arrange- 
ment was the disarming of the republic, and the securing to himself the 
absolute control of the whole standing army of the empire.” The scheme 
was sufficiently transparent ; but there was no sturdy national life in 


1 Τῶν δύο τούτων ὀνομάτων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ δημοκρατίᾳ ἀνθησάντων, τὸ μέν Tot 
Στρατηγοῦ, τοῖς αἰρετοὶς, ὡς καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ ἀπὸ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου προσῆκον, ἔδωκεν, 
᾿Αντιστρατήγους σφᾶς προσειπών " τὸ δὲ δὴ τῶν Ὕπάτων, τοῖς ἑτέροις, ὡς καὶ εἰρηνικω- 
τέροις, ᾿Ανθυπάτους αὐτοὺς ἐπικαλέσας. Αὐτὰ μὲν γὰρ τὰ ὀνόματα, τό τε τοῦ Στρατηγοῦ 
καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ὑπάτου, ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ, ἐτήρησε, τοὺς δὲ ἔξω πάντας, ὡς καὶ ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων 
ἄρχοντας προσηγόρευσε. Dio Cass. liii. 13. It is very important, as we shall see pre 
sently, to notice the accompanying statement, that all governors of the Senate’s pro- 
vinces were to be called Proconsuls, whatever their previous office might have been 
(καὶ ἀνθυπάτους καλεῖσθαι μὴ ὅτι τοὺς δύο τοὺς ὑπατευκότας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τῶν 
ἐστρατηγηκόώτων ἢ δοκούντων γε ἐστρατηγηκέναι μόνον ὄντας): and all governors of ° 
the Emperor’s provinces were to be styled Legati or Propretors, even if they had 
been Consuls (τοὺς δὲ ἑτέρους ὑπὸ Te ἑαυτοῦ αἱρεῖσθαι, καὶ ἹΠΙρεσβευτὰς αὐτοῦ ’Αντισ- 
τρατηγούς τε ὀνομάζεσθαι, κἂν ἐκ τῶν ὑπατευκότων ὦσι, διέταξε). 

4 Provincias validiores, et‘quas annuis magistratuum imperiis regi nec facile nee 
tutum erat, ipse suscepit ; cetera Proconsulibus sortito permisit, et tamen nonnullas 
commutavit interdum. Sueton. Aug. 47.—Td μὲν ἀσθενέστερα, ὡς καὶ εἰρηναῖα καὶ 
ἀπόλεμα, ἀπέδωκε τῇ Βουλῇ" τὰ δὲ ἰσχυρότερα, ὡς καὶ σφαλερὰ καὶ ἐπικίνδυνα, καὶ ἤτοι 
πολεμίους τινὰς προσοίκους ἔχοντα, ἢ καὶ αὐτὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὰ μέγα τι νεωτερίσαι δυνάμενα, 
κάτεσχε" λόγῳ μὲν, ὅπως ἡ μὲν Vepovoia ἀδεῶς τὰ κάλλιστα τῆς ἀρχῆς καρπῷτο, αὐτὸς 
δὲ τούς τε πόνους καὶ κινδύνους ἔχοι "---ἔργῳ δε, ἵνα ἐπὶ τῇ προφάσει ταυτῃ ἐκεῖνοι Mer 
καὶ ἄοπλοι καὶ ἄμαχοι wow, ἀυτὸς δὲ δὴ μόνος καὶ ὅπλο ἔχῃ, καὶ στρατιώτας THépy 
Dio Cass. liii, 12. 


PROCONSULS AND PROPRASYORS. 148 


Italy to resist his despotic innovations, and no foreign civilised powers te 
arrest the advance of imperial aggrandisement ; and it thus came to pass 
that Augustus, though totally destitute of the military genius either of 
Cromwell or Napoleon, transmitted to his successors a throne guarded by 
an invincible army, and a system of government destined to endure through 
several centuries. 

Ifence we find in the reign, not only of Augustus but of each of his 
successors from Tiberius to Nero, the provinces divided into these two 
classes. On the one side we liave those which are supposed to be under 
the Senate and people. The governor is appointed by lot, as in the times 
of the old republic. He carries with him the lictors and fasces, the insig- 
nia of a Consul ; but he is destitute of military power. His office must be 
resigned at the expiration of a year. He is styled ‘‘ Proconsul,” and the 
Greeks, translating the term, call him ᾿Ανθύπατος On the other side are 
the provinces of Cesar. The governor may be styled “ Propreetor,” or 
᾿Αντιστράτηγος; but he is more properly “ Legatus,” or Mpeobevri¢,—the 
representative or ‘“‘commissioner” of the Emperor. He goes out from 
Italy with all the pomp of a military commander, and he does not return 
till the Emperor recalls him.” And to complete the symmetry and consis- 
tency of the system, the subordinate districts of these imperial provinces 
are regulated by the Emperor’s ‘‘ Procurator” (’Exitpot0¢3), or “ High 
Steward.” The New Testament, in the strictest conformity with the other 
historical authorities of the period, gives us examples of both kinds of pro- 
vincial administration. We are told by Strabo, and by Dio Cassius, that 
“Asia” and “ Achaia” were assigned to the Senate ;‘ and the title, 
which in each case is given to the governor in the Acts of the Apos- 
tles, is ‘‘ Proconsul.”* The same authorities inform us that Syria was an 
imperial province,® and no such title as “ Proconsul” is assigned by the 
sacred writers to ‘‘ Cyrenius governor of Syria,” 7 or to Pilate, Festus and 
Felix,’ the Procurators of Judea, which, as we have seen (p. 25), was a 
dependency of that great and unsettled province. 


1 Which our English translators have rendered by the ambiguous word “ deputy.” 
Acts xiii. 7. “The deputy of the country, Sergius Paulus.” “Gallio was the deputy 
of Achaia,” xviii. 12. ‘“ There are deputies,” xix. 38. 

? All these details are stated, and the two kinds of governors very accurately dis- 
tinguished in the 53d Book of Dio Cassius, ch. 13. It should be remarked, that ἐπαρχία 
(the word still used for the subdivisions of the modern Greek Kingdom) is applied in- 
discriminately to both kinds of provinces. 

3 See Dio Cass, 1]. 15. αν 

4 Strabo xvii. 3. Dio Cass. liii. 12, The latter uses 'EAAd¢ instead of ᾿Αχαΐα. aa in 
Acts xx. 2. 

5 ᾿Ανθύπατος, XViil. 12. xix. 38. 

€ Strabo and Dio. ibid. 7 Luke ii. 2. 

8 The word invariably used in the New Testament is 'Hyeudv. This is a general 
term, like the Roman “Preses” and the English “ Governor ;’’ as may be seen by 


᾿ 


144 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


PROCONSUL OF CyPkvs.! 


Dio (sssius informs us, in the same passage where he tells us that Asia 
and Achais were provinces of the Senate, that Cyprus was retained by the 
fmperor for himself.2 If we stop here, we naturally ask the question,— 
and some have asked the question rather hastily,*—how it comes to pass 
that St. Luke speaks of Sergius Paulus by the style of “‘ Proconsul ?” 
But any hesitation concerning the strict historical accuracy of the sacred 
historian’s language, is immediately set at rest by the very next sentence 


comparing Luke ii. 2 with iii. 1, and observing that the very same word is applied to 
the offices of the Procurator of Judea, the Legatus of Syria, and the Emperor himself. 
Josephus generally uses "Exitporog for the Procurator of Judea, and Ἡγεμὼν for the 
Legatus of Syria. 

1 The woodcut is from Akerman’s Numismatic Illustrations, p. 41. Specimens of 
the coin are in the Imperial Cabinet at Vienna, and in the Bibliotheque du Roi. There 
are other Cyprian coins of the Imperial age, with PROCOS in Roman characters. See 
Hekhel and Akerman’s Numismatic Illustrations. Pellerini says that many coins of the 
reign of Claudius, with KOINON KYIIPIQN, are of the red copper of the island: a 
fact peculiarly interesting to us, if the notion, mentioned p. 17, n. 3, and p. 141, be 
correct. 

? Along with Syria and Cilicia. Ἢ Σύρία, ἡ xoiAm καλουμένη, ἢ τε Φοινίκη, καὶ 
Κιλικία, καὶ Κύπρος, καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι, ἐν τῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος μερίδι τότε ἐγένοντο. Dio Cass. 
111. 12. 

3 Thus Baronius (sub anno 46) conjectures that Cyprus must have been at this time 
under the Proconsul of Cilicia. ‘Cum Sergius Paulus hic dicatur Proconsul ; et auc- 
tore Strabone (lib. 14, in fine) et aliis [?] exploratum habeatur, Cyprum non proconsu- 
larem sed pratoriam factam esse provinciam ; cur a Luca non Praetor [Proprator] sed 
Proconsul nominetur, ea videtur esse ratio, quod eadem preetoria provincia seepe hono- 
ris causa data est admiuistranda Cilicia Proconsuli.” Grotius thinks the word is in- 
accurately used by St. Luke by a sort of catachresis. “Proprié qui Cypro praerat 
vocabatur ἀντιστρατηγός. Sed non mirum est Greecos ista permiscuisse, aut potius, ut 
egregii erant adulatores, nomen quam honorificentissimum dedisse provinciarum recto- 
ribus. Generale nomen est Prasidis: quo et hic Latiné utilicet.” Hammond (Annot. 
on Acts xiii., not in the ed. of 1653) refutes Baronius, and takes the view of Grotius. 
The whole mistake has arisen from the following words in the last paragraph of Strabo’a 
fourteenth book :—yéyove στρατηγικὴ ἐπαρχία καθ᾽ abtiy... ἐγένετο ἐπαηχία ἡ νῆσος, 
καθάπερ καὶ νῦν ἐστὶ, στρατηγική. And the whole explanation is to be found in the 
vlear statement of Dio Cassius (given above, p. 142, n. 1), that all governors of the 
Senate’s provinces had the ¢it/e of Proconsul, though they were often only of Praetorian 
rank. Thus we find Tacitus calling Cesius Cordus Proconsul of Crete (Ann. iii. 38), 
end T. Vinius Proconsul of Narbonensian Gaul (Hist. i. 48), though we know that 
Africa and Asia were the only Senatorian provinces governed by men of Proconsnlar 
rank, See Dio Cass. liii. 14, and Strabo xvii. 3. 


SERGIUS PAULUS. 148 


cf the secular historian,’—in which he informs us that Augustus restured 
Cyprus to the Senate in exchange for another district of the empire,—a 
statement which he again repeats in a later passage of his work. It 
is evident, then, that the governor’s style and title from this time for. 
ward would be “ Proconsul.” But this evidence, however satisfactory, is 
not all that we possess. The coin, which is here engraved, distinctly pre- 
sents to us a Cyprian Proconsul of the reign of Claudius. And the 
inseription, which will be found at the end of this chapter, supplies us with 
the names of two additional governors, who were among the predecessors 
or successors of Sergius Paulus.? 

It is remarkable that two men called Sergius Paulus are described in 
very similar terms by two physicians whe wrote in Greek, the one a heath- 
en, the other a Christian, The heathen writer is Galen. He speaks of 
his contemporary as a man interested and well-versed in philosophy. The 

ye avai: ; 

Christian writer is St. Luke, who tells us here that the governor of Cyprus 
was a “prudent” man, who “desired to hear the word of God.” This 
vovernor seems to have been of a candid and inquiring mind: nor will 
this philosophical disposition be thought inconsistent with his connection 
with the Jewish impostor, whom Saul and Barnabas found at the Paphian 
court, by those who are acquainted with the intellectual and religious ten- 
dencies of the age. 

For many years before this time, and many years after, impostors from 
the East, pretending to magical powers, had great influence over the Ro- 
man mind. All the Greek and Roman literature of the empire, from Hor- 
ace to Lucian,’ abounds in proof of the prevalent credulity of this sceptical 
period. Unbelief, when it has become conscious of its weakness, is often 
glad to give its hand to superstition. The faith of educated Romans was 
utterly gone. We can hardly wonder, when tle East was thrown open,— 

1 “Ὕστερον τὴν μὲν Κύπρον καὶ τὴν Τ᾽αλατίαν τὴν περὶ Ndpbova τῷ δήμῳ ἀπέδωκεν, 
αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν Δαλματίαν ἀντέλαθε, Dio, lili. 12. 

2 Τότε 0 οὖν καὶ τὴν Κύπρον καὶ τήν Ταλατίαν τὴν Ναρθωνησίαν ἀπέδωκε τῷ δήμῳ, 
ὡς μηδὲν τῶν ὅπλων αὐτοῦ δεομένας. Dio, liv. 4. 

3 If Baur had lived in the age of Baronius or Grotius he would have adduced this 
passage as an argument against the historical accuracy of this part of the Acts. 

4 Tovde τοῦ viv ἐπάρχου τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως, ἀνδρὸς τὰ πάντα πρωτεύοντος ἔργοις 
τε καὶ λόγοις τοῖς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ, Σεργίου ἸΤαύλου ὑπάτου. De Anatom. Administr. i. 1, 
t. ii. p. 218, ed. Kuhn.—Zépyiog τὲ ὁ καὶ Παῦλος, ὃς οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἔπαρχος 
ἐγένετο τῆς πόλεως, καὶ PAdbioc .. . . ἑσπευκὼς [ἑσπουδακὼς 1] δὲ περὶ τὴν ᾽Αριστο- 
τέλους φιλοσοφίαν, ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ ἸΠαῦλος. --- Π6. Prenot. ad Epig. ο. 2. t. xiv. p. 612 
The Sergius Paulus here spoken of was ἔπαρχος of Rome about the year 177 a.p., and 
was personally known to Galen. The passages are adduced by Wetstein without any 
remark ; and from him they are quoted by Dr. Bloomfield, in his Recensio Synoptica, 
as if they referred to the Sergius Paulus of the Acts, who lived more than a hundred 
years earlier. We owe the correction of this mistake to Dr. Greenhill, who wrote the 
life of Galen in Smith’s Dictionary of Biography. 

* See Horace’s Odes, 1. x1., and Lucian’s Life of Alexander of Abonotcickus. 

voL. L—10 


146 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the lund of mystery,—the fountain of the earliest migrations,—the cradle 
of the earliest religions,—-that the imagination both of the populace and 
the aristocracy of Rome became fanatically excited, and that they greed- 
ily welcomed the most absurd and degrading superstitions. Not only was 
the metropolis of the empire crowded with “hungry Greeks,” but “ Syr- 
ian fortune-tellers” flocked into all the haunts of public amusement. Ath- 
ons and Corinth did not now contribute the greatest or the worst part of 
the “dregs” of Rome ; but (to adopt Juvenal’s use of that river of Anti- 
och we have lately been describing) “the Orontes itself flowed into the 
Tiber.” } 

Every part of the East contributed its share to the general supersti- 
tion. The gods of Egypt and Phrygia found unfailing votaries, Before 
the close of the republic, the temples of Isis and Serapis had been more 
than once erected, destroyed and renewed.’ Josephus tells us that certain 
disgraceful priests of Isis* were crucified at Rome by the second emperor ; 
but this punishment was only a momentary check to their sway over the 
Roman mind. The more remote districts of Asia Minor sent their itine- 
rant soothsayers ;‘ Syria sent her music and her medicines ; Chaldsea her 
“ Babylonian numbers” and “ mathematical calculations.”*> To these cor- 
rupters of the people of Romulus we must add one more Asiatic nation,—- 
the nation of the Israelites ;—and it is an instructive employment to ob- 
serve that, while some members of the Jewish people were rising, by the 
Divine power, to the highest position ever occupied by men on earth, 
others were sinking themselves, and others along with them, to the lowest 
and most contemptible degradation. The treatment and influence of the 
Jews at Rome were often too similar to those of other Orientals. One 
year we find them banished ;° another year we see them quietly re-estab- 
lished? The Jewish beggar-woman was the gipsy of the first century, 


~ 


Ambubaiarum collegia, pharmacopole, 
Mendici, mimee, balatrones, hoc genus omne.—Hor. τ. Sat. ii. 1. 


Non possum ferre, Quirites, 
Grecam Urbem: quamvis quota portio feecis Achaxi? 
Jam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, 
Et linguam, et mores, et cum tibicine chordas 
Obliquas, nec non gentilia tympana secum 
Vexit, et ad Circum, &c.—Juy. Sat. iii, 60. 

3 Lucan, viii, 830. 3 Ant. xviii. 3, 4. 

4 Alexander of Abonoteichus, whose life was written by Lucian, and Apollonius of 
Tyana, whose adventures are recorded by Philostratus, might be adduced as specimena 
of the “Phryx augur” (Juy. vi. 584) and the ‘“‘ Commagenus haruspex 5) (ib. 549), 

5 Babylonii Numeri, Hor. 1. Od. xi. 2. Chaldaice rationes, Cic. Div. ii. 47. See the 
whole passage 42-47. The Chaldean astrologers were called “ Mathematici”’ (Juv: 
vi. 562. xiv. 248). See the definition in Aulus Gellius, i. 9: “ Vulgus, quos gentili: 
tio vocabulo Chaldzos dicere oportet, mathematicos dicit.”” There is some account of 
their proceedings at the beginning of the fourteenth book of the Noctes Attica. 

6 Acts xviii. 2. 7 Acts xxviii. 17. 


ORIENTAL IMPOSTORS. 147 


shivering and crouching in the outskirts of the city, and telling fortunes, 
as Hzekiel said of old, “for handfuls of barley, and for pieces of bread” 
All this catalogue of Oriental impostors, whose influx into Rome was a 
characteristic of the period, we can gather from that revolting satire of 
Juvenal, in which he scourges the follies and vices of the Roman women. 
But not only were the women of Rome drawn aside into this varied and 
multiplied fanaticism ; but the eminent men of the declining republic, and 
the absolute severeigns of the early empire, were tainted and enslaved by 
the same superstitions. The great Marius had in his camp a Syrian, 
probably a Jewish? prophetess, by whose divinations he regulated the pro- 
eress of his campaigns. As Brutus, at the beginning of the republic, had 
visited the oracle of Delphi, so Pompey, Crassus, and Ceesar, at the close 
of the republic, when the oracles were silent,‘ sought information from 
Oriental astrology. No picture in the great Latin satirist is more power- 
fully drawn than that in which he shows us the Emperor Tiberius “ sitting 
on the rock of Capri, with his flock of Chaldzeans round him.”* No sen- 
tence in the great Latin historian is more bitterly emphatic than that in 
which he says that the astrologers and sorcerers are a class of men who 
“will always be discarded and always cherished.” 6 

What we know, from the literature of the period, to have been the case 
in Rome and in the empire at large, we see exemplified in a province in 
the case of Sergius Paulus. He had attached himself to “a certain sor- 
cerer, a false prophet, a Jew, whose name was Barjesus,” and who had 


1 Arcanam Judea tremens mendicat in aurem, 
Interpres legum Solymarum, et magna Sacerdos 
Arboris, ac summi fida internuncia ceeli. 

Implet et illa manum sed parcius: zre minuto 
Qualiacunque voles Judzi somnia vendunt. 
Juv. vi. 542-546. 


Nune sacri fontis nemus, et delubra locantur 
Judeis ; quorum cophinus, foenumque supellex. 
Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussa est 
Arvor, et ejectis mendicat silva Cameenis.—iii. 13-16. 
5 Ezek. xiii. 19. 
3 Niebuhr (Lect. vol. i. p. 363) thinks she was a Jewess. Her name was Martha 
See Long’s Plutarch, § 17. 
Cic. Div. ii. 47. Compare Juvenal (vi. 553). 
Chaldeis sed major erit fiducia : quicquid 
Dixerit astrologus, credent a fonte relatum 
Hammonis; quoniam Delphis oracula cessant, 
Et genus humanum damnat caligo futuri. 
* Principis angusta Caprearum in rupe sedentis 
Cum grege Chaldxo.—Juv. x. 93. 
See Gifford’s note. Suetonius and Dio Cassius give us similar information concerning 
the euperstition of Tiberius. ἢ 
6 Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et 
ritabitur semper et retinebitur.—Tac. Hist. 


148 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


given himself the Arabic name of “ Elymas,” or ‘The Wise.” But the 
Proconsul was not so deluded by the false prophet! as to be unable, or 
unwilling, to listen to the true. ‘‘He sent for Barnabas and Saul,” of 
whose arrival he was informed, and whose free and public declaration of 
the “Word of God” attracted his inquiring mind. Elymas used every 
exertion to resist them, and to hinder the Proconsul’s 1aind from falling 
ander the influence of their divine doctrine. Truth ana falsehood were 
prought into visible conflict with each other. It is evident, from the 
graphic character of the narrative,—the description of Paul “ setting his 
eyes,” * on the sorcerer,—“ the mist and darkness” which fell on Barjesus, 
—the “groping about for some one to lead him,”’*—that the oppesing 
wexder-workers stood face to face in the presence of the Proconsul,—as 
Moses and Aaron withstood the magicians at the Egyptian court,—Ser- 
gius Paulus being in this respect different from Pharaoh, that he did not 
“harden his heart.” 

The miracles of the New Testament are generally distinguished from 
those of the Old, by being for the most part works of mercy and restora- 
tion, not of punishment and destruction, Two only of our Lord’s miracles 
were inflictions of severity, and these were attended with no harm to the 
bodies of men. The same law of mercy pervades most of those interrup- 
tions of the course of nature, which He gave His servants, the Avposttes, 
power to effect. One miracle of wrath is mentioned as worked in His 
name by each of the great Apostles, Peter and Paul ; and we can see suf- 
ficient reasons why liars and hypocrites, like Ananias and Sapphira, and 
powerful impostors, like Hlymas Barjesus, should be publicly punished in 
the face of the Jewish and Gentile worlds, and made the examples and 
warnings of every subsequent age of the Church. A different passage in 


1 For the good and bad senses in which the word Μάγος was used, see Professor 
Trench’s recent book on the Second Chapter of St. Matthew. It is worth observing, 
that Simon Magus was a Cyprian, if he is the person mentioned by Josephus. A, xx. 5, 2. 

3 *Arepifew, “to look intently.” Acts xiii 10. The same word which is used in 
xxiii. 1. Our first impression is, that there was something searching and commanding 
in St. Paul’s eye. Butif the opinion is correct, that he suffered from an affection of 
the eyes, this word may express a peculiarity connected with his defective vision. 
See the Bishop of Winchester’s note (Ministerial Character of Christ, p. 555), who 
compares the Lxx, in Numb. xxvxiii. 55, Josh. xxiii. 13, and applies this view to the ex- 
planation of the difficulty in Acts xxiii. 1-5, And it is remarkable that, in both the 
traditional accounts of Paul’s personal appearance which we possess, he is said to have 
had contracted eye-brows. Malalas (x. p. 257, Ed. Bonn.) calls him σύνοφρυς ; and 
Nicephorus (H. E. ii. 37) says κάτω τὰς ὀφρῦς εἶχε vevotoac. Many have thought that 
“the thorn in his flesh,’’ 2 Cor. xii. 7, was an affection of the eyes. Hence, perhaps, 
the statement in Gal. iv. 14-16, and the πήλικα γράμματα, Gal. vi. 11. (See our Pre- 
face, p. xvii. note.) 

3 It may be added that these phrases seem to imply that the person from whenee 
they came was an eye-witness, Some have inferred that Luke himself was present. 

4 It is not necessary to infer from these passages, or from 1 Cor. y. 3-5. 1 Tim. i 


ELYMAS BARJESUS. 145 


the life of St. Peter presents a parallel which is closer in some respects with 
this interview of St. Paul with the sorcerer in Cyprus, As Simon Magus, 
—who had “long time bewitched the people of Samaria with his soree 
ries,”—was denounced by St. Peter “as still in the gall of bitterness and 
bond of iniquity,” and solemnly told that “his heart was not right in 
the sight of God ;”'—so St. Paul, conscious of his apostolic power, and 
onder the impulse of immediate inspiration, rebuked Barjesus, as a child 
of that Devil who is the father of lies,? as a worker of deceit and mischief,’ 
and as one who sought to pervert and distort that which Godt saw and 
approved as right. He proceeded to denounce an instantaneous judg- 
ment ; and, according to his prophetic word, the “hand of the Lord” 
struck the sorcerer as it had once struck the Apostle himself on the way 
to Damascus ;—the sight of Elymas began to waver,® and presently a 
darkness settled on it so thick, that he ceased to behold the sun’s light. 
This blinding of the false prophet opened the eyes of Sergius Paulus.¢ 
That which had been intended as an opposition to the Gospel, proved the 
means of its extension. We are ignorant of the degree of this extension 
in the island of Cyprus. But we cannot doubt that when the Proconsul 
was converted, his influence would make Christianity reputable ; and that 
from this moment the Gentiles of the island, as well as the Jews, had the 
news of salvation brought home to them. 

And now, from this point of the Apostolical History, Pau appears as 
the great figure in every picture. Barnabas, henceforward, is always in 
the background. The great Apostle now enters on his work as the 
preacher to the Gentiles ; and simultaneously with his active occupation 
of the field in which he was called to labour, his name is suddenly changed. 
As “ Abram” was changed into “ Abraham,” when God promised that 
he should be the “father of many nations a as “Simon” was change 
into “ Peter,” when it was said, “ On this rock I will build my church ;”—- 
so ‘‘ Saul” is changed into “ Paul,” at the moment of his first great vie 
tory among the Heathen. “at “the plains of Mamre by Hebron” 
20, that Peter and Paul had power to inflict these judgments at their will. Though, 
even if they had this power, they had also the spirit of Jove and supernatural knowl- 
edge to guide them in the use of it. 

1 Acts viii. 21-23, * John viii. 44. 

3 Ῥαδιουργία (xiii. 10), expresses the cleverness of a successful imposture. 

4 Notice εὐθείας, xiii. 10, and εὐθεῖα, viii. 21. 

δ ’AyAdve καὶ σκότος, xiii. 11. This may be used, in Luke’s medical manner, to e> 


press the stages of the blindness. Compare ἔστη καὶ περιέπατει in the account of the 
recovery, iii. ἃ, 

6 “Durch das Erblinden des Magiers dem Proconsul die Augen geoffnet werden.” 
These are the words of Schrader, who yet exercises his utmost ingenuity to explain 
away everything supernatural in the occurrence. See Schrader’s Paulus, ii. p. 170-175, 
Baur’s notion of course is, that the whole story was invented or embellished. Baur’s 
Peulus, Pt. 1. ch. iv. 


150 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


were to the patriarch,—what ‘“ Cesarea Philippi,”! by the fountains of 
the Jordan, was to the fisherman of Galilee,—that was the city of Paphos, 
on the coast of Cyprus, to the tent-maker of Tarsus. Are we to suppose 
that the name was now really given him for the first time,—that he 
adopted it himself as significant of his own feelings,—or that Sergius 
Paulus conferred it on him in grateful commemoration of the benefits he 
had received,—or that “ Paul,” having been a Gentile form of the Apos 
tle’s name in early life conjointly with the Hebrew “ Saul,” was now used 
to the exclusion of the other, to indicate that he had receded from his 
position as a Jewish Christian, to become the friend und teacher of the 
Gentiles? All these opinions have found their supporters both in ancient 
and modern times.? The question has been alluded to before in this work 
(p. 46). It will be well to devote some further space to it now, once 
for all. | 
It cannot be denied that the words in Acts xiii. 9—‘ Saul, who is 

also Paul”—are the line of separation between two very distinct portions 
of St. Luke’s biography of the Apostle, in the former of which he is uni- 
formly called “Saul,” while iv the latter he receives, with equal consis- 
tency, the name of “ Panl” It must also be observed that the Apostle 
always speaks of himself under the latter designation in every one of his 
Epistles, without any exception ; and not only so, but the Apostle St. 
Peter, in the only passage where he has occasion to allude to him,’ speaks 
of him as “our beloved brother Paul.” We are, however, inclined to 
adopt the opinion that the Cilician Apostle had this Roman name, as 
well as his other Hebrew name, in his earlier days, and even before he 
was a Christian. This adoption of a Gentile name is so far from being 
alien to the spirit of a Jewish family, that a similar practice may be 
traced through all the periods of Hebrew History. Beginning with the 
Persian epoch (Β. 6. 550-350) we find such names as ‘“ Nehemiah,” 
“ Schammai,” “ Belteshazzar,” which betray an oriental origin,’ and show 
that Jewish appellatives followed the growth of the living language. In 
the Greek period we encounter the names of “ Philip,’*® and his son 
 Alexander,”? and of Alexander’s successors, ‘‘ Antiochus,” ‘ Lysima. 

1 See Gen. xiii. 18. xvii. 5. Mat. xvi. 18-18, and Mr. Stanley’s Sermon on St. Peter 

? Olshausen, among the moderns, follows the opinion of Jerome. 

2 2 Pet. iii. 15. 

4 The following remarks are taken from Zunz, ‘Namen der Juden,” Leipsig, 1837 
-—8 work which arose out of political circumstances in Germany. 

& See what Zunz says of the terminations ja, ai, and the article Ha, as in Pedaja 
Sakkai, Hakatan, Hakoz, &c. 

6 Mat. x. 3. Acts vi.5. xxi. 8. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 22. 

7 Acts xix. 33, 34. See 2 Tim. iv. 14. Alexander was a common name among the 
Asmonzxans. It is saidthat when the great conqueror passed through Juda, a promise 


was made to him that all the Jewish children born that year should be called “ Alex 
ander.” 


HISTORY OF JEWISH NAMES. 151 


chus,” “‘ Ptolemy,” “ Antipater ;”! the names of Greek philoscphers, such 
as “Zeno” and ‘“ Epicurus ;”? even Greek mytho.ogical names, as 
“ Jason” and “ Menelaus.”* Some of these words will have been recog: 
aised as occurring in the New Testament itself. When we mention Re 
raan names adopted by the Jews, the coincidence is still more striking 
“ Crispus,” 4 ‘ Justus,” * “ Niger,” ® are found in Josephus? as well as in 
the Acts. ‘ Drusilla” and “ Priscilla” might have been Roman matrons, 
The “ Aquila” of St. Paul is the counterpart of the “ Apella” of Horace.* 
Nor need we end our survey of Jewish names with the early Roman 
empire ; for, passing by the destruction of Jerusalem, we see Jews, in the 
earlier part of the Middle Ages, calling themselves “ Basil,” “ Leo,” 
“ Theodosius,” “ Sophia ;” and, in the latter part, “ Albert,” “ Benedict,” 
“ Crispin,” ‘“ Denys.”® We might pursue our inquiry into the nations of 
modern Europe ; but enough has been said to show, that as the Jews 
have successively learnt to speak Chaldee, Greek, Latin, or German, so 
they have adopted into their families the appellations of those Gentile 
families among whom they have lived. It is indeed remarkable that the 
Separated Nation should bear, in the very names recorded in its annals, 
the trace of every nation with whom it has come in contact and never 
united. 

It is important to our present purpose to remark that double names 
often occur in combination, the one national, the other foreign. The 
earliest instances are ‘“ Belteshazzar-Daniel,” and ‘‘ Esther-Hadasa.” 1 
Frequently there was no resemblance or natural connection between thie 
two words, as in “‘ Herod-Agrippa,” ‘‘ Salome-Alexandra,” “ Juda-Aristo- 
bulus,” ‘‘ Simon-Peter.” Sometimes the meaning was reproduced, as in 
“ Malich-Kleodemus.” At other times an alliterating resemblance of 
sound" seems to have dictated the choice, as in ‘ Jose-Jason,” “ Hillel- 
Jalus,” “ Saul-Pauius,’—“ Saul, who ts also Paul.” 


11 Mac, xii. 16. xvi. 11. 2 Mac.iv. 29. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10. 

* Zunz adduces these names from the Mischna and the Berenice Inscription. 

3 Jason, Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 6, perhaps Acts xvii. 5-9. Rom. xvi. 21. Menelaus, 
Joseph. Ant. xii. 5,1. See 2 Mac. iv. 5. 

4 Acts xviii. 8. 5 Acts i. 23. 6 Acts xiii. 1. 

7 Joseph Vit. 68,65. B.J.iv.6,1. Compare 1Cor.i.14. Acts xviii. 7. Col iv.1L 

8 Hor. 1. Sat. v. 100. Priscilla appears under the abbreviated form “ Prisca,” 2 Tim. 
iv. 19. 

® See further details in Zunz. 

10 Δανιὴλ ob τὸ ὄνομα ἐπεκλήθη Βαλτάσαρ. Dan. x. 1. LXX. Sce the Hebrew in 
Esther ii. 7, ἼΣΟΝ x54 Soom. So Zerubbabel was called Sheshbazzar. Compare 
Ezra v. 16 with Zech. iv. 9. The Oriental practice of adopting names which were sig- 
nificant must not be left out of view. See Parkhurst, and his quotation from the 
Targum on p55. 

11 Perhaps the best note among the commentators is that of Grotius. ‘“ Saulus qua 
rt Paulus ; id est, qui, ex quo cum Romanis conversari ccepit, hoc nomine a suo non 
sbludente, cepit a Romanis appellari. Sic qui Jesus Judwis, Grecis Jason: Hillel, 


[52 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Thus it seems to us that satisfactory reasons can be adduced for the 
double name borne by the Apostle,—without having recourse to the hy- 
pothesis of Jerome, who suggests that, as Scipio was called Africanus 
from the conqnest of Africa, and Metellus Creticus from the conquest of 
Crete, so Saul carried away his new name as a trophy of his victory over 
the heathenism of the Proconsul Paulus'—or to that notion, which Au- 
gustine applies with much rhetorical effect in various parts of his writ- 
ings,? where he alludes to the literal meaning of the word ““Pazlus,” and 


Poliio: Onias, Menelaus: Jakin, Alcimus. Apud Romanos Silas, S.uvanus, ut nota- 
vit Hieronymus: Pasides, Pansa, ut Suetonius in Crassitio; Diocles, Diocletianus ; 
Biglinitza, soror Justiniani, Romane Vigilantia.” See Joseph. Ant. xii. 5,1. Com- 
pare Jesus Justus, Col. iv. 11. - 

1 Diligenter attende, quod hic primum Pauli nomen inceperit. Ut enim Scipio, sub- 
jecta Africa, Africani sibi nomen assumpsit, et Metellus, Creta insula subjugata, insigne 
Cretici sux familia reportavit ; et imperatores nunc usque Romani ex subjectis genti- 
bus Adiabenici, Parthici, Sarmatici, nuncupantur: ita et Saulus ad predicationem 
gentium missus, a primo ecclesiz spolio Proconsule Sergio Paulo victoriz sus trophea 
retulit, erexitque vexillum, ut Paulus diceretur e Saulo.”” — Hieron. in Ep. Philem. 
Augustine, in one passage, takes the same view. “Ipse minimus Apostolorum tuorum 
(1 Cor. xv. 9) cum Paulus Proconsul, per ejus militiam debellata superbia, sub lene 
jugum Christi tui missus est, regis magni provincialis effectus (Acts xiii. 7, 12), ipse 
quoque ex priore Saulo Paulus vocari amavit, ob tam magne insigne victoria.’’—Conf. 
viii. 4. It is impossible not to feel that this theory is very inconsistent with the humil- 
ity of St. Paul. Baronius, who sees this objection, gives a conjecture which is more 
probable: “Saulo cognomen suum, quod etiam Admiliorum familic fuit, quo sibi magis 
arctiusque co vinculo Apostolum vinciret, Sergius Paulus indidit.” And again below 
“A Sergio Paulo, amicitie gratia, familize suee cognomine nobilitatus est Apostolus.”’ 

3 “Vox illa de ccelo prostravit persecutorem, et erexit pradicatorem ; occidit Sau- 
tum, et vivificavit Paulum (Acts ix). Saul enim persecutor erat sancti viri (1 Sam. 
xix.) ; inde nomen habebat iste quando persequebatur Christianos: postea de Saulo 
factus est Paulus (Acts xiii). Quid est Paulus? Modicus. Ergo quando Saulus, su- 
perbus, elatus: quando Paulus, humilis, modicus. Ideo βίο loquimur, Paulo post 
videbo te, id est, post modicum. Audi quia modicus factus est: go enim sum mini- 
mus Apostolorum (1 Cor. xv. 9) 3 et) Mihi, minimoe omnium Sanctorum, dicit alio loco 
(Ephes. iii. 8). Sic erat inter Apostolos tanquam fimbria vestimenti; sed tetigit He- 
clesia gentium tanquam fluxum patiens, et sanata est. (Matt. ix. 20-22.) Tract. viii. 
in Ep. Jo. The same train of thought is found, often in the same words, in the follow- 
ing places: Enarr. in Ps. Ixxii. 4. Serm. ci. on Luke x. 2-6. Serm. clxviii. on Eph. 
vi. 23. Serm. eelxxix. de Paulo Apostolo. In one passage he gives point to the con- 
trast by alluding to the tall stature of the first king of the Jews. “Saulus a Saule 
nomen derivatur. Qui fuerit Saul, notis. Ipsius electa est statura proceris [procera], 

Sie enim describit Scriptura, quod supereminens esset omnibus, quando electus est ut 
ungeretur in regem (1 Sam. ix. 2). Non fuit sic Paulus [Saulus], sed factus Paulus, 
Paulus enim parvus.’’—Serm. clxix. in Philip. iii, 3-16. In these passages the notion 
may be used only rhetorically. In another place he gives it as an opinion. ‘Non oh 
aliud, quantum mihi videtur, hoc nomen elegit, nisi ut se ostenderet tanquam minis 
roum Apostolorum.’’—De Sp. et Lit. xii. At one time he finds in Stephen the counter- 
part of David: “Talis fuerat Saul in David, qualis Saulus in Stephanum.’’-—Serm- 
ecexy. in Sol. Steph. Mart. At another, David prefigures our Lord himself: “Saul 
erat ille persecutor David. In David Christus erat, in David Christus preefigurayatur 
tanquam David Sauli de Ceelo, Saule, Saule, quid me perseaueris#”’ Serm. clxxv 
in 1 Tim. i. 15. ἱ 


SAUL AND PAUL. 15a 


‘vontrasts Saul, the unbridled king, the proud self-confident persecutor of 
David, with Paul, the lowly, the penitent,—who deliberately wished te 
indicate, by his very name, that he was “the least of the Apostles,”? and 
“ Tess than the least of all Saints.”? Yet we must not neglect the coinc 
dent occurrence of these two names in this narrative of the events which 
happened in Cyprus. We need not hesitate to dwell on the associations 
which are connected with the name of “ Paulus,” or on the thoughts 
which are naturally called up, when we notice the critical passage in the 
sacred history, where it is first given to Saul of Tarsus. It is surely not 
unworthy of notice that, as Peter’s first Gentile convert was a member of 
the Cornelian House (p. 116), so the surname of the noblest family of the 
Amilian Howse? was the link between the Apostle of the Gentiles and 
his convert at Paphos. Nor can we find a nobler Christian version of any 
line of a Heathen poet, than by comparing what Horace says of him who 
fell αὖ Cannee,—“ anime magne prodigum Paulwm,”—with the words of 
him who said at Miletus, ‘“ L cownt not my life dear wnto myself, so that I 
might finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I have received 
of the Lord Jesus.” 4 

And though we imagine, as we have said above, that Saul had the 
name of Paul at an earlier period of his life, and should be inclined to con- 
jecture that the appellation came from some connection of his ancestors 
(perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member of the Roman family 
of the A®milian Pauli ;*—yet we cannot believe it accidental that the 
words,® which have led to this discussion, occur at this particular point of 
the inspired narrative. The Heathen name rises to the surface at the 
moment when St. Paul visibly enters on his office as the Apostle of the 
Heathen. The Roman name is stereotyped at the moment when he con- 
verts the Roman governor. And the place where this occurs is Paphos, 
the favourite sanctuary of a shameful idolatry. At the very spot which 
was notorious throughout the world for that which the Gospel forbids and 
destroys,—there, before he sailed for Perga, having achieved his victory, 
the Apostle erected his trophy,7—as Moses, when Amalek was discom- 

11 Cor. xv. 9: 3 Eph. iii. 8. 

3 Paulus was the cognomen of a family of the Gens Aimilia, The stemma is given 
in Smith’s Dictionary of Classical Biography, under Paulus Aumilius. The name must 
of course have been given to the first individual who bore it from the sma’lness of his 
stature: it isa contraction of Pauxillus: see Donaldson’s Varronianus. It should be 


observed, that both Malalas and Nicephorus (quoted above) speak of St. Paul as short 
of stature. 

4 Hor. τ. Od. xii. 37. Acts xx. 24. Compare Phil. iii. 8. 

5 Compare the case of Josephus, alluded to above, p. 46. 

6. Acts xiii. 9. 

7 See the words of Jerome quotel above, p, 151, ἢ, 3. “ Victoria sux tran@a retu 
lit, erexitque vexillum.,”’ 


154 ΤῊ LIFE AND EPISTLIB OF ST. PAUL. 


fited, “ built an altar, and called the name of it Jehovah-Nissi,—the Lord 
my Banner.” ! 


KAAYAIQI KAIZAPI ZEBAZSTQI 
TEPMANIKQI APXIEPEI METIZTQI 
AHMAPXIXHS ἘΞΟΥΣΙΑΣ AYTOKPATOPI 
ΠΑΤΡῚ TiATPIAOZ KOYPIEGN H ΠΟΛΙΣ 
ATIO TQN IIPOKEK[P]JIMENQ[IN ΥἹΠῸ IOYAIOY 
KOPAOY ANOYIIATOY AOYKICS ANNIOS ΒΑΣΙΣΟΣ ANOIY 
TIATOS KAOIEPQZSEN: IB, 


INSCRIPTION FOUND AT CURIUM, IN Ci °RUS.2 


1 Exod. xvii, 15. 

2 Boeckh. Corpus Inscriptionum (No. 2632). This inscription has been selected 
because of its allusion to the Emperor Claudius. The year is 52 4. v. c. 805. Of the 
two proconsuls here mentioned, Julius Cordus and L. Annius Bassus, the former ia 
mentioned in another inscription (No. 2631, found at Citium). See the inscriptions 
and other evidence collected by Engel in his work on Cyprus. Kypros. Berlin, 1843. 
i pp. 459-463. 


OLD AND NEW PAPHOS. 158 


CHAPTER VI. 


“ Paulus preeeo Dei, qui fera gentium 

Primus corda sacro perdomuit stilo, 

Christum per populos ritibus asperis 

Immanes placido dogmate seminat.”’ 
PrupEnNT1us, Con: Symm. Pref. 


ΟΣ, AND NEW PAPHOS.—DEPARTURE FROM CYPRUS.-—COAST OF PAMPHYLIA.— 
PERGIA.—MARK’S RETURN TO JERUSALEM.—MOUNTAIN-SCENERY OF PISIDIA.— 
SITUATION OF ANTIOCH.—THE SYNAGOGUE.—ADDRESS TO THE JEWS.— 
PREACHING TO THE GENTILES.—PERSECUTION BY THE JEWS.—HISTORY ANE 
DESCRIPTION OF ICONIUM.—LYCAONIA.—DERBE AND LYSTRA.—HEALING OF 
THE CRIPPLE.—IDOLATROUS WORSHIP OFFERED TO PaUL AND BARNABAS.— 
ADDRESS TO THE GENTILES.—ST. PAUL STONED.—TIMOTHEUS.—THE APOS 
TLES RETRACE THEIR JOURNEY.—PERGA AND ATTALEIA.—RETURN TO SYRIA. 


Tue banner of the Gospel was now displayed on the coasts of the heatken 
The glad tidings had “‘ passed over to the isles of Chittim,”! and had found 
a willing audience in that island, which, in the vocabulary of the Jewish 
Prophets, is the representative of the trade and civilisation of the Mediter- 
ranean Sea. Cyprus was the early meeting-place of the Orieztal and 
Greek forms of social life. Originally colonised from Pheenicin, it was 
successively subject to Eeypt, to Assyria, and to 
Persia ; the settlements of the Greeks on its 
shores had begun in a remote period, and their 
influence gradually advanced, till the older links 
of connection were entirely broken by Alexan- 
der and his successors. But not only in politi- 
cal and social relations, by the progress of con- 
quest and commerce, was Cyprus the meetine- 
place of Greece and the East. Here also their 
forms of idolatrous worship met and became 


COIN OF PAPHOS.” 


1 The general notion intended by the phrases “isles”? and “coasts” of “Chittim,” 
ecems to have been “ the isiands and coasts of the Mediterranean to the west and north- 
west of Judea.” Numb. xxiv. 24. Jer. ii. 10. Ezek. xxvii. 6. See Gen.x.4,5. Isai 
xxiii. 1. Dan. xi. 30. But primarily the name is believed to have been connected 
with Citium (see note 2, p. 154), which was a Phoenician colony. See Gesenius, under 
ans. Epiphanius (himself a Cyprian bishop) says, Κίτιον 7 Kuzpiws νῆσος καλεῖται 
Κίτιοι γὰρ Κύπριοι. Heer. xxx. 25. 

From the British Museum : see below, p. 156, n. 7. 


156 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


blended together. Paphos was, indeed, a sanctuary of Greek religion ; on 
this shore the fabled goddess first landed, When she rose from the sea τ: this 
was the scene of a worship celebrated in the classical poets, from the age of 
Homer,’ down to the time when Titus, the son of Vespasian, visited the spot 
with the spirit of a heathen pilgrim, on his way to subjugate Judea But 
the polluted worship was originally introduced from Assyria or Pheenicia : 4 
the Oriental form under which the goddess was worshipped, is represented 
on Greek coins :* the Temple bore a curious resemblance to those of As- 
tarte at Carthage or Tyre : ὁ and Tacitus pauses to describe the singular- 
ity of the altar and the ceremonies, before he proceeds to narrate the cam- 
paign of Titus.7 And here it was that we have seen Christianity firmly 
established by St. Paul,—in the very spot where the superstition of Syria 
had perverted man’s natural vencration and love of mystery, and where 
the beautiful creations of Greek thought had administered to what Atha- 
nasius, when speaking of Paphos, well describes as the “ deification of lust.” 

The Paphos of the poets, or Old Paphos, as it was afterwards called, 
was situated on an eminence at a distance of nearly two miles from the 
sea. Vew Paphos was on the sea-shore, about ten miles to the north. 
But the old town still remained as the sanctuary which was visited by 


1 Deam ipsam conceptam mari huc appulsam. ‘Tac. Hist. ii. 3. See P. Mela, ii. 7. 

2 Odyss. villi. 362. See Kurip. Bacch. 400. Virg. Ain. i. 415. Hor. Od. 1. xxx 
Luean. Phars. viii. 456. , 

3 Tac. Hist. ii. 2-4. Compare Suet. Tit. ὅ. Tacitus speaks of magniucent offering: 
presented by kings and others to the temple at Old Paphos. 

4 Pausanias traces the steps of the worship from Assyria to Paphos and Phenicia, 
aad ultimately to Cythera. Attic. xiv. 6. Tacitus connects Cilicia with scme of the 
religious observances. 

5 See below, n. 7. 6 See Muller’s Archaologie, § 239 (p. 298). 

7 Sanguinem are obfundere vetitum: precibus et igne puro altaria adolentur, nec 
ullis imbribus, quanquam in aperto, madescunt. Simulacrum Des non effigie humana, 
continuus orbis latiore i nitio tenuem in ambitum mete modo exsurgens: et ratio in 
obscuro. Tac. H. ii. 3. See Max. Tyr. Παφίοις ἡ μὲν ᾿Αφροδίτη τὰς τιμὰς ἔχει" τὰ 
δὲ ἄγαλμα ovx dv εἰκάσαις ἄλλῳ τῳ ἢ πυραμίδι λευκῇ, ἡ δὲ ὕλη ἀγνοεῖται. Diss. vill. 8. 
Also Clem. Alex. Coh. ad Gentes. m1. iv. * 

8 Je is alluding to the worship of Venus at Paphos, and says: τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ϑεο- 
ποιήσαντες προσκυνοῦσιν. Athan. Cont. Gracos, p. 10, ed. Col. 1686. Compare 
Arnob. v. 19. 

9. Or rather the north-west. See the Chart, which is due to the kindness of Captair, 
Graves. R. N. The words of Strabo are: Ei’ ἡ Ilddoc .... λιμένα tyouca.... 
διέχει δὲ mel σταδιους ἑξήκοντα τῆς ἸΙαλαιπάφου" καὶ πανηγυρίζουσι διὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ 
ταύτης κατ’ ἔτος ἐπὶ τὴν ἸΠαλαίπαφον, ἄνδρες ὁμοῦ γυναιξὶν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλῶν πόλεων 
συνιόντες. xiv. 6. The following is an extract from some MSS. notes by Captain 
Graves: * Kouklia (Old Paphos) is three hours’ ride from Ktema (near New Paphos) 
slong a bridle-path, with corn-fields on either side. The ruins are extensive, particu- 
larly a Cyclopean wall .. . with inscriptions of an early date. There are also very 
extensive catacombs.’”? The Peut. Table makes the distance eleven miles, Forbiger 
(Alte Geographie, iii. 1049) says incorrectly, that Old Paphos was according to Strabq 
rixty stadia “ weiter landeinwarts ” from New Paphos, 


PAPHOS. 151 


heathen pilgrims ; profligate processions, at stated seasons, crowded the 
road between the two towns, as they crowded the road between Antioch 
and Dapiine (p. 125) ; and small models of the mysterious image! were 
sought as eagerly by strangers as the little ‘silver shrines” of Diana at 
Ephesus.’ Dowbtiess the position of the old town was an illustration of 
the early custom, mentioned by Thucydides, of building at a safe distanea 
from the shore, at a time when the sea was infested by pirates ; and the 
new town had been established in a place convenient for commerce, when 
navigation had become more secure. It was situated on the verge of a 
plain, smaller than that of Salamis, and watered by a scantier stream 
than the Pedizus (see p. 139). Not long before the visit of Paul and 
Barnabas it had been destroyed by an earthquake. Augustus had rebuilt 
it, and from him it had received the name of Augusta, or Sebaste But 
the old name still retained its place in popular usage, and has descended to 
modern times. The “ Paphos” of Strabo, Ptolemy, and St. Luke,‘ be- 
came the ‘‘Papho” of the Venetians and the “Baffa” of the Turks. A 
second series of Latin* architecture has crumbled into decay. Mixed up 
with the ruins of palaces and churches are the poor dwellings of the Greek 
and Mahomedan inhabitants, partly on the beach, but chiefly on a low 
ridge of sandstone rock, about two miles® from the ancient port, for the 


1 See the story in Athenzus, xv.18. Ὁ Ἡρόστρατος, ἐμπορίᾳ χρώμενος καὶ χώραν 
πολλὴν περιπλέων, προσσχών ποτε καὶ ἸΙάφῳ τῆς Κύπρου, ἀγαλμάτιον ’Adpoditas 
σπιθαμιαῖον, ἀρχαῖον τῇ τέχνῃ, ὠνησάμενος, ἤει φέρων εἰς Νάυκρατιν, κ. τ. Δ. The 
narrative goes on to say that the merchant was saved by the miraculous image from 
shipwreck. 

? Acts xix, 24. 

3 We learn this from Dio Cassius. Παφίοις σείσμῳ sovycact καὶ χρήματα ἐχαρίσατυ, 
καὶ τὴν πόλιν Adyovotay καλεῖν, κατὰ δόγμα ἐπέτρεψε, liv. 23. See also Senee. Ep. 9}. 
N. Q. vi. 206. The Greek form Sebaste, instead of Augusta, occurs in an inscription 
found on the spot, which 15. further interesting as containing the name of another 
Paulus. Mapkia Φιλίππου ϑυγατρί, ἀνεψιᾷ Καίσαρος ϑεοῦ Σεθαστοῦ, γυναικὶ ἸΤαύλον 
Φαῤίου Μαξίμου, Σεθαστῆς Πάφου ἡ βουλὴ καὶ 6 duoc. Boeckh. No. 2029. So Antioch 
in Pisidia was called Cesarea. See below, p. 170. 

4 Strab. xiv. 6. Pitol v.14, 1: 

5 The following passage from a traveller about the time of the Reformation, is a 
surious instance of the changes of meaning which the same words may undergo. 
‘Paphos ruinis plena videtur, templis tamen frequens, inter ques Latina sunt prestan- 
tiora, in quibus ritu Romano divina peraguntur. et Gallorum legibus vivitur.”  Itin. 
Hieros. Bartai. de Salignaco, 1587. 

6 This is the distance between the Ktema and the Marina given by Captain Graves 
in Purdy’s Sailing Directions (p. 251), it is stated to be only half a mile. Captain 
Graves says: “In the vicinity are numerous ruins and ancient remains; but when so 
many towns have existed, and so many have severally been destroyed, all must be left 
to conjecture. A number of columns broken and much mutilated are lying about, and 
some substantial and well-built vaults, or rather subterraneous communications, under 
a hill of slight elevation, are pointed out by the guides as the remains of a temple dedi- 
sated to Venus. Then there are numerous excavations in the sandstone hills, which 
arobably served at various periods the double purpose of habitations and tombs, Sev- 


158 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


marsh, which once formed the limit of the port, makes the shore unlicalthy 
during the heats of summer by its noxious exhalations. One of the most 
singular features of the neighbourhood consists of the curious caverns ex 
cavated in the rocks, which have been used both for tombs and for dwell- 
ings. The port is now almost blocked up, and affords only shelter for 
boats. “The Venetian stronghold, at the extremity of the Western mole, 
is now fast crnmbling into ruins. The mole itself is broken up, and every 
year the massive stones of which it was constructed are rolled over 
from their original position into the port.”! The approaches to the har- 
bour can never have been very safe, in consequence of the ledge of rocks? 
which extends some distance into the sea. At present, the eastern en- 
trance to the anchorage is said to be the safer of the two. The western, 
under ordinary circumstances, would be more convenient for a vessel cicar 
ing out of the port, and about to sail for the Gulf of Pamphylia. 

We have remarked in the last chapter, that it is not difficult to imag- 
ine the reasons which induced Paul and Barnabas, on their departure from 
Seleucia, to visit first the island of Cyprus. It is not quite so easy to give 
an opinion upon the motives which directed their course to the coast of 
Pamphylia, when they had passed through the native island of Barnabas, 
from Salamis to Paphos. It might be one of those circumstances which we 
call accidents, and which, as they never influence the actions of ordinary men 
without the predetermining direction of Divine Providence, so were doubt- 
less used by the same Providence to determine the course even of Apos- 
tles. As St. Paul, many years afterwards, joined at Myra that vessel 
in which he was shipwrecked,? and then was conveyed to Puteoli in a 
ship which had accidentally wintered at Malta —so on this occasion there 
might be some small craft in the harbour at Paphos, bound for the oppo- 
site gulf of Attaleia, when Paul and Barnabas were thinking of their 
future progress. The distance is not great, and frequent communication, 
both political and commercial, must have taken place between the towns of 
Pamphylia and those of Cyprus.> It is possible that St. Paul, having 


eral monasteries and churches now in ruins, of a low Gothic architecture, are more 
casily identified ; but the crumbling fragments of the sandstone with which they are 
constructed, only add to the incongruous heap around, that now covers the palace of 
the Paphian Venus.’’—MS. note by Captain Graves, R. N. . 

1 Captain Graves. MS. 

2 “A creat ledge of rocks lies in the entrance to Papho, extending about a league ; 
you may sail in either to the eastward or westward of it, but the eastern passage is the 
widest and best.” Purdy, p. 251. The soundings may be seen in our copy of Captain 
Graves’ Chart. 

3 Acts xxvil. 5, 6. 4 Acts xxviii. 11-13. 

5 And perhaps Paphos more especially, as the seat of government. At present 
Khalandri (Gulnar), to the south-east of Attaleia and Perga, is the port from whieh 
the Tatars from Constantinople, conveying government despatches, usually cross te 
Cyprus. See Purdy, p. 245, and the reference to Irby and Mangles. 


PAMPHYLIA. 159 


already preached the Gospel in Cilicia,’ might wish now to extend it 
among those districts which lay more immediately contiguous, and the pop. 
ulation of which was, in some respects, similar to that of his native pro- 
vince.? He might also reflect that the natives of a comparatively unso 
phisticated district might be more likely to receive the message of salvas 
tion, than the inhabitants of those provinces which were more completely 
penetrated with the corrupt civilisation of Greece and Rome. Or hs 
thoughts might be turning to, those numerors families of Jews, whom he 
well knew to be settled in the great towns beyond Mount Taurus, such as 
Antioch in Pisidia, and Iconium in Lycaonia, with the hope that his Mas- 
ter’s cause would be most successfully advanced among those Gentiles, whe 
flocked there, as everywhere, to the worship of the synagogue. ‘Or, 
finally, he may have had a direct revelation from on high, and a vision, 
like that which had already appeared to him in the Temple,’ or like that 
which he afterwards saw on the confines of Europe and Asia,‘ may have 
directed the course of his voyage. Whatever may have been the calcula- 
tions of his own wisdom and prudence, or whatever supernatural intima- 
tions may have reached him, he sailed, with his companions Barnabas and 
John, in some vessel, of which the size, the cargo, and the crew, are un- 
known to us, past the promontories of Drepanum and Acamas, and then. 
across the waters of the Pamphylian Sea, leaving on the right the cliffs 5 
which are the western boundary of Cilicia, to the innermost bend of the 
bay of Attaleia. 

This bay is a remarkable feature in the shore of Asia Minor, and it is 
not without some important relations with the history of this part of the 
world. It forms a deep indentation in the general coast-line, and is bor- 
dered by a plain, which retreats itself like a bay into the mountains. 
From the shore to the mountains, across the widest part of the plain, the 
distance is a journey of eight or nine hours. Three principal rivers inter- 
sect this level space: the Catarrhactes, which falls over the sea-cliffs near 
Attaleia, in the waterfalls which suggested its name ; and farther to the 
east the Cestrus and Hurymedon, which flow by Perga and Aspendus to a 
low and sandy shore. About the banks of these rivers, and on the open 
waters of the bay, whence the eye ranges freely over the ragged mountain 
summits which inclose the scene, armies and fleets had engaged in some of 
those battles of which the results were still felt in the day of St. Paul. 
From the base of that steep shore on the west, where a rugged knot of 
mountains is piled up into snowy heights above the rocks of Phaselis, the 

1 See pp. 104-106 and 117. 

ἢ Strabo’s expression is, Οἱ Πάμφυλοι, πολὺ τοῦ Ἱζιλικίον φύλου μετέχοντες, xii. 7. 

3. Acts xxii. 17-21. See p. 104. 4 Acts xvi. 9. 

5 About C. Anamour (Anemurium, the southernmost point of Asia Minor), and 


Alaya (the ancient Coracesium), there are cliffs of 500 and 600 feet high. See Purdy, 
p. 244. Compare our Map of the N. E. corner of the Mediterranean. ; 


160 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


united squadron of the Romans and Rhodians sailed across the bay in the 
year 190 8.6. ; and it was in rounding that promontory near Side on the 
east, that they caught sight of the fleet of Antiochus, as they came on by 
the shore with the dreadful Hannibal on board.!' And close to the same 
spot where the Latin power had defeated the Greek king of Syria, an- 
other battle had been fought at an earlier period, in which the Greeks 
gave one of their last blows to the retreating force of Persia, and the 
Athenian Cimon gained a victory both by land and sea; thus winning, 
according to the boast of Plutarch, in one day the laurels of Platea and 
Salamis.* On that occasion a large navy sailed up the river Eurymedon 
as far as Aspendus. Now, the bar at the mouth of the river would make 
this impossible? The same is the case with the river Cestrus, which, 
Strabo says, was navigable in his day for sixty stadia, or seven miles, to 
the city of Perga.* Ptolemy calls this city an inland town of Pamphylia ; 
but so he speaks of Tarsus in Cilicia.* And we have seen that Tarsus, 
though truly called an inland town, as being some distance from the coast, 
was nevertheless a mercantile harbour. Its relation with the Cydnus was 
similar to that of Perga with the Cestrus ; and the vessel which brought 
St. Paul to win more glorious victories than those of the Greek and Ro- 
man battles of the Eurymedon,—came up the course of the Cestrus to her 
moorings near the Temple of Diana. 

All that Strabo tells us of this city is that the Temple of Diana was 
on an eminence at some short distance, and that an annual festival was 
held in honour of the goddess.* The chief associations of Perga are with 


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COIN OF PERGA.” 


1 The description in Livy is as vivid as if it proceeded from an eye-witness: “ tn 
confinio Lycie et Pamphylie Phaselis est: prominet penitus in altum, conspiciturque 
prima terrarum Rhodum a Cilicia petentibus, et procul navium preebet prospectum 
.... Postquam superavere Rhodii promontorium, quod ab Sida prominet in altum, 
extemplo et conspecti ab hostibus sunt, et ipsi eos viderunt.’”’ xxxvii. 23. Compare the 
English Sailing Directions. 

3 Plut. Cim. 3 See Beaufort’s Karamania, p. 135. 

4 Elf ὁ Κέστρος ποταμὸς, ὃν ἀναπλεύσαντι σταδίους ἑξήκοντα Ilépyn πόλις. xiv. 4. 

6 Perga is reckoned among the Παμφυλίας μεσόγειοι. Ptol. v. 5, 7. So Tarsus 
vamiong the Κιλικίας pecoy. v. 8, 7. 

6 sfAnotov ἐπὶ μετεώρου τόπου τὸ τῆς Περγαίας ’Aprépuidog ἱερὸν, ἐν ᾧ πανήγυριι 
sear ἔτος συντελεῖται. Xiv. 4 7 From the British Museum. 


PERGA. ᾿ 103 


the Greck rather than the Roman period: aad its existing remains are 
described as being “ purely Greek, there being no trace of any sater in- 
habitants.” Its prosperity was probably arrested by the building of At 
taleia? after the death of Alexander, in a more favourable situation on 
the shore of the bay. Attaleia has never ceased to be an important town 
since the day of its foundation by Attalus Philadelphus. But when the 
traveller pitches his tent at Perga, he finds only the encampments of 
shepherds, who pasture their cattle amidst the ruins. These ruins are 
walls and towers, columns and cornices, a theatre and a stadium, a broken 
aqueduct encrusted with the calcareous deposit of the Pamphylian streams, 
and tombs scattered on both sides of the site of the town. Nothing else 
remains of Perga, but the beauty of its natural situation, “between and 
upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive valley in front, watered by 
the river Cestrus, and backed by the mountains of the Taurus.” * 

The coins of Perga are a lively illustration of its character as a.city of 
the Greeks. We have no memorial of its condition as a city of the Ro- 
mans ; nor does our narrative require us to delay any longer in describing 
it. The Apostles made no long stay in Perga. This seems evident, not 
only from the words used at this point of the history,‘ but from the marked 
manner in which we are told that they did stay,® on their return from the 
interior. One event, however, is mentioned as occurring at Perga, which, 
though noticed incidentally and in a few words, was attended with painful 
feelings at the time, and involved the most serious consequences, It must 
have occasioned deep sorrow to Paul and Barnabas, and possibly even 
then some mutual estrangement : and afterwards it became the cause of 
their quarrel and separation.? Mark ‘departed from them from Pam- 
phylia, and went not with them to the work.” He came with them up 
the Cestrus as far as Perga, but there he forsook them, and, taking ad- 
vantage of some vessel which was sailing towards Palestine, he “ returned 
to Jerusalem,” 7 which had been his home in earlier years. We are not 
to suppose that this implied an absolute rejection of Christianity. A 
soldier who has wavered in one battle may live to obtain a glorious vic- 

1 Fellows. See Note 3. [Ina letter received from E. Falkener, Esq., Architect, it 
is stated that though the theatre is disposed after the Greek manner, its architectural 
details (as well as those of the stadium) are all Roman.] 

? Acts xiv. 25. 

3 This description is quoted or borrowed from Sir C. Fellow’s “ Asia Minor, 1839,” 
pp. 190--193. Gen. Kohler appears to have seen these ruins in 1800, on “a large and 
rapid stream” between Stavros and Adalia, but without identifying them with Perga, 
Leake’s Asia Minor, p. 132. See Cramer, ii. 220. 

4 Διελθόντες ἀπὸ τῆς Πέργης, xiii. 14. On their return it is said, διελθόντες τὴ» 
meee? xiv. 24. Similarly, a rapid journey is implied in διοδεύσαντες τὴν A. kal A, 

5 Λαλήσαντες ἐν Ilépyy τὸν λόγον, κατέδησαν, κ. τ. A. xiv 25. 

6 Acts xv. 37-39. 7 Acts xiii, 19. 8 Acts xii. 12, 25. 

vot. 1.—I11 


162 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


tory. Mark was afterwards not unwilling to accompany the Apostles on 
a second missionary journey ;- and actually did accompany Barnabas 
again to Cyprus.? Nor did St. Paul always retain his unfavourable judg- 
ment of him (Acts xv. 38), but long afterwards, in his Roman imprison- 
ment, commended him to the Colossians, as one who was “a fellow- 
worker unto the kingdom of God,” and “a comfort” to himself :* and in 
his latest letter, just before his death, he speaks of him again as one 
“profitable to him for the ministry.” Yet if we consider all the circum- 
stances of his life, we shall not find it difficult to blame his conduct in 
Pamphylia, and to see good reasons why Paul should afterwards, at An- 
tioch, distrust the steadiness of his character. The child of a religious 
mother, who had sheltered in her house the Christian disciples in a fierce 
persecution, he had joined himself to Barnabas and Saul, when they trav- 
elled from Jerusalem to Antioch, on their return from a mission of charity. 
He had been a close spectator of the wonderful power of the religion of 
Christ,—he had seen the strength of faith under trial in his mother’s 
home,—he had attended his kinsman Barnabas in his labours of zeal and 
love,—he had seen the word of Paul sanctioned and fulfilled by miracles,— 
he had even been the “ minister” of Apostles in their successful enter- 
prize :* aud now he forsook them, when they were about to proceed 
through greater difficulties to more glorious success. We are not left in 
doubt as to the real character of his departure. He was drawn from the 
work of God by the attraction of an earthly home.‘ As he looked up 
from Perga to the Gentile mountains, his heart failed him, and turned 
back with desire towards Jerusalem. He could not resolve to continue 
persevering, “in journeyings often, in perils of rivers, in perils of 
robbers.” 7 
“Perils of rivers” and “ perils of robbers”—these words express the 

very dangers which St. Paul would be most likely to encounter on his 
journey from Perga in Pamphylia to Antioch in Pisidia. The lawless and 
maurauding habits of the population of those mountains which separate 
the table-land in the interior of Asia Minor from the plains on the south 
coast, were notorious in all parts of ancient history. Strabo uses tbe 
same strong language both of the Isaurians* who separated Cappadocia 
from Cilicia, and of their neighbours the Pisidians, whose native fortress 
es were the barrier between Phrygia and Pamphylia.2 We have the 

' Acts, xv. 37. 3. Acts xv. 39. 3 Col. iv. 10. 

1 2 Tim. iv. 11. 5 See Acts xiii. 5. 

¢ Matthew Henry pithily remarks: “ Either he did not like the work, or he wanted 
to go and see his mother.” 

7 2 Cor. xi. 26. 

8 See p. 20. 


® Of Isauria he says, ληστῶν ἅπασαι κατοικίαι. xii. 6. Of the Pisidians he says that 
εαθάτεο of Κίλικες, λήστρικῶς ἤσκηνται. Ib. 7. He adds that even the Pamphyliang 


PERILS OF THE JOURNEY. 163 


same character of the latter of these robber tribes in Xenophon, who is 
the first to mention them ;! and in Zosimus, who relieves the history of 
the later empire by telling us of the adventures of a robber chief, whe 
defied the Romans and died a desperate death in these mountains.?- Alex 
ander the Great, when he heard that Memnon’s fleet was in the Hgean, 
and marched from Perga to rejoin Parmenio in Phrygia, found some of 
the worst difficulties of his whole campaign in penetrating through this 
district.s The scene of one of the roughest campaigns connected with the 
wars of Antiochus the Great was among the hill-forts near the upper 
waters of the Cestrus and Eurymedon.t No population through the midst 
of which St. Paul ever travelled, abounded more in those “ perils of rob- 
bers,” of which he himself speaks, than the wild and lawless clans of the 
Pisidian Highlanders. 

And if on this journey he was exposed to dangers from the attacks of 
men, there might be other dangers, not less imminent, arising from the 
natural character of the country itself. ΤῸ travellers in the East there is 
a reality in ‘‘ perils of rivers,” which we in England are hardly able to 
understand. Unfamiliar with the sudden flooding of thirsty water-courses, 
we seldom comprehend the full force of some of the most striking images 
in the Old and New Testaments.* The rivers of Asia Minor, like all the 
rivers in the Levant, are liable to violent and sudden changes. And no 
district in Asia Minor is more singularly characterised by its ‘“ water 
floods ” than the mountainous tract of Pisidia, where rivers burst out at 
the bases of huge cliffs, or dash down wildly through narrow ravines. 
The very notice of the bridges in Strabo, when he tells us how the Cestrus 
“though living on the south side of Taurus, had not quite given up their robber habits 
and did not always allow their neigkbours to live in peace.” 

1 Xen. Anab.1.i. 11. ix. 9. τῆ, ii. 14. 

5. His name was Lydius—ro γένος Ἴσαυρος, ἐντεθραμμένος τῇ συνήθει Anoreia. Zos. 
pp. 59-61, in the Bonn Ed. The scene is at Cremna. See the Map. Compare what 
Zosimus says of the robbers near Selge, 265. The beautiful story of St. John and the 
robber (Euseb, Eccl. Hist. iii. 23) will naturally occur to the reader. See also the 
frequent mention of Isaurian robbers in the latter part of the life of Chrysostom, pre- 
fixed to the Benedictine edition of his works. 

3 See the account of Arrian, I. 27, 28, and especially the notices of Selge and Saga 
lassus ; and compare the accounts of these cities by modern travellers, P. Lucas, Ασα τς 
del, and Fellows. 

4 See especially the siege of Selge by Achzeus in Polybius, v. 72-77. Compare the 
account of Sagalassus in the narrative of the Campaign of Manlius. Liv. xxxviii. 15, 
and see Cramer’s Asia Minor. - 

5 Thus the true meaning of 2 Cor. xi. 26 is lost in the English translation. Similarly, 
in the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. vii, 25, 27), ποταμὸι is translated “ floods,’’ and the 
mage confused. See Ps, xxxii. 6. 

6 The crossing of the Halys by Creesus (Herod. i. 75) is an illustration of the difficul- 
tics presented by the larger rivers of Asia Minor. Wonones, when attempting to escape 


from Cilicia (Tac. Ann. ii. 68), lost his life in consequence of not being able to crosg 
*he Pyramus. 


164 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAvL. 


and Eurymedon tumble down from the heights and precipices of Selge te 
che Pamphylian Sea, is more expressive than any elaborate description.’ 
We cannot determine the position of any bridges which the Apostle may 
have crossed, but his course was never far from the channels of these two 
rivers : and it is an interesting fact, that his name is still traditionally 
connected with one of them, as we learn from the information recently 
given to an English traveller by the Archbishop of Pisidia.” 

Such considerations respecting the physical peculiarities of the country 
now traversed by St. Paul, naturally lead us into various trains of thought 
concerning the scenery, the climate, and the seasons. And there are cer- 
tain probabilities in relation to the time of the year when the Apostle may 
be supposed to have journeyed this way, which may well excuse some re- 
marks on these subjects. And this is ali the more allowable, because we 
are absolutely without any data for determining the year in which this 
first missionary expedition was undertaken. All that we can assert with 
confidence is that it must have taken place somewhere in the interval be- 
tween the years 45 and 50.4 But this makes us all the more desirous to 
determine, by any reasonable conjectures, the movements of the Apostle 
in reference to a better chronology than that which reckons by successive 
years,—the chronology which furnishes us with the real imagery round 
his path,—the chronology of the seasons. 

Now we may well suppose that he might sail from Scleucia to Salamis 
at the beginning of spring. In that age and in those waters, the com 
mencement of a voyage was usually determined by the advance of the sea- 
son, The sea was technically said to be “open” in the month of March. 


1 Τὴν χώραν τὴν Le ὍΣΣ ὀρεινὴν " κρηηῶν καὶ ee οὖσαν πλήρη, ἃς ποιοῦσιν 
ἄλλοι τε ποταμοὶ, καὶ ὁ Ἑὐρυμέδων, καὶ ὁ Κέστρος, ἀπὸ τῶν Σελγικῶν ὀρῶν εἰς τὴν 
Παμφυλίαν ἐκπίπτοντες ϑάλατταν " γέφυραι δ᾽ ἐπίκεινται ταῖς ὀδοῖς. Strabo, xii. 7. 

2 “ About two hours and a half from Isbarta, towards the south-east, is the village 
of Say, where is the source of a river called the Sav-Sou. Five hours and a half be- 
yond, and still towards the south-east, is the village of Paoli (St. Paw), and here the 
river, which had continued its course so far, is lost in the mountains, &c.”’ Arundell’s 
Asia Minor, vol.ii.p.31. Isbarta is near Sagalassus. The river is probably the Eury- 
medon. See Arundell’s Map in the first volume. 

3 The descriptive passages which follow are chiefly borrowed from “ Asia Minor, 
1839,” and “Lycia, 1841,” by Sir O. Fellows, and “Travels in Lycia, 1847,” by 
Lieutenant Spratt, R. N., and Professor Εἰ. Forbes. The writer desires also to ἄπ 
edge his obligations to various travellers, especially Professor Forbes, Mr. Falkener, 
and Dr. Wolff. 

4 See Wieseler, pp. 222-226. Anger, pp. 188, 189. The extent of the interval is 
much the same on Mr. Greswell’s system (Diss. vol. iv. p. 138); on that of Mr 
Browne (Ordo Seclorum, p. 120) somewhat less. 

5 Ex die tertio iduum Novembris, usque in diem sextum iduum Mar’ tiarum, maria 
clauduntur. Nam lux minima noxque prolixa, nubium densitas, aeris obscuritas, vens 
torum imbrium, vel nivium geminata sievitia. WVegetius, quoted in Smith’s “Ship 
wreck. &c.,” p. 45. See Hor. Od. 1. iv. τη. vii. 


MOUNTAIN-SCENERY OF PISIDIA. 165 


If St. Paul began his journey in that month, the lapse of two months 
might easily bring him to Perga, and allow sufficient time for all that we 
are told of his proceedings at Salamis and Paphos. If we suppose him te 
have been at Perga in May, this would have been exactly the most nas 
tural time for a journey to the mountains. Earlier in the spring, the 
passes would have been filled with snow.!| In the heat of summer ‘he 
weather would have been less favourable for the journey. In the autumn 
the disadvantages would have been still greater, from the approaching dif 
ficulties of winter. But again, if St. Paul was at Perga in May, a further 
reason may be given why he did not stay there, but seized all the advan- 
tages of the season for prosecuting his journey to the interior. The habits 
of a people are always determined or modified by the physical peculiarities 
of their country ; and a custom prevails among the inhabitants of this part 
of Asia Minor, which there is every reason to believe has been unbroken 
for centuries. At the beginning of the hot season they move up from the 
the plains to the cool basin-like hollows on the mountains. These yazdlahs 
or summer retreats are always spoken of with pride and satisfaction, and 
the time of the journey anticipated with eager delight. When the time 
arrives, the people may be seen ascending to the upper grounds, men, 
women, and children, with flocks and herds, camels and asses, like the 
patriarchs of old? If then St. Paul was at Perga in May, he would find 
the inhabitants deserting its hot and silent streets. They would be mov- 
ing in the direction of his own intended journey. He would be under no 
temptation to stay. And if we imagine him as joining* some such compar 

1 “ March 4.—The passes to the Yailahs from the upper part of the valley being still 
ghut up by snow, we have no alternative but to prosecute our researches amongst the 
low country and valleys which border the coast.’”—Sp. and F. i. p. 48. The valley 
referred to is that of the Xanthus, in Lycia. 

2“ April 30.—We passed many families en rowte from Adalia to the mountain 
plains for the summer.” Sp. and F. i. p. 242. Again, p. 248. (May 3.) See p. 57. 
During a halt in the valley of the Xanthus (May 10), Sir C. Fellows says that an 
almost uninterrupted train of cattle and people (nearly twenty families) passed by. 
“What a picture would Landseer make of such a pilgrimage. The snowy tops of the 
mountains were seen through the lofty and dark-green fir-trees, terminating in abrupt 
cliffs..... From clefts in these gushed out cascades... and the waters were carried 
away by the wind in spray over the green woods....In a zigzag course up the wood 
lay the track leading to the cool places. In advance of the pastoral groups were the 
straggling goats, browsing on the fresh blossoms of the wild almond as they passed. 
ἴῃ more steady courses followed the small black cattle... then came the fiocks of 
sheep, and the camels... bearing piled loads of ploughs, tent-poles, kettles... and 
amidst this rustic load was always seen the rich Turkey carpet and damask cushions 
the pride even of the tented Turk.’ Lycia, pp. 238, 239. 

3 It has always been customary for travellers in Asia Minor, as in the patriarchal, 
®ast, to join caravans if possible. So P. Lucas, on his second journey, waited δὲ 
Broussa (ch. 13); and on another occasion at Smyrna (ch. 32), for the caravan going 


to Satalia (Attaleia) ; and on a later journey could not leave the caravan to visit some 
ruins between Broussa and Smyrna (i. 134). 


106 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. | 


ny of Pamphylian families on his way to the Pisidian mountains, it givea 
much interest and animation to the thought of this part of his progress, 
Perhaps it was in such company that the Apostle entered the first 
passes of the mountainous district, along some road formed partly by arti- 
ficial pavement, and partly by the native marble, with high cliffs frowning 
on either hand, with tombs and inscriptions, even then ancient, on the pro- 
jecting rocks around, and with copious fountains bursting out “ among 
thickets of pomegranates and oleanders.”! The oleander, ‘‘ the favourite 
flower of the Levantine midsummer,” abounds in the lower watercourses, 
and in the month of May it borders all the banks with a line of brilliant 
crimson.’ As the path ascends, the rocks begin to assume the wilder 
grandeur of mountains, the richer fruit-trees begin to disappear, and the 
pine and walnut succeed; though the plane-tree still stretches its wide 
leaves over the stream which dashes wildly down the ravine, crossing and 
recrossing the dangerous road. The alteration of climate which attends 
on the traveller’s progress, is soon perceptible. .A few hours will make the 
difference of weeks or even months. When the corn is in the ear on the 
lowlands, ploughing and sowing are hardly well begun upon the highlands, 


1 Tn ascending from Limyra, a small plain on the coast not far from Phaselis, Spratt 
and Forbes mention “a rock-tablet with a long Greek inscription ... by the side of an 
ancient paved road, at a’spot where numerous and copious springs gush out among 
thickets of pomegranates and oleanders.” (i. p. 160.) Fellows, in coming to Attaleia 
from the north, ‘“‘ suddenly entered a pass between the mountains, which diminished in 
width until cliffs almost perpendicular inclosed us on either side. The descent became 
80 abrupt that we were compelled to dismount and walk for two hours, during whick 
time we continued rapidly descending an ancient paved road, formed principally of the 
native marble rock, but which had been perfected with large stones at a very remote 
age ; the deep ruts of chariot-wheels were apparent in many places. The road is much 
worn by time; and the people of a later age, diverging from the track, have formed a 
road with stones very inferior both in size and arrangement. About half an hour 
before I reached the plain...a view burst upon me through the cliffs... I looked 
down from the rocky steps of the throne of winter upon the rich and verdant plain of 
summer, with the blue sea in the distance.... Nor was the foreground without its in- 
terest ; on each projecting rock stood an ancient sarcophagus, and the trees half con- 
cealed the lids and broken sculptures of innumerable tombs.” A.M. pp. 174, 175. 
This may very probably have been the pass and road by which St. Paul ascended. P. 
Lucas, on his second voyage (1705), met with a paved road between Buldur and 
Adalia. “Nous commengames a remonter, mais par un chemin magnifique et pavé de 
longues pierres de marbre blanc.”—Ch. xxxiii. p. 310. See Gen. Koehler’s Itinerary, 
in Leake’s Asia Minor. “March 20 (16 hours from Adalia).—The two great ranges 
on the west and north of the plains now approach each other, and at length are only 
divided by the passes through which the river finds its way. The road, however, leavea 
this gorge to the right, and ascends the mourtain by a paved winding causeway, a 
work of great labour and ingenuity. At the foot of it are ruins... cornices, capitals, 
and fluted columns... sarcophagi, with their covers beside them... many with in 

scriptions.” p. 134. 

3 See the excellent Chapter on the οἰ δὴν, of Lycia in Spratt and Torbes, vol. 1 
ch, xiii. 

4 See the animated description of the ascent from Myra in Fellows’ Lycia, p, 221. 


MOUNTAIN-SCENERY OF PISIDA. 167 


Spring flowers may be seen in the mountains by the very edge of the snow, 
when the anemone is withered in the plain, and the pink veius in the white 
asphodel flower are shrivelled by the heat. When the cottages are closed 
and the grass is parched, and everything is silent below in the purple haza 
and stillness cf midsummer, clouds are seen drifting among the Pisidian 
precipices, and the cavern is often a welcome shelter from a cold and pens 
etrating wind.? The upper part of this district is a wild region of cliffs, 
often isolated and bare, and separated from each other by valleys of sand, 
which the storm drives with blinding violence among the shivered points.? 
The trees become fewer and smaller at every step. Three beits of vegeta 
tion are successively passed through in ascending from the coast : first the 
oak woods, then the forests of pine, and lastly the dark scattered patches 
of the cedar-juniper :‘ and then we reach the treeless plains of the interior, 
which stretch in dreary extension to the north and the east. 

After such a journey as this, separating, we know not where, from the 
companions they may have joined, and often thinking of that Christian 
companion who had withdrawn himself from their society when tht y needed 
him most, Paul and Barnabas emerged from the rugged mountain passes, 
and came upon the central table-land of Asia Minor. The whole interior 
region of the peninsula may be correctly described by this term ; for, 
though intersected in various directions by mountain-ranges, it is, on 
the whole, a vast plateau, elevated higher than the summit of Ben 
Nevis above the level of the sea.* This is its general character, though a 
long journey across the district brings the traveller through many varieties 
of scenery. Sometimes he moves for hours along the dreary margin of an 

1 “ May 7.—Close to the snow many beautiful plants were in flower, especially Ane 
mone Appenina, and several species of violet, squill, and fritillary.” Sp. and F.i.p 
201. This was near Cibyra, “ the Birmingham of Asia Minor.” “May 9.—Ascending 
through a winterly climate, with snow by the side of our path, and only the crocus and 
anemones in bloom... we beneld a new series of cultivated plains to the west, being 
tn fact table-lands, nearly upon a level with the tops of the mountains which form the 
eastern boundary of the valley of the Xanthus..... Descending to the plain, probably 
1000 feet, we pitched our tent, after a ride of 772 hours..... Upon boiling the thermo- 
meter, I found that we were more than 4000 feet above the sea, and cutting down some 
dead trees, we provided against the coming cold of the evening by lighting three large 
ures around our encampment.” Fell. Lycia, p. 234. This was in descending from 
Almalee, in the great Lycian yailah, to the south-east of Cibyra. 

* Kor further illustrations of the change of season caused by difference of elevation, 
sce Sp. and F. 1. p. 242. Again, p. 293, “ Every step led us from spring into summer ;” 
and the following pages. See also Fellows: “Two months since at Syra the corn wag 
beginning to show the ear, whilst here they have only in a few places now begun ta 
plough and sow.” A.M.158. “The corn, which we had the day before seen changing 
colour for the harvest, was here not an inch above the ground, and the buds of the 
bushes were not yet bursting.’ Lycia, p. 226. 

3 See Sp. and I’. 1. pp. 195-202. Fell. A.M. pp. 165-174. Alse Sp. and F. 1. ch. ix. 

« Sp. and Τὸ ii. ch. xiii. 

* The yailah of Adalia s 3500 feet above the sca: Sp. and F.i. p. 244. The vast 


168 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


inland sca of salt,'—sometimes he rests in a cheerful hospitable town by 
the shore of a freshwater lake.? In some places the ground is burnt and 
volcanic, in others green and fruitful. Sometimes it is depressed into 
watery hollows, where wild swans visit the pools, and storks are seen fish- 
ing and feeding among the weeds :* more frequently it is spread out into 
the broad open downs, like Salisbury Plain, which afford an interminable 
pasture for flocks of sheep. To the north of Pamphylia, the elevated 
plain stretches through Phrygia for a hundred miles from Mount Olympus © 
to Mount Taurus.’ The southern portion of these bleak uplands was 
crossed by St. Paul’s track, immediately before his arrival at Antioch, in 
Pisidia. The features of human life which he had around him are pro- 
bably almost as unaltered as the scenery of the country,—dreary villages 
with flat-roofed huts and cattle-sheds in the day, and at night an encamp- 
ment of tents of goats’ hair,—tents of cilzezwm (see p. 47),—a blazing fire 
in the midst,—horses fastened around,—and in the distance the moon 
shining on the snowy summits of Taurus.* 

The Sultan Tareek, or Turkish Royal Road from Adalia to Kiutayah 
and Constantinople, passes nearly due north by the beautiful lake of Bul- 
dur.’ The direction of Antioch in Pisidia bears more to the east. After 
passing somewhere near Selge and Sagalassus, St. Paul approached by 
the margin of the much larger, though perhaps not less beautiful, lake of 
Eyerdir.’ The position of the city is not far from the northern shore of 
this lake, at the base of a mountain range which stretches through Phrygia 


plain, ‘‘at least 50 miles long and 20 wide,” south of Kiutaya in Phrygia, is about 
6000 feet above the sea. Fell. A. M. p. 155. This may be overstated, but the plain of 
Erzeroum is quite as much, 

1 We shall have occasion to mention the salt lakes hereafter. 

3 The two lakes of Buldur and Eyerdir are mentioned below. Both are described as 
very beautiful. The former is represented in the Map to the south of Lake Ascania, 
the latter is the large lake to the south of Antioch. That of Buldur is slightly brakish, 
Hamilton, τ. 494. 

3“ March 27 (near Kiutaya).—I counted 180 storks fishing or feeding in one small 
swampy place not an acre in extent. The land here is used principally for breeding 
and grazing cattle, which are to be seen in herds of many hundreds.” Fell. Asia 
Minor, p. 155. ‘“ May 8.—The shrubs are the rose, the barbary, and wild almond, but 
all are at present fully six weeks later than those in the country we have lately passed. 
I observed on the lake many stately wild swans, (near Almalee, 3000 feet above the 
gea).”’—Fell. Lycia, p. 228. 

4 We shall have occasion to return presently to this character of much of the inte 
rior of Asia Minor when we come to the mention of Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 6), 

5 Fellows’ Asia Minor, p. 155, &c. 

6 See Fellows’ Asia Minor, p. 177, and especially the mention of the goats’ hair tents, 

7 See above, n. 2. 

8 See the descriptions in Arundell’s Asia Minor, ch. xiii., and especially ch. xv. It 
is singular that this sheet of water is unnoticed by the classical writers. Mr. Arundel] 
is of opinion that it is the lake Pusgusa mentioned by Nicetas in his account of the war 
of John Commenus with the Turks of Iconium (Bonn. Ed. p. 50), 


SITUATION OF ANTIOCH. 164 


m a south-easterly direction. It is, however, not many years since the 
statement could be confidently made. Strabo, indeed, describes its posi- 
tion with remarkable clearness and precision. His words are as follows :— 
“Tn the district of Phrygia called Paroreia, there is ἃ certain mountain. 
ridge, stretching from east to west. On each side there is a large plain 
below this ridge: and it has two cities in its neighbourhood ; Philome- 
lium on the north, and on the other side Antioch, called Antioch near 
Pisidia. The former lies entirely in the plain, the latter (which has a 
Roman colony) is on a height.”! With this description before him, and 
taking into account certain indications of distance furnished by ancient 
authorities, Colonel Leake, who has perhaps done more for the elucidation 
of Classical Topography than any other man, felt that Ak-Sher, the posi- 
tion assigned to Antioch by D’Anville and other geographers, could not 
be the true place: Ak-Sher is on the north of the ridge, and the position 
could not be made to harmonise with the Tables.* But he was not in 
possession of any information which could lead him to the true position ; 
and the problem remained unsolved till Mr. Arundell started from Smyrna, 
in 1833, with the deliberate purpose of discovering the scene of St. Paul’s 
labours. He successfully proved that Ak-Sher is Philomelium, and that 
Antioch is at Jalobatch, on the other side of the ridge. The narrative 
of his successful journey is very interesting: and every Christian ought to 
sympathise in the pleasure with which, knowing that Antioch was seventy 
miles from Apamea, and forty-five miles from Apollonia, he first succeeded 
in identifying Apollonia ; and then, exactly at the right distance, per 
ceived, in the tombs near a fountain, and the vestiges of an ancient road, 
sure indications of his approach to a ruined city ; and then saw, across 
the plain, the remains of an aqueduct at the base of the mountain ; and, 
finally, arrived at Jalobatch, ascended to the elevation described by 
Strabo, and felt, as he looked on the superb ruins around, that he was 
“really on the spot consecrated by the labours and persecution of the 
Apostles Paul and Barnabas.” # 

The position of the Pisidian Antioch being thus determined by the 
convergence of ancient authority and modern investigation, we perceive 
that it lay on an important line of communication, westward by Apamea 

1‘H παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν, ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν. 
ταύτῃ δ᾽ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκε τὶ πεδίον μέγα, καὶ πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον 
μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ ϑατέρου δὲ μέρους ’᾿Αντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη " ἡ μὲν, ἐν 
revi κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ' ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἐποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. xii. 8. 

Re Leake’s Asia Minor, p. 41. The same diffioulties were perceived by Mannert, 
Ἷ 3 See Arundell’s Asia Minor, ch. xii. xiii. xiy. and the view. There is also a view 
in Laborde. The opinion of Mr. Arundell is fully confirmed by Mr. Hamilton. Re 


searches in Asia Minor, vol. τ. ch. xxvii. The aqueduct conveyed water to the town 
from the Sultan Dagh (Strabo’s ὀρεινη ῥάχις) 


170 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


with the valley of the Meander, and eastward by Iconium with the cyan 
try behind the Taurus. In this general direction, between Smyrna and 
Ephesus on the one hand, and the Cilician Gates which lead down te 
Tarsus on the other, conquering armies and trading caravans, Persian 
ratraps, Roman proconsuls, and Turkish pachas, have travelled for centu- 
ries. The Pisidian Antioch was situated about half-way between these 
2xtreme points. It was built (as we have seen in an earlier chapter, IV. 
p: 122) by the founder of the Syrian Antioch ; and in the age of the 
Greek kings of the line of Seleucus it was a town of considerable impor- 
tance. But its appearance had been modified, since the campaigns of 
Scipio and Manlius, and the defeat of Mithridates,’ by the introduction of 
Roman usages, and the Roman style of building. This was true to a 
certain extent, of all the larger towns of Asia Minor: but this change 
had probably taken place in the Pisidian Antioch, more than in many cities 
of greater importance ; for, like Philippi,? it was a Roman Colonia.‘ 
Without delaying, at present, to explain the full meaning of this term, we 
may say that the character impressed on any town in the Empire which 
had been made subject to military colonisation was particularly Roman, 
and that all such towns were bound by a tie of peculiar closeness to the 
Mother City. The insignia of Roman power were displayed more con- 
spicuously than in other towns in the same province. In the provinces 
where Greek was spoken, while other towns had Greek letters on their 
coins, the money of the colonies was distinguished by Latin superscriptions. 
Antioch must have had some eminence among the eastern colonies, for it 
was founded by Augustus, and called Caesarea.’ Such coins as thase 


COIN OF ANT. PIs.° 


» millustration cf this we may refer to the caravan routes and Persian military 
xueds 85 indicated in Kieppert’s Hellas, to Xenophon’s Anabasis, to Alexander’s cam- 
pargn and Cicero’s progress, to the invasion of Tamerlane, and the movements of the 
Turkish and Egyptian armies in 1832 and 1833. 

3 See p. 14. 8. Acts xvi. 12. 

4 "Ἔχουσα ἐποικίαν ‘Pouaiwy : Strabo xii. 8. Pisidarum colonia Caesarea, eadem 
Antiochia: Plin. N. H. v. 24. In Pisidia juris Italici est colonia Antiochensium: 
Paulus in Digest. Lib. 1. tit. xv. (de colonis et jure Italico). 

5 We should learn this from the inscription on the coins, COL. CBS. ANTIOCHLA, 

6 From the British Museum. 


"HR SYNAGOGUE. 17} 


com oF axt. rir.) 


deseribed and represented on this page, were in circulation here, though 
not at Perga or Iconium, when St. Paul visited these cities: and, more 
than at any other city visited on this journey, he would hear Latin spoken 
side by side with the Greek, and the ruder Pisidian dialect.’ 

Along with this population of Greeks, Romans, and native Pisidians, 
a greater or smaller number of Jews was intermixed. They may not have 
been a very numerous body, for only one synagogue? is mentioned in the 
narrative. But it is evident, from the events recorded, that they were an 
influential body, that they had made many proselytes, and that they had 
obtained some considerable dominion (as in the parallel cases of Damascus 
recorded by Josephus,‘ and Berea and Thessalonica in the Acts of the 
Apostles*) over the minds of the Gentile women. 

On the sabbath days the Jews and the proselytes met in the syna- 
gogue, It is evident that at this time full liberty of public worship was 
permitted to the Jewish people in ail parts of the Roman empire, what« 
ever limitations might have been enacted by law or compelled by local 
opposition, as relates to the form and situation of the synagogues. We 
infer from Epiphanius that the Jewish places of worship were often erected 
in open and conspicuous positions.© This natural wish may frequently 


if we did not learn it from Pliny, quoted in the preceding note. Mr. Hamilton found an 
inseription at Yalobatch, with the letters ANTIOCH EAE CAESARE. (p. 474.) 

1 From the British Museum. 

2 Strabo, speaking of Cibyra in Lycia, says, τέτταρσι γλώτταις ἐχρῶντο οἱ Κιθυράται, 
τῇ Πισιδικῇ, τῇ Σολύμων, τῇ EAAnVisL, τῇ Λυδῶν. xiii. 4. Again, he mentions thirteen 
“barbarous ” tribes as opposed to the Grecks, and among these the Pisidiars. xiv. 5. 

. We shall have to return to this subject of language again, in speaking of the speech of 
Lycaonia.” Acts xiv. 11. 
3 See remarks on Salamis, p. 141. 
« The people of Damascus were obliged to use caution in their scheme of assassins 
sting the Jews ;—2dedoixecav γὰρ τὰς ἑαυτῶν γυναῖκας ἁπάσας πλὴν ὀλίγων imnypevesg 
τῇ lovdaixg ϑρησκείᾳ. B. J. ii. 20, 2. 

5 Acts xvii. 4. 12. 

6 He is speaking of the synagogue at Nablous, and says: Προσευχῆς τύπος ἐν Lunt 
pore, ἐν TH νυνὶ καλουμένῃ Νεαπόλει, ἐξω τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῇ πεδιάδι ὡς ἀπὸ σημείων δύο, 
ϑεατροειδὴς, οὕτως ἐν ἀέρι καὶ αἰθρίῳ τόπῳ ἐστὶ κατασκιυασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Σαμαρειτῶν 


172 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


have been checked by the influence of the heathen priests, who would rot 
willingly see the votaries of an ancient idolatry forsaking the temple for 
the synagogue : and feelings of the same kind may probably have hindered 
the Jews, even if they had the ability or desire, from erecting religious 
edifices of any remarkable grandeur and solidity. No ruins of the syna- 
gogues of imperial times have remained to us, like those of the temples in 
every pr¢evince, from which we are able to convince ourselves of the very 
form and size of the sanctuaries of Jupiter, Apollo, and Diana. ‘There is 
little doubt that the sacred edifices of the Jews have been modified by 
the architecture of the remote countries through which they have been 
dispersed, and the successive centuries through which they have coutinued 
a separate people. Under the Roman Empire it is natural to suppose 
that they must have varied, according to circumstances, through all grada- 
tions of magnitude and decoration, from the simple prosewcha at Philippi? 
to the magnificent prayer-houses at Alexandria.’ Yet there are certain 
traditional peculiarities which have doubtless united together by a com- 
mon resemblance the Jewish synagogues of all ages and countries. 
The arrangement for the women’s places in a separate gallery, or behind 
a partition of lattice-work,—the desk in the centre, where the Reader, 
like Ezra in ancient days, from his “ pulpit of wood,” may “ open the 
book in the sight of all the people... and read in the book the law of 
God distinctly, and give the sense, and cause them to understand the 
reading,” ‘—the carefully closed Ark on the one side of the building near- 
est to Jerusalem, for the preservation of the rolls or manuscripts of the 
Law,°—the seats all round the building, whence “the eyes of all them 
that are in the synagogue” may be “ fastened” on him who speaks,’— 
the “ chief seats,” which were appropriated to the ‘“‘ruler” or “rulers” of 
the synagogue, according as its organisation might be more or less com- 
plete, and which were so dear to the hearts of those who professed to be 
πάντα τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων μιμουμένων. -- αν. Ιχχχ. 1. Frequently they were built by the 
wuterside for the sake of ablution. Compare Acts xvi. 13 with Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 28, 

1 Acts xvi. 13. The question of the identity or difference of the proseucha and 
synagogue will be considered hereafter. Probably προσευχὴ is a general term. See 
σαν. Sat. iii. 296. Joseph. Vit. § 54. We find in Philo the words προσευκτήριον (de 
Vit. Mos. iii. 685) and συναγώγιον (Legat. p. 1035). 

3 See Philo Legat. ad Cai. p. 1011. 

3 Besides the works referred to in the notes to Ch. 11., Allen’s “ Modern Judaism” 
and Bernard’s “ Synagogue and Church”? may be consulted with advantage on subjects 
connected with the synagogue. 


4 See Philo, as referred to by Winer. 5 Nehem. viii. 4-8. 

6 This “ Armarium Judaicum” is mentioned by Tertullian. De Cultu Foem. i. 3. 

7 See Luke iv. 20. 

8 These πρωτοκαθέδριαι (Mat. xxiii. 6) seem to have faced the rest of the congrega-- 
tion. See Jam. ii. 3. 

9 Apytovvaywyéc, Luke xiii. 14. Acts xviii. 8.17. πρεσθύτεροι, Tastee vii. ὃ. dpyes 
συναγωγοί, Mark v.22. Acts xiii.15. Some are of opinion that the smaller syragogue 


THE SYNAGOGUE. 173 


peculiany learned or peculiarly devout,—these are some of the features 
of a synagogue, which agree at once with the notices of Scripture, the 
descriptions in the Talmud, and the practice of modern Judaism. 

The meeting of the congregations in the ancient synagogues may be 
easily realised, if due allowance be made for the change of costume, by 
those who have seen the Jews at their worship in the large towns of 
Modern Europe. On their entrance into the building, the four-cornered 
Tallith ! was first placed like a veil over the head, or like a scarf over the 
shoulders. The prayers were then recited by an officer called the ‘ An- 
gel,” or “ Apostle,” of the Assembly.* These prayers were doubtless 
many of them identically the same with those which are found in the pre- 
sent service-books of the German and Spanish Jews, though their litur- 
gies, in the course of ages, have undergone successive developments, the 
steps of which are not easily ascertained. It seems that the prayers were 
sometimes read in the vernacular language? of the country where the 
synagogue was built; but the Law was always read in Hebrew. The 
sacred roll‘ of manuscript was handed from the Ark to the Reader by the 
Chazan, cr “Minister ;”* and then certain portions were read according 
to a fixed cycle, first from the Law and then from the Prophets. It is 
impossible to determine the period when the sections from these two 
divisions of the Old Testament were arranged as in use at present ;° but 
the same necessity for translation and explanation existed then as now 
The Hebrew and English are now printed in parallel columns. Then, the 
reading of the Hebrew was elucidated by the Targum or the Septuagint, 
or followed by a paraphrase in the spoken language of the country.’ 
The Reader stood’ while thus employed, and all the congregation sat 
around. The manuscript was rolled up and returned to the Chazan.° 


had one “ruler,” the larger many. It is more probable that the “chief ruler’ with 
the “ elders” formed a congregational council, like the kirk-session in Scotland. 

1 The use of the Tallith is said to have arisen from the Mosaic commandment direct- 
ing that fringes should be worn on the four corners of the garment. 

2 “R. Gamaliel dicit : Legatus ecclesie fungitur officio pro omnibus, et officio hos 
rite perfunctus omnes ab obligatione liberat.”” Vitringa, who compares Rev. ii. 1. 

3 See Winer’s Realiworterbuch, art. Synagogen. 

4 See the words ἀναπτύξας and πτύξας, Luke iv. 17, 20. In 1 Mac. iii. 48 the phrase 
is ἐξεπέτασαν τὸ βίθλιον τοῦ νόμου. 

5 Luke iv. 17, 20. 

6 A full account both of the Paraschioth or Sections of the Law, and the Haphta- 
roth or Sections of the Prophets, as used both by the Portuguese and German Jews, 
may be seen in Horne’s Introductiun, vol. iii. pp. 254-258. 

7 See pp. 35, 36. In Palestine the Syro-Chaldaic language would be used ; in the 
Dispersion, usually the Greek. Lightfoot (Exerc. on Acts) seems to think that the 
Pisidian language was used here. See the passage of Strabo quoted above. 

8 ’Avactac, Acts xiii. 16. On the other hand, ἐκάθισε is said of Our Lord’s sclemr 
teaching, Luke iv. 20. 

® See Luke iv. 20. 


174 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


Then followed a pause, during which strangers or learned men, who had 
“any word of consolation” or exhortation, rose and addressed the meet 
ing. And thus, after a pathetic enumeration of the sufferings of the 
chosen people! or an allegorical exposition ? of some dark passage of Holy 
Writ, the worship was closes. with a benediction and a solemn ‘‘ Amen.” 2 

To such a worship in such a building a congregation came together at 
Antioch in Pisidia, on the sabbath which immediately succeeded the arri- 
val of Paul and Barnabas. Proselytes came and seated themselves with 
the Jews : and among the Jewesses behind the lattice were “‘ honourable 
women” 4 of the colony. The two strangers entered the synagogue, and, 
wearing the Tallith, which was the badge of an Israelite,’ “ sat down” ® 
with the rest. The prayers were recited, the extracts from ‘the Law 
and the Prophets” were read ;7 the “ Book” returned to the ‘‘ Minis- 
ter,”® and then we are told that “the rulers of the synagogue” sent to 
the new comers, on whom many eyes had already been fixed, and invited 
them to address the assembly, if they had words of comfort or instruction 
‘to speak to their fellow Israelites.» The very attitude of St. Paul, as he 
answered the invitation, is described to us. He “rose” from his seat, and 
with the animated and emphatic gesture which he used on other occa- 
sions,” ‘‘ beckoned with his hand.” # 

After thus graphically bringing the scene before our eyes, St. Luke 
gives us, if not the whole speech delivered by St. Paul, yet at least the 
substance of what he said. For into however short a space he may hare 
condensed the speeches which he reports, yet it is no mere outline, no dry 
analysis of them which he gives. He has evidently preserved, if not ail 
the words, yet the very words uttered by the Apostle ; nor can we fail to 
recognise in all these speeches a tone of thought, and even of expression, 
which stamps them with the individuality of the speaker. 

On the present occasion we find St. Paul beginning his address by 
connecting the Messiah whom he preached, with the preparatory dispen- 
sation which ushered in His advent. He dwells upon the previous history 
οἵ the Jewish people, for the same reasons which had led St. Stephen to 

1 The sermon in the synagogue in “Helon’s pilgrimage” is conceived in the true 
Jewish feeling. Compare the address of St. Stephen. 

3. We see how an inspired Apostle uses allegory. Gal. iv. 21-31. 

3: See Neh. viii. 6. 1 Cor. xiv. 16. 4 Acts xiii. 50. 

5 “As Tentered the synagogue [at Blidah in Algeria], they offered me a Tallith, 
saying in French, ‘ Etes-vous Israelite?’ I could not wear the Tallith, but I opened 
my English Bible and sat down, thinking of Paul and Barnabas at Antioch in Pisidia.¥ 
—Hxtract from a private journal. 

® Acts xiii. 14. 7 Acts xiii. 15. 8 Luke iv. 20. 

9 Adyoc παρακλήσεως. Acts xiii. 15. 

1 Ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα. Acts xsvi. 1, Κατέσεισε τῇ χειρὶ τῷ λαῷ. xxi. 48. A 


κεῖρες αὗται. xx. 34, 
Acts xiii. 10. 


ADDRESS TO THE JEWS. 175 


dio the like in his defence before the Sanhedrin. He endeavours to con 
ciliate the minds of his Jewish audience by proving to them that the Mes 
siah whom he proclaimed, was the same whereto their own prophets bare 
witness ; come, not to destroy the law, but to fulfil ; and that His advent 
had been duly heralded by His predicted messenger. He then proceeds 
to remove the prejudice which the rejection of Jesus by the authorities 
at Jerusalem (the metropolis of their faith) would naturally raise in the 
minds of the Pisidian Jews against His divine mission. He shows that 
Christ’s death and resurrection had accomplished the ancient prophecies, 
and declares this to be the “glad tiding” which the Apostles were 
charged to proclaim. ‘Thus far the speech contains nothing which could 
offend the exclusive spirit of Jewish nationality. On the contrary, St. 
Paul has endeavoured +o carry his hearers with him by the topics on 
which he has dwelt ; the Saviour whom he declares is “a Saviour untae 
Israel ;” the Messiah whom he announces is the fulfiller of the Law 
and the Prophets. But having thus conciliated their feelings, and 
won their favourable attention, he proceeds in a bolder tone, to declare 
the Catholicity of Christ’s salvation, and the antithesis between the Gos 
pel and the Law. His concluding words, as St. Luke relates them, 
might stand as a summary representing in outline the early chapters of 
the Epistle to the Romans . and therefore, conversely, those chapters will 
enable us to realise the manner in which St. Paul would have expanded 
the heads of argument which his disciple here records. The speech ends 
with a warning against the bigoted rejection of Christ’s doctrine, which 
this latter portion of the address was so likely to call forth. 

The following were the words (so far as they have been preserved to 
us) spoken by St. Paul on this memorable occasion :— 


‘“‘ Men of Israel, and ye, proselytes of the Gentiles, Sa Pee 
wao worship the God of Abraham, give audience. 


“The God of this people israel chose our fathers, 01’s choice of 
Israel to be His 


ad raised th int ighty i 7 + people, and of 
and raised them up into a mighty nation, when they people, and of 


τὸ Deere ey Sa eee 5 = rogenitor of 
dwelt as strangers in the land of Egypt; and with an Prognitor 


high arm brought He them out therefrom. And 
about the time of forty years, even as a nurse beareth her child, 
so bare He them! through the wilderness. And He destroyed 


1 The beauty of this metaphor has been lost to the authorized version on account of 
she reading (ἐτροποφόρησεν instead of ἐτροφοφόρησεν) adopted in the Textus Receptus. 
Griesbach, Scholz, and Lachman restored the latter reading, on the authority of the 
Uncial MSS., A.C. E. We regret to see that Tischendorf has reinstated the former 
reading (because it has a somewhat greater weight of MSS. of the Greek Testament in 
its favour), without taking into account the evident allusion to Deut. i. 31, where 
roogopopyoat is acknowl 2dged to be the correct reading. 


176 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUu. 


geven nations in the land of Canaan, and gave their land as a 
portion unto His people. And after that He gave unto them 
Judges about the space! of four hundred and fifty years, until 
Samuel the Prophet; then desired they a king, and He gave 
unto them Saul, the son of Cis, a man of the tribe of Benjamin, 
to rule them forty years. And when He had removed Saul, He 
raised up unto them David to be their king; to whom also He 
gave testimony, and said: 7 have found David, the son of Jesse, 
a man after my own heart, which shall fulfil all my will Of 
this man’s seed hath God, according to His promise, raised unte 
Israel a Saviour Jesus. 

John the Bap- “ And John was the messenger who went before His 
predicted fore- 706 3 to prepare His way before Him, and he preach- 
ἡγῇ ἢ ed the baptism of repentance to all the people of Is- 
rael. And as John fulfilled his course his‘ saying was, ‘ Whom 
think ye that I am? I am not He. But behold there 
cometh one after me whose shoes’ latchet I am not worthy to 
loose.’ 

The rulers of “Men and Brethren, whether ye be children of 


Jerusalem ful- 


filled the Pro-' the stock of Abraham, or proselytes of the Gentiles, to 
phets by caus- ie . . . 
ing the death you hath been sent the tiding of this salvation, which 


"αν Ὁ Jerusalem hath cast out: for the inhabitants thereof, 
and their rulers, because they knew Him not, nor yef the voices 
of the prophets which are read in their synagogues every Sab- 
bath day, have fulfilled the Scriptures in condemning Him. 
And though they found in Him no cause of death, yet desired 
they Pilate that He should be slain. And when they had ful- 
filled all which was written of Him, they took Him down from 


the tree, and laid Him in a sepulchre. 
Ee ΒΕΙΡΕΣΕΟ: “ But God raised Him from the dead. 


TION, 
Attested by “ And He was seen for many days: by them wno 


1 We need not trouble our readers with the difficulties which have been raised con- 
cerning the chronology of this passage. Supposing it could be proved that St. Paul’s 
knowledge of ancient chronology was imperfect, this need not surprise us; for there 
seems no reason to suppose (and we have certainly no right to assume ἃ prior?) that 
tlivine inspiration would instruct the Apostles in truth discoverable by uninspired 
research, and non-essential to their religious mission. 

3 Compare Ps. Ixxxix. 20, with 1 Sam. xiii. 14. 

3 Mal. iii. 1, as quoted Mat. xi. 10, not exactly after the LXX., but with πρὰ pu 
sdov introduced, as here, according to the literal translation of the Hebrew 4955. 

4 Observe ἔλεγε not ἔλεξε, and ἐπλήρου not ἐπλήρωσε. 


ADDRESS TO THE JEWS. Kit 


οὐ ap with [im from Galilee to Jerusalem, who many witness 
- Ἢ es. 
are now! His witnesses to the people of Israel.’ 


“ And while they? proclaim it in Jerusalem, we The Glad Tid 
? ing of the Apos 


declare unto you the same Glad Tiding concerning [165 is the an. 
nouncement 


the promise which was made to our fathers; even that Christ's 


resurrection 


that God hath fulfilled the same unto us their chil- μὰ Sie, 
dren, in that He hath raised up Jesus from the dead ;+ *** 

as it is also written in the second psalm, Zhou art my Son, this 
day have I begotten thee» And whereas He hath raised Him 
from the grave, no more to return unto corruption, He hath said 
on this wise, Zhe blessings of David will I give you, even the 
blessings which stand fast in holiness. Wherefore it is writ- 
ten also in another psalm, Zhou shalt not suffer thine Holy One 
to see corruption.’ Now David, after he had ministered in hig 
own generation to the will of God, fell asleep, and was laid unto 
his fathers, and saw corruption ; but He whom God raised from 
the dead saw no corruption. 

“ Be it known unto you, therefore, men and breth- cathoticity οἱ 
ren, that through this Jesus is declared unto you the fons Antitho: 
forgiveness of sins. And in Him all who have faith Gospel and the 
are justified from all transgressions, wherefrom in the a 
Law of Moses ye could not be justified.’ 

“ Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you which yinal warming, 
is spoken in the Prophets, Behold, ye despisers, and 
wonder, and perish ; for I work a work in your days, ὦ work 
which ye shall in no wise believe, though a man declare it unto 
you.” 


This address made a deep and thrilling impression on the audience. 
While the congregation were pouring out of the synagogue, many of 


1 This viv, which is here very important, is erroneously omitted by the Textus Re 
ceptus. 

3. Ὁ λαύς always means the Jewish people. 

3 Observe ἡμεῖς μας, emphatically contrasted with the preceding οἵτινες... πρὸς 
Tov λαῶν (Humphry). 

4 ᾿Αναστήσας scilicet ἐκ νεκρῶν (De Wette). We cannot agree with Mr. Humphry 
that i: can here (consistently with the context) have the same meaning as in vii. 37. 

SPs 1177: 

6 Tsaiah lv. 3; observe τὰ ὅσια, and compare with τὸν ὅσιον, which follows. 

7 Ps. xvi. 10. 

8 We are here reminded of the arguments of St. Peter on the day of Pentecost, jusf 
as the beginning of the speech recals that of St. Stephen before the Sanhedrin. Pog 
sibly, St. Paui himself had been an auditor of the first, as he certainly was of the last 

© Habak. i. 5. 

von. 1-12 


178 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


them! crowded τοῦ] the speaker, begging that ‘these words,” which 
had moved their deepest feelings, might be repeated to them on their next 
occasion of assembling together.” And when at length the mass of the 
people had dispersed, singly or in groups, to their homes, many of the 
Jews and proselytes still clung to Paul and Barnabas, who earnestly ex: 
horted them (in the form of expression which we could almost recognise 
as St. Paul’s, from its resemblance to the phraseology of his Epistles,) “ to 
abide in the grace of God.” 

“With what pleasure can we fancy the Apostles to have observed 
these hearers of the Word, who seemed to have heard it in such earnest. 
How gladly must they have talked with them,—entered into various points 
more fully than was possible in any public address,—appealed to them in 
various ways which no one can touch upon who is speaking +o a mixed 
multitude. Yet with all their pleasure and their hope, their knowledge 
of man’s heart must have taught them not to be over confident; and 
therefore they would earnestly urge them to continue in the grace of God ; 
to keep up the impression which had already outlasted their stay within 
the synagogue ;—to feed it, and keep it alive, and make it deeper and 
leeper, that it should remain with them for ever. What the issue was 
ve know not,—nor does that concern us,—only we may be sure that here, 
as in other instances, there were some in whom their hopes and endeavours 
were disappointed ; there were some in whom they were to their fullest 
extent realised.” 4 

The intervening week between this Sabbath and the next had not only 
its days of meeting in the synagogue,® but would give many opportunities 
for exhortation and instruction in private houses ; the doctrine would be 
noised abroad, and, through the proselytes, would come to the hearing of 
the Gentiles. So that “on the following Sabbath almost the whole city 
came together to hear the Word of God.” The synagogue was crowded.° 
Multitudes of Gentiles were there in addition to the proselytes. This was 


1 The words τὰ ἔθνη (“‘ Gentiles,’ Eng. Trans.) in the Textus Receptus have caused 
a great confusion in this passage. They are omitted in the best MSS. The authori- 
ties may be seen in Tischendorf. See below, p. 183, note. 

* ΤΆ is not quite certain whether we are to understand εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ σάθθεττον (xiii. 
42) to mean “the next Sabbath” (like τῷ ἐρχομένῳ σαθθάτῳ, v. 44), or some inter- 
mediate days of meeting during the week. The Jews were accustomed to meet in the 
synagogues on Monday and Thursday as well as on Saturday. Rabbinical authoritica 
attribute this arrangement to Ezra. These intermediate days (Zwischentage) were 
called puspssay prjas- Hence the Greek μεταξύ, used by the Hellenistic Jews, which 
Hesychius explains by μετ’ ὀλίγον, ἀνὰ μέσον. See Schottgen, Hore Hebraice, and 
Nork’s Rabbinische Quellen u. Parallelen, Leips. 1839. 

3 Ἔπειθον αὐτοὺς ἐπιμένειν TH χάριτι Tod Θεοῦ. xiii. 48, Compare Acts πὰ 2A 
Cor. xv. 10. 2Cor.vi.1. Gal. ii. 21. 

4 Dr. Arnold’s Twenty-fourth Sermon on the Interpretation of Scrivture. 

5 See above, note 2. ς Acta xiii. 44. 


PREACHING TO THE GENTILES. 119 


more than the Jews could bear. Their spiritual pride and exclusive 
bigotry was immediately roused. They could not endure the notion of 
others being freely admitted to the same religious privileges with them 
selves. This was always the sin of the Jewish people. Instead of realis: 
ing their position in the world as the prophetic nation for the good of the 
whole earth, they indulged the self-exalting opinion, that God’s highest 
blessings were only for themselves. Their oppressions and their disper: 
sions had not destroyed this deeply-rooted prejudice ; but they rather 
found comfort under the yoke, in brooding over their religious isolation . 
and even in their remote and scattered settlements, they clung with the 
utmost tenacity to the feeling of their exclusive nationality. Thus, in the 
Pisidian Antioch, they who on one Sabbath had listened with breathless 
interest to the teachers who spoke to them of the promised Messiah, were 
on the next Sabbath filled with the most excited indignation, when they 
found that this Messiah was ‘‘a light to lighten the Gentiles,” as well as 
“the glory of His people Israel.” They made an uproar, and opposed 
the words of Paul? with all manner of calumnious expressions, ‘“ contra- 
dicting and blaspheming.” 

And then the Apostles, promptly recognising in the willingness of the 
Gentiles and the unbelief of the Jews the clear indications of the path of 
duty, followed that bold? course which was alien to all the prejudices of a 
Jewish education. They turned at once and without reserve to the Gen- 
tiles. St. Paul was not unprepared for the events which called for this 
decision. The prophetic intimations at his first conversion, his vision in 
the Temple at Jerusalem, his experience at the Syrian Antioch, his recent 
success in the island of Cyprus, must have led him to expect the Gentiles 
to listen to that message which the Jews were too ready to scorn. The 
words with which he turned from his unbelieving countrymen were these : 
“Tt was needful that the Word of God should first be spoken unto you: 
but inasmuch as ye reject it, and deem yourselves unworthy of eternal 
life, lo! we turn to the Gentiles.” And then he quotes a prophetical 
passage from their own Sacred Writings. “ For thus hath the Lord com- 
manded us, saying, I have set thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou 
shouldest be for saivation to the ends of the earth.”* This is the first re 
corded instance of a scene which was often reenacted. It is the course 
which St. Paul himself defines in his Epistle to the Romans, when he de 
scribes the Gospel as coming first to the Jew and then to the Gentile 5° 

1 Τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Παύλου λεγομένοις, xiii. 45. This implies indirectly that Paul wad 
the “chief speaker,” as we are told, xiv. 12. 
. * Παῤῥησιασάμενοι. Compare ἐπαῤῥησιασάμεθα, 1 Thess. ii. 2, where the circum 
stances appear to have been very similar. 

3 Isai. xlix. 6, quoted with a slight variation from the LXX. See Isai ΣΝ @ 


uuke ii. 32. 
4 Rom. i.16. ii. 9. Compare xi. 12, 25. 


180 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


and it is the course which he followed himself on various cecasions of hia 
life. at Corinth,' at Hphesus,? and at Rome.’ 

That which was often obscurely foretold in the Old Testament,—that 
chose should “seek after God who knew Him not,” and that He should 
ve honoured hy ‘‘ those who were not a people ;” 4—that which had al- 
ready seen its first fulfilment in isolated cases during Our Lord’s life, as in 
the centurion and the Syrophenican woman, whose faith had no parallel 
in all the people of “ Israel :”®—that which had received an express ac- 
complishment through the agency of two of the chiefest of the Apostles, in 
Cornelius, the Roman officer at Ceesarea, and in Sergius Paulus, the Roman 
governor at Paphos,—began now to be realised on a large scale in a whole 
community. While the Jews blasphemed and rejected Christ, the Gen- 
tiles ‘‘rejoiced and glorified the Word of God” The counsels of God 
were not frustrated by the unbelief of His chosen peopie. A new “ Is 
vael,” a new “‘ election,” succeeded to the former. A church was formed 
of united Jews and Gentiles ; and all who were destined to enter the path 
of eternal life? were gathered into the Catholic® brotherhood of the 
hitherto separated races. The synagogue had rejected the inspired mis- 
sionaries, but the apostolic instruction went on in some private house or 
public building belonging to the heathen. And gradually the knowledge 
of Christianity began to be disseminated through the whole vicinity.® 

The enmity of the Jews, however, was not satisfied by the expulsion 
of the Apostles from the synagogue. What they could not accomplish 
hy violence and calumny, they succeeded in effeeting by a pious intrigue. 
‘That influence of women in religious questions, to which our attention will 
be repeatedly called hereafter, is here for the first time brought before our 
notice in the sacred narrative of St. Paul’s life. Strabo, who was inti- 
mately acquainted with the social position of the female sex in the towns 
of Western Asia, speaks in strong terms of the power which they possessed 
and exercised in controlling and modifying the religious opinions cf the 
men.’? This general fact received one of its most striking illustrations in 


1 Acts xviii. 6. 2 Acta xix. 9. 
3 Acts xxviii. 28, 4 See Hosea i. 10. ii. 23, as quoted in Rom. ix. 25, 26. 
5 Mat. viii. 5-10. xv. 21-28. 6 See Rom. xi. 7, and Gal. vi. 16. 


7 Exiorevoav ὅσοι ἧσαν τεταγμένοι. εἰς Conv αἰώνιον. xiii. 48. It is well known that 
this passage has been made the subject of much controversy with reference to the doe- 
trine of predestination. Its bearing on the question is very doubtful. See how 
διατεταγμένος is used, Acts xx. 13. On the other hand, see τὸ διαδεταγμένον, Luka 
fii. 13, and tevayuéva:, Rom. xiii. 1. For Markland’s translation, “ fidem professi sunt, 
guotquot (tempus, diem) constituerant, in yitam eeternam,” see Winer’s Grammatik, 
p. 304. . 

8 Mr. Tate (Cont. Hist. p. 19) says, that this was “ the first Christian church, gathered , 
in part from among the idolatrous Gentiles.” This is on the supposition that tha 
"EAAnvec (Acts xi. 20, 21) were all “ Greek prosely tes.” 9 Acts xiii. 49. 

Ἰολλπαντες τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀρχηγοὺς οἴονται τῶς γυναῖκας" αὗται δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρα 


JOURNEY TOWARD LYCAONIA. 181 


υἷι case of Judaism. We have already more than once alluded to the ine 
fluence of the female proselytes at Damascus:! and the good services 
which women contributed towards the early progress of Christianity is 
abundantly known both from the Acts and the Epistles.2 Here they ap- 
pear in a position less honourable, but not less influential. The Jews con- 
trived, through the female proselytes at Antioch, to win over to their 
cause some ladies of high respectability, and through them to gain the ear 
of men who occupied a position of eminence in the city. Thus a system 
atic persecution was excited against Paul and Barnabas. Whether the 
supreme magistrates of the colony were induced by this unfair agitation te 
pass a sentence of formal banishment, we are not informed ;* but for the 
present the Apostles were compelled to retire from the colonial limits: 

In cases such as these, instructions had been given by our Lord Him- 
self how His Apostles were to act. During His life on earth, He had 
said to the Twelve, ‘‘ Whosoever shall not receive you, nor hear you, when 
ye depart thence, shake off the dust under your feet for a testimony 
against them. Verily, I say unto you, it shall be more tolerable for 
Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of judgment, than for that city.”* And 
while Paul and Barnabas thus fulfilled Our Lord’s words, shaking off 
from their feet the dust of the dry and sunburnt road,’ in token of God’s 
judgment on wilful unbelievers, and turning their steps eastwards in the 
direction of Lycaonia, another of the sayings of Christ was fulfilled, in 
the midst of those who had been obedient to the faith: “ Blessed are ye, 
when men shall revile you and persecute you, and shall say all manner of 
evil against you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice and be exceeding glad: 
for great is your reward in heaven; for so persecuted they the prophets 
which were before you.”€ Even while their faithful teachers were re- 
moved from them, and travelling across the bare uplands’? which separate 
προκαλοῦνται, πρὸς τὰς ἐπὶ πλέον ϑεραπείας τῶν ϑεῶν, καὶ ἑορτὰς καὶ ποτνιασμοὺς. 
vii. 3. ᾿ 

1 See above, p. 19, and p. 171, n. 4. 

7 See Acts xvi. 14. xvii. 2. Philipp. iv. 3. 1 Cor. vii. 16. 

3 We should rather infer the contrary, since they revisited the place on their return 
from Derbe (xiv. 21). 

4 Mark vi. 11. Matt. x. 14,15. Luke ix. 5. For other symbolical acts expressing 
the same thing, see Nehem. vy. 13. Acts xviii. 6. It was taught in the schools of the 
Scribes that the dust of a heathen land defiled by the touch. Lightf. on Mact. x. 14, 
and Harm. of N.T., Acts xiv. Hence the shaking of the dust off the feet implied 
that the city was regarded as profane. 

5 “Literally may they have shaken off the dust of their feet, for even now (Nov. 9) 
the roads abound with it, and in the summer months it must be a plain of dust.” 
Arundell’s Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 319. 

6 Matt. v. 11, 12. 

7 Leake approached Iconium from the northern side of the mountains which separate 


Antioch from Philomelium (see p. 169). He says: “(On the descent from a ridga 
hranching eastward from these mountains, we came in sight of the vast plain around 


182 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


Antioch from {he plain of Iconium, the disciples of the former city re 
ceived such manifest tokens of the love of God, and the power of the 
“ Holy Ghost,” that they were “ filled with joy” in the midst of perse 
cution. 

Tconium has obtained a place in history far more distinguished than that 
of the Pisidian Antioch. It is famous as the cradle of the rising power of 
‘he conquering Turks.'. And the remains of its Mahomedan architecture 
still bear a conspicuous testimony to the victories and strong government 
of a tribe of Tartar invaders. But there are other features in the view of 
modern Aonich which to us are far more interesting. ΤῸ the traveller in 
the footsteps of St. Paul, it is not the armorial bearings of the Knights of 
St. John, carved over the gateways in the streets of Rhodes, which arrest 
the attention, but the ancient harbour and the view across the sea to the 
opposite coast. And at Konieh his interest is awakened, not by minarets 
and palaces and Saracenic gateways, but by the vast plain and the distant 
mountains.’ 

These features remain what they were in the first century, while the 
town has been repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt, and its architectural 
character entirely altered. Little, if anything, remains of Greek or Ro- 
man Iconium, if we except the ancient inscriptions and the fragments of 
sculptures which are built into the Turkish walls? At a late period of the 
Empire it was made a Colonia, like its neighbour, Antioch: but it was 
not so in the time of St. Paul.t There is no reason to suppose that its 


Konieh, and of the lake which occupies the middle of it ; and we saw the city with ita 
mosqiies and ancient walls, still at the distance of twelve or fourteen miles from us.” 
p. 45. Ainsworth travelled in the same direction, and says: “We travelled three 
hours along the plain of Konieh, always in sight of the city of the Sultans of Roum, 
before we reached it.” Tray. in Asia Minor, u. p. 58. P. Lucas, who approached 
from Eregli, beyond Lystra and Derbe (see below), speaks of Iconium as “ presque au 
bout de la plaine.”” Second Voyage, ch. xx. 

1 Tconium was the capital of the Seljukian Sultans, and ‘had a great part in the 
growth of the Ottoman empire. 

3. “Konieh extends to the east and south over the plain far beyond the walls, which 
are about two miles in circumference. .... Mountains covered with snow rise on 
every side, excepting towards the east, where a plain, as flat as the desert of Arabia, 
extends far beyond the reach of the eye.” Capt. Kinneir. 

3 “The city wall is said to have been erected by the Seljukian Sultans: it seems to 
have been built from the ruins of more ancient buildings, as broken columns, capitals, 
pedestals, bas-reliefs, and other pieces of sculpture, contribute towards its construction. 
It has eighty gates, of a square form, each known by a separate name, and, as well as 
most of the towers, embellished with Arabic inscriptions. . . . I observed a few Greek 
characters on the walls, but they were in so elevated a situation that I could nct de. 
cypher them.” Capt. Kinneir. See Col. Leake’s description; and also the recently 
published work of Col. Chesney (1850) on the Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 348, 349, 

4 Hence we have placed this coin of Iconium in the note, lest the Latin letters and 
the word COL. should lead the reader to suppose its political condition in the time of 

St. Paul resembled that of Antioch in Pisidia. (See p. 170, note.) These coins were 


ICONIUM. 183 


character was different from that of the other important towns on the 
principal lines of communication through Asia Minor. ‘The clements of its 
population would be as follows :—a large number of trifling and frivolous 
Greeks, whose principal places of resort would be the theatre and the 
market-place ; some remains of a still older population, coming in eccasicn: 
ally from the country, or residing in a separate quarter of the town : some 
few Roman officials, civil or military, holding themselves proudly aloof 
from the inhabitants of the subjugated province ; and an old established 
colony of Jews, who exercised their trade during the weck, and met on the 
Sabbath to read the law in the Synagogue. 

The same kind of events took place here as in Antioch, and almost in 
the same order.! The Apostles went first to the Synagogue, and the 
effect of their discourses there was such, that great numbers both of the 
Jews and Greeks (7. 6. proselytes or heathens, or both’) believed the Gos- 
pel. The unbelieving Jews raised up an indirect persecution by exciting 
the minds of the Gentile population against those who received the Chris- 
tian doctrine. But the Apostles persevered and lingered in the city some 
considerable time, having their confidence strengthened by the miracles? 
which God worked through their instrumentality, in attestation of the 
truth of His Word. There is an apocryphal narrative of certain events 
assigned to this residence at Iconium :4 and we may innocently adopt so 


COIN OF ICONIUM, 


not found before the reign of Gallienus, and Iconium is not mentioned by any writer 
88 ἃ Colonia; hence Mannert (p. 195) conjectures that it was made a garrison-town 
and took the title as an empty honour. Mythological derivations were suggested by 
the ancients for the name: thus it was said that after the deluge Prometheus and 
Minerva made images of clay (εἰκόνια), and breathed life into them. Hence, says 
Stephanus Byzantinus, it ought to be written Εἰκόνιον (ἔδει διὰ διφθόγγου), as % 14 
sometimes on coins. Another story (Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg. v. 856) is connected 
with an image of Medusa set up by Perseus. For the relation of the city to Lycaonia 
in Phrygia, see below, p. 186, n. 3. 

1 See Acis xiv. 1-5. 

* Perhaps Ἑλλήνων (v. 1) may mean “ prosclytes,” as opposed to “ Gentiles,” 
ἐθνῶν (ν. 2). 

3 The distinct appeal to miracles (vy. 3) should be especially noticed. 

‘ It would have been a mischievous confusion of history and legend tc have intro. 
duced St. Thecla of Iconium into the text. But her story has so prominent a place in 
nll Roman Catholic histories, that it cannot be altogether omitted. Sce Barouius (sul 
anno 47), Fleury (τ. 28), and Rohrbacher (Hist. de VEgl. Cath., liv. xxv.), who write 


184 ΤῊΝ LIFE AND EDPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


much of the legendary story, as to imagine St. Paul preaching long and 
late to crowded congregations, as he did afterwards at Assos,! and his 
enemies bringing him before the civil authorities, with the cry that he was 
disturbing their households by his sorcery, or with complaints like those at 


as if the “Acta Paulie} Thecle” rested on the same foundation with the inspired nar. . 
tative of the “Acts of the Apostles.” These apocryphal Acts were edited by Grabe 
(Spicil. vol. i.) in Greek and Latin from MSS. in the Bodleian Library. They are also 
fn the Bibliotheca Patrum., vol 1., and they are noticed by Fabricius, Cod. Apoc. N. T 
vol. ii. In Jones on the Canon (vol. ii. p. 353-403) they are given both in Greek and 
Noglish. 

The outline of the story is as follows. On the arrival of St. Paul at Iconium, Thecla 
was betrothed to Thamyris. To his despair, and to the mother’s perplexity, she for- 
gets her earthly attachments, and remains night and day at a window, riveted by the 
preaching of St. Paul, which she hears in a neighbouring house (ἐπὶ τῆς ϑυρίδος τῆς 
οἴκου αὐτῆς καθεσθεῖσα ἀπὸ τῆς σύνεγγυς ϑυρίδος ἤκουεν νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας τὸ λεγόμενον 
ὑπὸ tod IlatAov, Grabe, p. 97; and again, ὡς ἀράχνη ἐπὶ τῆς ϑυρίδος δεδεμένη, τοῖς 
Παύλου λογοις κρατεῖται, p. 98). [Cf Acts, xx. 9.1] By the contrivance of the false 
disciples, Demas and Hermogenes, (who say that they will Ῥτουθ the resurrection of 
those who know God to consist in their offspring,—d:da$ με ὅτι ἣν λέγει οὗτος ἀνά- 
στασιν γένεσθαι, ἤδη γέγονεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχομεν τέκνοις, καὶ ἀνέστημεν, ϑεὸν ἐπιγνόντες, 
p. 101). [See 2 Tim.i, 1ὅ. iv. 10, also ii. 18.] St. Paul is brought before Castellius 
the Proconsul, and by his orders, with cries of Μάγος ἐστίν " ἄπαγε τὸν payor cast into 
prison. Thecla bribes the jailer with her ear-rings, visits the Apostle, and is instructed 
by him. St. Paul is scourged and banished. Thecla is condemned to be burnt, be- 
cause she refuses to marry Thamyris; but her life is saved by a miraculous earthquake 
and storm of rain. Meanwhile St. Paul, with Onesiphorus [2 Tim. i. 16], who had 
been his host at Iconium, is in a tomb on the road to Daphne. There he is rejoined 
by Thecla, and they travel together to Antioch. In consequence of the admiration of 
a certain citizen called Alexander, a scene similar to that on Abraham’s visit to Egypt 
is enacted; and ultimately Thecla is condemned to the wild beasts. But the lioness 
crouches at her feet, and the monsters in the water (al φῶκαι, p. 111), die when she 
enters it, and float to the surface. Thecla is thus preserved. A lady called Tryphena 
{Rom. xvi. 12], reccives her into her house and is instructed by her. Thecla rejoins 
St. Paul at Myra, in Lycia. Thence she travels to Iconium, where she finds Thamyris 
dead, and endeavours in vain to convert her mother. She goes by Daphne to Seleucia, 
and Jeads an ascetic life in the neighbourhood of that city. Here miracles rouse the 
jealousy of the physicians, but their conspiracy against her chastity is defeated 
Finally, she dies at the age of ninety, having left Iconium at eighteen. 

Though she was rescued from a violent death, Rohrbacher reckons her in the rank of 
Stephen as the first of the female martyrs. Grabe seems to be of opinion that the story 
has a basis of truth,—‘‘ argumentis nescio quomodo haud usquequaque sufficientibus 
ad narrationes adeo parum verisimiles lectori cordato pervadendas,” as Fabricius says 
Cod. Apoc. N. T. 11. p. 796. Jones criticises the whole document at great length, and 
decides strongly against the veracity of the story. It may be worth while to notice one 
etror in geography in the Greck narrative. St. Paul is said to have gone from Antioch 
to Iconium (as in the Acts) and Onesiphorus (who had been informed by Titus of the 
personal appearance of St. Paul) to have gone with his family to meet him on the royal 
road, which leads to Lystra (Grabe, p. 95). Now Lystrais on the contrary side of 
Teonium from Antioch. On tke whole, the mythical character of the narrative, what 
ever basis of truth it may have, is very apparent. 

Thecla is ofter alluded to by the Fathers, especially those of the fourth eentury,— 

[1 Acta xx. 7--11,] 


LYCAONIA. 183 


Philippi and Ephesus, that he was “ exceedingly troubling their city,” and 
“turning away much people.”! We learn from an inspired source? that 
the whole population of Iconium was ultimately divided into two great fac- 
tions (a common occurrence, on far less important occasions, in these cities 
of Oriental Greeks), and that one party took the side of the Apostles, the 
other of the Jews. But here, as at Antioch, the influential classes wera 
on the side of the Jews. A determined attempt was at last made to crush 
the Apostles, by loading them with insult and actually stoning them. 
Learning this wicked conspiracy, in which the magistrates themselves were 
involved,? they fled to some of the neighbouring districts of Lycaonia, 
where they might be more secure, and have more liberty in preaching the 
Gospel. ; 

It would be a very natural course for the Apostles, after the cruel 
treatment they had experienced in the great towns on a frequented route, 
to retire into a wilder district and among a ruder population. In any 
country, the political circumstances of which resemble those of Asia Minor 
under the early emperors, there must be many districts, into which the civ- 
ilisation of the conquering and governing people has hardly penetrated. 
We have an obvious instance in our Eastern presidencies, in the Hindoo 
villages which have retained their character without alteration, notwith- 
standing the successive occupations by Mahomedans and English. Thus, 
in the Eastern provinces of the Roman Empire there must have been many 
towns and villages where local customs were untouched, and where Greek, 
though certainly understood, was not commonly spoken. Such, perhaps, 
were the places which now come before our notice in the Acts of the 
Apostles,—small towns, with a rude dialect and primitive snperstition — 
‘“ Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia.” > 

The district of Lycaonia extends from the ridges of Mount Taurus and 
the borders of Cilicia, on the south; to the Cappadocian hills, on the 
north, It 15 ἃ bare and dreary region, unwatered by streams, though in 
parts tiable to occasional inundations. Strabo mentions one place where 
water was even sold for money. In this respect there must be a close re 
remblance between this country and large tracts of Australia. Nor is this 
the only particular in which the resemblance may be traced. Both regions 
afford excellent pasture for flocks of sheep, and give opportunities for ob- 


Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, Eusebius, Epiphaniaus, Chrysostom, Gregory of Nysva, 
and Gregory of Nazianzus. The references may be seen in Grabe and Jones, Tha 
passages adduced from Cyprian appear to be spurious, and some doubt rests on Tertull. 
de Bapt.c. 17. The life of Thecla was written in Greek verse by Basil of Seleucia - 
(pub. 1622, with Gregory Thaumaturgus). 

1 Acts xvi. 20. xix. 20. 2 Acts xiv. 4. 

3 Jt is impossible to determine exactly the meaning of ἄρχουσι. 

4 Acts xiv. 11, 12, &e. 5 Acts xiv. 6. 


180 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


taining lurge Hea βεῖοηα by trade in wool.' It was here, on tiz downs of 
Lycaonia, that Amyntas, while he yet led the life of a nomad cliief, before 
the time of his political elevation,’ fed his three hundred flocks. Of the 
whole district Iconium* was properly the capital: and the plain round 
Iconium may be reckoned as its great central space, situated midway be- 
tween Cilicia and Cappadocia. This plain is spoken of as the largest in 
Asia Minor. It is almost like the steppes of Great Asia, of which the 
Turkish invaders must often have been reminded,’ when they came to these 
level spaces in the west ; and the camels which convey modern travellers 
to and from Konieh, find by the side of their path tufts of salt and prickly 
herbage, not very dissimilar to that which grows in their native deserts.® 
Across some portion of this plain Paul and Barnabas travelled both 
before and after their residence in Iconinm. After leaving the high land 
to the north-west,’ during a journey of several hours before arriving at the 
city, the eye ranges freely over a vast expanse of level ground to the south 
and the east. The two most eminent objects in the view are the snowy 
summits of Mount Argeeus, rising high above all the intervening hills in 
the direction of Armenia,—and the singular mountain mass called the 
“ Kara-Dagh,” or “ Black Mount,” south-eastwards in the direction of 
Cilicia.s And still these features continue to be conspicuous, after Iconium 


1 Καίπερ ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα mpdbata ἐκτρέφει ϑαυμαστῶς, τραχείας δὲ ἐρέας " Kai 
τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστον πλούτον ἐκτήσαντο. Strabo xii. 6. He speaks also of 
“wild asses’? as roaming over the district. The rest of his description is as follows : 
Τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψελὰ Kal dvaypobora, ὑδάτων τε σπάνις πολλή" 
ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν, βαθύτατα φρέατα τῶν πάντων, κάθαπερ ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπον 
καὶ πιπράσκεται τὸ ὕδωρ... . ᾿λμύντας δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τριακοσίας ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις 
τούτοις. ... ᾽᾿Ενταῦθα δὲ που καὶ τὸ 'Ικόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον καὶ 
χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροφότου. ΤΠ λησιάζει δ᾽ ἤδη τούτοις τοῖς 
τόποις ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τῆν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους 
Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχείωτας. 

2'See above, Ch. 1. p. 23. 

3 See the Synecdemus of Hierocles. Steph. Byz. says it is—-xdnig Avxaoviag πρὸς 
τοῖς ὄροις τοῦ Ταύρου. Basil of Seleucia, in his life of St. Thecla, says: πόλις αὕτη 
Λυκαονίας, τῆς μὲν ᾿Εώας ob πολὺ ἀπέχουσα, τῇ δὲ ᾿Ασιανῶν μᾶλλόν τι προσορμίζουσα, 
καὶ τῆς Πισιδῶν καὶ Φρυγῶν χώρας ἐν προοιμίᾳ κειμένη. Xenophon, who is the first to 
mention Iconium, calls it “the last city of Phrygia” (τῆς Govyias πόλις ἐσχάτη, Anab 
t. 2, 19) in the direction of ‘‘ Lyeaonia.” 

4 See Leake, p. 93. 

5 The remark is made by Texier in his “‘ Asie Mineure.” 

6 Ainsworth (1. p. 68) describes the camels, as he crossed this plain, eagerly eating 
the tufts of Mesembryanthemum and Salicornia, “ reminding them of plains with whigh 
they were probably more familiar than those of Asia Minor.” The plain, however, is 
naturally rich. See Strabo, and Coi. Leake. 

7 See above, p. 169, n. 1. 

* See Leake, p. 45. ‘(Between Ladik and Konieh). To the north-east nothing 
appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two very lofty summits covered with snow, 
at a great distance. They can be no other than the summits of Mount Argeeus, above 
Cesarea, [This is doubtful; see Ham. A. M. π΄. p. 305, and Trans. of Geog. Soe. viii. 


LYSTRA AND DERBE. 184 


fs left behind, and the traveller moves on over the plain towards Lys 
wra and Derbe. Mount Argzeus still rises far to the north-east, at the diss 
tance of one hundred and fifty miles. The Black Mountain is gradually 
approached, and discovered to be an isolated mass, with reaches of the 
plain extending round it like channels of the sea.1 The cities of Lystra 
and Derbe were somewhere about the bases of the Black Mountain. We 
have dwelt thus minutely on the physical characteristics of this part of 
Lycaonia, because the positions of its ancient towns have not been deter 
mined. We are only acquainted with the general features of the scene. 
While the site of Iconium has never been forgotten, and that of Antioch 
in Pisidia has now been clearly identified, those of Lystra and Derbe re 
main unknown, or at best are extremely uncertain.” No conclusive coing 
or inscriptions have been discovered ; nor has there been any such con. 


145.] To the south-east the same plains extend as far as the mountains of Karaman 
(Laranda). At the south-east extremity of the plains beyond Konieh, we are much 
struck with the appearance of a remarkable insulated mountain called Kara-Dagh 
(Black Mountain), rising to a great height, covered at the top with snow [Jan. 31,] 
and appearing like a lofty island in the midst of the sea. It is about sixty miles dis- 
tant.’? The lines marked on the Map are the Roman roads mentioned in the Itineraries, 

1 See Leake, pp. 93-97, . “ (Feb. 1. From Konieh to Tshumra.)—Our road pur- 
sues a perfect level for upwards of twenty miles. (Feb. 2. From Tshurnwra to Kassa- 
ba.)—Nine hours over the same uninterrupted level of the finest soil, but quite uncul- 
tivated, except in the immediate neighbourhood of a few widely dispersed villages. Τὸ 
is painful to behold such desolation in the midst of a region so highly favoured by 
nature. Another characteristic of these Asiatic plains is the exactness of the level, 
and the peculiarity of their extending, without any previous slope, to the foot of the 
mountains, which rise from them like lofty islands out of the surface of the ocean. 
The Karamanian ridge seems to recede as we approach it, and the snowy summits of 
Argus [?] are still to be seen to the north-east..... At three or four miles short of 
Kassaba, we are abreast of the middle of the very lofty insulated mountain already 
mentioned, called Kara-Dagh. It is said to be chiefly inhabited by Greek Christians, 
and to contain 1001 churches; but we afterwards learnt that these 1001 churches 
(Binbir-Kilisseh) was a name given to the extensive ruins of an ancient city at the 
foot of the mountain. (Feb. 3. From Kassaba to Karaman.)\—Four hours; the road 
still passing over a plain, which towards the mountains begins to be a little intersected 
with low ridges and ravines... . Between these mountains and the Kara-Dagh there is 
a kind of strait, which forms the communication between the plain of Karaman and 
the great levels lying eastward of Konieh.... Advancing towards Karaman, I perceive 
a passage into the plains to the north-west, round the northern end of Kara-Dagh, sim- 
ilar to that on the south, so that this mountain is completely insulated. We still see 
to the north-east the great snowy summit of Argeus, [?] which is probably the highest 
point of Asia Minor.’ See a similar description of the isolation of the Kara-dagh in 
Hamilton (τι. 315, 320), who approached it from the East. 

? Col. Leake wrote thus in 1824: “Nothing can more strongly show the little pro- 
gress that has hitherto been made in a knowledge of the ancient geography of Asia 
Minor, than that, of the cities which the journey of St. Paul has made so interesting to 
us, the site of one only (Iconium) is yet certainly known. Perga, Antioch of Pisidia, 
Lystra, and Derbe, remain to be discovered.’ p. 103. We have seen that two of these 
four towns have been fully identified—Perga by Sir C. Fellows, and Antioch by Mv 
Arundel. It is to be hoped that the other two will yet be clearly sscertained. 


188 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


vergence of modern investigation and ancient authority as leads to an 
infallible result. Of the different hypotheses which have been proposed, 
we have been content in the accompanying map to indicate those! which 
appear as mnost probable. ᾿ 

We rcsume the thread of our narrative with the arrival of Paul and 
Barnabas at Lystra. One peculiar circumstance strikes us immediately 
in what we read of the events in this town ; that no mention occurs of 
any synagogue or of any Jews. It is naturai to infer that there were few 
Israelites in the place, though (as we shall see hereafter) it would be. a 
mistake to imagine that there were none. We are instantly brought in 
contact with a totally new subject,—with Heathen superstition and my- 
thology ; yet not the superstition of an educated mind, as that of Sergius 
Paulus,—nor the mythology of a refined and cultivated taste, like that of 
the Athenians,—but the mythology and superstition of a rude and unso- 
phisticated people. Thus does the Gospel, in the person of St. Paul, sue- 
cessively clash with opposing powers, with sorcerers and philosophers, 
cruel magistrates and false divinities. Now it isthe rabbinical master of 
the synagogue, now the listening proselyte from the Greeks, that is re 
sisted or convinced,—now the honest inquiry of a Roman officer, now the 


1 The gencral features of the map on the opposite page are copied from Kicpert’s 
large map of Asia Minor, and his positions for Lystra and Derbe are adopted. Lystra 
is marked near the place where Leake (p. 102) conjectured that it might be, some 
twenty miles S. of Iconium. It does not appear, however, that he saw any ruins on 
the spot. There are very remarkable Christian ruins on the N. side of the Kara-dagh, 
at Bin-bir-Kilisseh (“The 1001 churches”), and Leake thinks that they may mark the 
site of Derbe. We think Mr. Hamilton’s conjecture much more probable, that they 
mark the site of Lystra, which has a more eminent ecclesiastical reputation than Derbe. 
See Ham. A. M. τι 319, and Trans. of Georg. Soe. vol. viii. [While this was passing 
through the press, the writer received an indirect communication from Mr. Hamilton, 
which will be the best commentary on the map. The communication says, “there are 
ruins (though slight) at the spot where Derbe is marked on Kiepert’s map, and as this 
spot is certainly on a line of Roman road, it is not unlikely that it may represent 
Derbe. He did not actually visit Divlé, but the coincidence of name led him to think 
it might be Derbe. He does not know of any ruins at the place where Kiepert writes 
Lystra, but was not on that spot. There may be ruins there, but he thinks they cannot 
be of importance, as he did not hear of them, though in the neighbourhood ; and he pre- 
fers Bin-bir-Kilisseh as the site of Lystra.’’] The following description of the Bin-bir- 
JGlisseh is supplied by a letter from Mr. E. Falkner. “The principal group of the Bin- 
bir-Kilisseh lies at the foot of Kara-Dagh ... Perceiving ruins on the slope of the moun 
tain, I began to ascend, and on reaching these discovered they were churches; and, 
fooking upwards, descried others yet above me, and climbing from one to the other I at 
length gained the summit, where I found two churches. On looking down, I perceived 
churches on all sides of the mountain, scattered about in various positions. The num- 
ber ascribed to them by the Turks is of course metaphorical ; but including those in 
the plain below, there are about two dozen in tolerable preservation, and the remaina 
of perhaps forty may be traced altogether... The mountain must have been considered 
sacred, all the ruins are of Christian epoch, and, with the exception of a huge palace, 
every building is a church.” 


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100 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


wild fanaticism of a rustic credulity, that is addressed with bold and per 
suasive eloquence. 

It was a common belief among the ancients that the gods occasionally 
visited the earth in the form of men. Such a belief with regard to Jupi: 
ter, “the father of gods and men,” would be natural in any rural district : 
but nowhere should we be prepared to find the traces of it more than at 
Lystra ; for Lystra,.as it appears from St. Luke’s narrative,’ was under 
the tutelage of Jupiter, and the tutelary divinities were imagined to haunt 
the cities under their protection, though elsewhere invisible? The temple 
of Jupiter was a conspicuous object in front of the city-gates :3 what 
wonder if the citizens should be prone to believe that their “Jupiter, 
which was before the city,” would willingly visit his favourite people ? 
Again, the expeditions of Jupiter were usually represented as attended by 
Mercury.. He was the companion, the messenger, the servant of the 
gods. Thus the notion of these two divinities appearing together in 
Lycaonia is quite in conformity with what we know of the popular belief. 
But their appearance in that particular district would be welcomed with 
more than usual credulity. Those who are acquainted with the literature 
of the Roman poets are familiar with a beautiful tradition of Jupiter and 
Mercury visiting in human form these very regions® in the interior of 
Asia Minor. And it is not without a singular interest that we find one 
of Ovid’s stories reappearing in the sacred pages of the Acts of the 
Apostles. In this instance, as in so many others, the Scripture, in its 
incidental descriptions of the Heathen world, presents “ undesigned coinci- 
dences” with the facts ascertained from Heathen memorials. 

These introductory remarks prepare us for considering the miracle re- 
corded in the Acts. We must suppose that Paul gathered groups of the 
Lystrians about him, and addressed them in places of public resort, as a 


1 Tod Διος τοῦ ὄντος πρὸ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ; It is more likely that a temple than a 
statue of Jupiter is alluded to. The temple of the tutelary divinity was outside the 
walls at Perga (sce p. 161) and at Ephesus, as we learn from the story in Herodotus 
(1. 26), who tells us that in a time of danger the citizens put themselves under the pro- 
tection of Diana, by attaching her temple by a rope to the city-wall (ἀνέθεσαν τὴν πόλεν 
τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι, ἐξάψαντες ἐκ τοῦ νηοῦ σχοίνιον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος). So Pailas is called, “Avaag’ 
‘Oyxa πρὸ πόλεως. Sept. ὁ. Theb. 164. 

3 Kai φασι τοὺς οἰκιστὰς ἥρωας ἢ ϑεοὺς πολλάκις ἐπιστρέφεσθαι τὰς aviwy πόλεες 
τοῖς αλλοις ὄντας ἀφανεῖς, ἔν τε ϑυσίας καὶ τίσιν ἐορταῖς δημοτελέσιν. Vic. Chrys, 
Orat. xxxin. p. 408. 

3 Acts xiv. 13. 

4 See the references in Smith’s Dictionary of Classical Biography and Mythology 
under * Hermes.’’ 

5 See the story of Baucis and Philemon, Ovid. Met. viii. 611, &c. Even if the Ly- 
caonians were a Semitic tribe, it is not unnatural to suppose them familiar with Greek 
mythology. An identification of classical and “barbarian ᾽) divinities had taken place 
in innumerable instances, as in the case of the Tyrian Hercules and Papbian Venus. 


PAUL AMONG THE LYSTRIANS. 191 


modern missionary might address the natives of a Hindoo village. But it 
would not be nevessary in his case, as in that of Schwartz or Martyn, te 
have learnt the primitive language of those to whom he spoke. He 
addressed them in Greek, for Greek was well understood in this border 
country of the Lystrians, though their own dialect was either a barbarous 
corruption of that noble language, or the surviving remainder of some 
older tongue. He used the language of general civilisation, as English 
may be used now in a Welch country-town like Dolgelly or Carmarthen. 
The subjects he brought before these illiterate idolaters of Lycaonia were 
doubtless such as would lead them, by the most natural steps, to the 
knowledge of the true Ged, and the belief in His Son’s resurrection. ’ He 
told them, as he told the educated Athenians,’ of Him whose worship they 
had ignorantly corrupted, whose unity, power, and goodness they might 
have discerned through the operations of nature; whose displeasure 
against sin had been revealed to them by the admonitions of their natural 
conscience. : 

Ou one of these occasions? St. Paul observed a cripple, who was 
earnestly listening to his discourse. He was seated on the ground, for he 
had an infirmity in his feet, and had never walked from the hour of his 
birth. St. Paul looked at him attentively, with that remarkable expres- 
sion of the eye which we have already noticed (p. 148). The same Greek 
word is used as when the Apostle is described as “ earnestly beholding the 
council,” and as ‘setting his eyes on Elymas the sorcerer.”4 On this 
occasion that penetrating glance saw, by the power of the Divine Spirit, 
into the very secrets of the cripple’s soul. Paul perceived “ that he had 
faith to be saved.” > These words, implying so much of moral preparation 
in the heart of this poor Heathen, rise above all that is told us of the lame 
Jew, whom Peter, “fastening his eyes upon him with John,” had once 
healed at the temple gate in Jerusalem. In other respects the parallel 
between the two cases is complete. As Peter said in the presence of the 
Jews, ‘In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise up and waik,” 56 
Paul said before his idolatrous audience at Lystra, “Stand upright on thy 
feet.” And in this case, also, the word which had been suggested to the 
speaker by a supernatural intuition was followed by a supernatural result. 
The obedient alacrity in the spirit, and the new strength in the body, 
rushed together simultaneously. The lame man sprang up in the joyful 

1 See for instance Fox’s “ Chapters on Missions,” p. 153, &c. 


? It is very important to compare together the speeches at Lystra and Athens, and 
both with the first chapter of the Romans. See pp. 193, 194. 

3 Kai τις ἀνὴρ ἐν Λύστροις ἀδύνατος τοῖς ποσὶν ἐκάθητο, kK. τ. A. Acts xiv. 8, &e. 

4 Acts xxiii. 1, xiii. 9. 

5 Σωθῆναι is the word in the original. xiv. 9. 

6 Acts iii. Wetstein remarks on the greater faith manifested by the heathen et Lye 
tra than the Jew at Jerusalem. 


192 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


1 


consciousness of a power he had never felt before, and walked like thosa 
who had never had experience of infirmity. 

And now arose a great tumult of voices from the crowd. Such ἃ cure 
of a congenital disease, so sudden and so complete, would have confounded 
the most skilful and skeptical physicians. An illiterate pedple would be 
filled with astonishment, and rush immediately to the conclusion that 
supernatural powers were present among them. ‘These Lycaonians 
thought at once of their native traditions, and crying out vociferousiy in 
their mother-tongue,'—and we all know how the strongest feelings of an 
excited people find vent in the language of childhood,—they exclaimed 
that the gods had again visited them in the likeness of men,—that Jupiter 
and Mercury were again in Lycaonia,—that the persuasive speaker was 
Mercury and his companion Jupiter. They identified Paul with Mercury, 
because his eloquence corresponded with one of that divinity’s attributes. 
Paul was the “chief speaker,” and Mercury was the god of eloquence." 
And if it be asked why they identified Barnabas with Jupiter, it is evi- 
dently a sufficient answer to say that these two divinities were always 
represented as companions® in their terrestrial expeditions, though we 
may well believe (with Chrysostom and others‘) that there was something 
majestically benignant in his appearance, while the personal aspect of St. 
Paul (and for this we can quote his own statements*®) was comparatively 
insignificant. 

How truthful and how vivid is the scene brought before us! and how 
many thoughts it suggests to those who are at once conversant with Hea- 
then mythology and disciples of Christian theology! Barnabas, identified 
with the Father of Gods and Men, seems like a personification of mild 
beneficence and provident care ;° while Paul appears invested with more 
active attributes, flying over the world on the wings of faith and love, 
with quick words of warning and persuasion, and ever carrying in his hand 
the purse of the “ unsearchable riches.” 7 


1 Some are of opinion that the “speech of Lycaonia” was a Semitic language ; 
others that it was a corrupt dialect of Greek. Sce the Dissertations of Jablonski and 
Guhling in Iken’s Thesaurus. 

? Acts xiv. 12.. Hor. Od. 1.x. Ov. Fast. v. 668. Hence λόγου ϑνητοῖσι προφῆτα. 
Orph. Hymn. 28, 4. So Lucian: 'Epyod λαλιστάτου καὶ λογιωτάτου ϑεῶν ἁπάντων. 
Gallus 2, and Macrobius; “ Scimus Mercurium vocis et sermonis potentum.” Sat.1 ἃ 

3 See, for instance, Ovid. Fast. v. 495 :— 

“ Jupiter et lato qui regnat in equore frater 
Carpebant socias Mercuriusque vias.” 

4 Ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ καὶ ἁπὸ τῆς ὄψεως ἀξιοπρεπὴς εἷναι 6 Βαρνάθας. Chrys. Hom. xxx, 

5 See 2. Cor. x. 1, 10, where we must remember that he is quoting the siatements of 
his adversaries. 

6 See Acts iv. 36, 37. ix. 27. xi. 22-25, 30. It is also very possible that Barnabss 
was older, and therefore more venerable in appearance, than St. Paul. 

? For one of the most beautiful representations of Mercury, with all his well-known 
insignia, see the Museo Borbonico, vol. vi. No. 2. 


WORSHIP OFFERED TO FAUL AND BARNABAS. 192 


The news of a wonderful occurrence is never long in spreading througk 
a small country-town, At Lystra the whole population was presently in 
an uproar. ‘hey would lose no time in paying due honour to their heavy 
enly visitants. The priest attached to that temple of Jupiter before the 
city gates, to which we have before alluded,’ was summoned to do sacri- 
fice to the god whom he served. Bulls aud garlands, and whatever else 
was requisite to the performance of the ceremony, were duly prepared, 
and the procession moved amidst crowds of people to the residence of the 
Apostles. They, hearing the approach of the multitude, and learning 
their idolatrous intention, were filled with the utmost horror. They “rent 
their clothes,” and rushed out? of the house in which they lodged, and 
met the idolaters approaching the vestibule? There, standing at the 
doorway, they opposed the entrance of the crowd ; and Paul expressed his 
abhorrence of their intention, and earnestly tried to prevent their fulfil- 
ling it, ina speech of which only the following short outline is recorded 
by St. Luke :— 


“Ye men of Lystra, why do ye these things? We also are 
men, of like passions with you; and we are come to preach to 
you the Glad Tiding, that you may turn from these vain idols to 
the living God, who made the heavens, and the earth, and the 
sea, and all things that are therein. Jor in the generations that 
are past, He suffered all the nations of the Gentiles to walk in 
their own ways. Nevertheless He left not Himself without wit- 
ness, in that He blessed you,‘ and,gave you rain from heaven, 
and fruitful seasons, filing your® hearts with food and gladness.” 


This address held them listening, but they listened impatiently. Even 
with this energetic disavowal of his divinity, and this strong appeal to their 
reason, St. Paul found it difficult to disturb the Lycaonians from offering 
to him and Barnabas an idolatrous worship.* There is no doubt that St. 


Ie 100): 

2 -Ecexyonoar, not εἰσεπήδησαν, is the reading sanctioned by the later critivs on full 
qanuscript authority. See Tischendorf. 

3 Πυλῶνες does net mean the gate of the city (which would be πύλη), but the ves- 
tibule or gate which gave admission from the public street into the court of the Atrium. 
So the word is used, Matt. xxvi. 71, for the vestibule of the high-priest’s palace ; Luke 
xvi. 20, for that of Dives: Acts x. 17, of the house where Peter lodged at Joppa; Acta 
xii. 13, of the house of Mary the mother of John Mark. It is nowhere used for the 
gate of a city except in tue Apocalypse. Moreover, it seems obvious that if the priest 
had only brought the victims to sacrifice them at the city gates, it would have been no 
offering to Paul and Barnabas. 

4 Read ὑμῖν (with Griesbach, Lachman, &c.) instead of ἡμῖν : or else omit the word 
ultogether (with Tischendorf), which gives the same sense. 

5 μῶν, not ἡμῶν, is the right reading, 6 Acts xiv. 18, 

vou. 1—13 


MOOLAVO EM YOY TAVAdVe AM σΠῚΔΟΟ ΣΠΙΚΓΊΠΩΟΞ INSIONY AML NOW “Ul “AUVIOS Ὁ AN ὈΧΊΙΔΛΎΣΑ--- ΠΟΩΓΏΓΟΥΒΞ ἀνιῶν ν 


ADDRESS TO THE GENTILES. 195 


Paul was the speaker, and before we proceed further in the narrative, we 
cannot help pausing to observe the essentially Pauline character whick 
this speech manifests, even in so condensed a summary of its contents. It 
is full of undesigned coincidences in argument, and even in the expressiong 
employed, with St. Paul’s language m other parts of the Acts, and in his 
awn Epistles. Thus, as here he declares the object of his preaching to be 
that the idolatrous Lystrians should ‘“ turn from these vain idols to the liv- 
ing God,” so he reminds the Thessalonians how they, at his preaching, had 
“turned from idols to serve the living and true God.”! Again, as he tells 
the Lystrians that ‘‘God had in the generations that were past, suffered 
the nations of the Gentiles to walk in their own ways ;” so he tells the 
Romans that ‘God in His forbearance had passed over the former sins of 
men, in the times that were gone by ;”* and so he tells the Athenians,’ 
that “the past times of ignorance God had overlooked.” Lastly, how 
striking is the similarity between the natural theology with which the 
present speech concludes, and that in the Epistle to the Romans, where, 
speaking of the heathen, he says that atheists were without excuse ; “ for 
that whick can be known of God is manifested in their hearts, God Him- 
self having shown it to them. For His being and His might, though they 
be invisible, yet are seen ever since the world was made, being under- 
stood by His works, which prove His eternal power and Godhead.” 4 

The crowd reluctantly retired, and led the victims away without offer- 
ing them in sacrifice to the Apostles. It might be supposed that at least 
a command had been obtained over their gratitude and reverence, which 
would not easily be destroyed ; but we have to record here one of those 
sudden changes of feeling, which are humiliating proofs of the weakness of 
human nature and of the superficial character of religious excitement. The 
Lycaonians were proverbially fickle and faithless ;° but we may not too 

11 Thess. i. 9. The coincidence is more striking in the Greek, because the very 
same verb, ἐπιστρέφειν, is used in each passage, and is intransitive in both, 

> Rom. iii. 25: Τὴν πάρεσιν τῶν προγεγονότων ἁμαρτημάτων ἐν τῇ ἀνοχῇ τοῦ Θεοῦ, - 
the mis-translation of which in the authorised version entirely alters its meaning. 

3 Acts xvii. 30. 

4 Rom. i. 19,20. We ought not to leave this speech without noticing Mr. Hum- 
phrey’s conjecture that the conclusion of it is a quotation from some lyric poet. We 
cannot think this at all probable; the fact that the passage from οὐρανόθεν to 
καρόιάς can be broken up into a system of irregular lines, consisting of dochmiac and 
choriambic feet, proves nothing ; because there is scarcely any passage in Greek prose 
which might not be resolved into lyrical poetry by a similar method ; just as, in Eng- 
lish, the columns of a newspaper may be read off as hexameters (spondaic, or other- 
wise), quite as good as most of the so-called English hexameters which are published. 
It seems very unlikely that St. Paul, in addressing the simple and illiterate inhabitants 
of Lystra (whose vernacular language was not even Greek), should quote a lyrical 
poem. It would have been as improbable as that John Wesley, when trying to pacify 
the Welsh mob at Brecon, should have quoted one of Gray’s odes. 


5 The Schol. on II. tv. 88, 92 says: "λπιστο yan Avxdovec, ὡς καὶ ’Ἀριστοτέληι 
UCAT NCE, 


196 JHE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


nastily decide that they were worse than many others might have beex 
under the same circumstances. It would not be difficult to find a parallel 
to their conduct among the modern converts from idolatry to Christianity. 
And certainly no later missionaries have had more assiduous enemies than 
the Jews, whom the Apostles had everywhere to oppose. Certain Jews 
from Iconium, and even from Antioch,! followed in the footsteps of Paul 
and Barnabas, and endeavoured to excite the hostility of the Lystrians 
against them. When they heard of the miracle worked on the lame map, 
and found how great an effect it had produced on the people of Lystra, 
they would be ready with a new interpretation of this occurrence. They 
would say that it had been accomplished, not by Divine agency, but by 
some diabolical magic ; as once they had said αὖ Jerusalem, that He 
who came ‘“‘to destroy the works of the devil,” cast out devils “ by Beel- 
zebub the prince of the devils.”? And this is probably the true explana- 
tion of that sudden change of feeling among the Lystrians, which at first 
sight is very surprising. Their own interpretation of what they had wit- 
nessed having been disavowed by the authors of the miracle themselves, 
they would readily adopt a new interpretation, suggested by those who 
appeared to be well acquainted with the strangers, and who had followed 
them from distant cities. Their feelings changed with a revulsion as vio- 
lent as that which afterwards took place among the “‘ barbarous people” 
of Malta,? who first thought St. Paul was a murderer, and then a god 
The Jews, taking advantage of the credulity of a rude tribe, were.able to 
accomplish at Lystra the design they had meditated at Iconium.t St. Pau. 
was stoned,—not hurried out of the city to execution like St. Stephen,® the 
memory of whose death must have come over St. Paul at this moment with 
impressive force,—but stoned somewhere in the streets of Lystra, and then 
drageed through the city gate, and cast outside the walls, under the belief that 
he was dead. This is the occasion to which the Apostle afterwards alluded 
in the words, “ once I was stoned,” ® in that long catalogue of sufferings, . 


1 Acts xiv. 19. 5 Matt. xii. 24. 

3 Acts xxviii. 4-6. 4 Acts xiv. 5. 

5 See the end of Ch. τ΄. At Jerusalem the law required that these executions should 
take place outside the city. It must be remembered that stoning was a Jewish punish- 
ment, and that it was proposed by Jews at Iconium, and instigated and begun by Jews 
at Lystra. 

6 See Paley’s remark on the expression “ once I was stoned,” in reference to the 
previous design of stoning St. Paul at Iconium. “ Had the assault been completed, 
had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it relates that preparations were 
made both by Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had the 
account of this transaction stopped, without going on to inform us that Paul and his 
companions were ‘aware of the danger and fled,’ a contradiction between the history 
and the epistles would have ensued. Truth is necessarily consistent ; but it is scarcely 
possible that independent accourts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance 
to the very brink of zontradiction without falling into it.”” Hore Pauline, p. 69 


ST. PAUL'S SUFFERINGS. 197 


to which we have already referred in this chapter.! Thus was he “ in 
perils by his own countrymen, in perils by the heathen,” in deaths oft,* 
—‘ always bearing about in the body the dying of the Lord Jesuy, that 
the life also of Jesus might be made manifest in his body..... Alway de- 
livered unto death for Jesus’ sake, that the life also of Jesus might be 
made manifest in his mortal flesh”? 

On the present occasion these last words were literally realised, for by 
the power and goodness of God he rose from a state of apparent death as 
if by a sudden resurrection.2 Though “persecuted,” he was not “ for- 
saken,”—though “‘ cast down” he was “not destroyed.” ‘As the disci- 
ples stood about him, he rose up, and came into the city.”* We see from 
this expression that his labours in Lystra had not been in vain. He had 
found some willing listeners to the truth, some “disciples” who did not 
hesitate to show their attachment to their teacher by remaining near his 
body, which the rest of their fellow-citizens had wounded and cast out. 
These courageous disciples were left for the present in the midst of the 
enemies of the truth. Jesus Christ had said,> ‘‘when they persecute you 
in one city, flee to another,” and the very “next day”® Paul “ dcparted 
with Barnabas to Derbe.” 

But before we leave Lystra, we must say a few words on one specta- 
tor of St. Paul’s sufferings, who is not yet mentioned by St. Luke, but 
who was destined to be the constant companion of his after years, the 
zealous follower of his doctrine, the faithful partner of his danger and dis- 
tress. St. Paul came to Lystra again after the interval of one or two 
years, and on that occasion we are told’ that he found a certain Christian 
there, ‘‘ whose name was Timotheus, whose mother was a Jewess, while 
his father was a Greek,” and whose excellent character was, highly es- 
teemed by his fellow Christians of Lystra and Iconium. It is distinctly 
stated that at the time of this second visit Timothy was already a Chris- 
tian ; and since we know from St. Paul’s own expression,—“ my own son 
in the faith,”*—that he was converted by St. Paul himself, we must sup- 
pose this change to have taken place at the time of the first visit. And 
the reader will remember that St. Paul in the second Epistle to Timothy 

See pp. 163, 164. 

Compare 2 Cor. iv. 8-12 and xi. 23-27. 

3 The natural inference from the narrative is, that the recovery was miraculous; and 
It is evident that such a recovery must have produced a strong effect on the minds of 
the Christians who witnessed it. 

4 Acts xiv. 20. 5 Matt. x. 23. 6 Acts xiv. 20. 7 Acts xvi. 1. 

8 1 Tim.i. 2. Compare i. 18 and 2 Tim.ii.1. It is indeed possible that these ex- 
pressions might be used, if Timothy became a Christian by his mother’s influence, and 
through the recollection of St. Paul’s sufferings; but the common view is the most 
fatural, See what is said 1 Cor. iv. 14, 15: “ As my beloved sons warn you; for 


though ye have ten thousand instructors in Christ, yet have ye not ingny fathers; for 
in Christ Jesus [ have bege*ten you through the gospel.” 


198 ; THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST PAUL. 


( 10, 11) reminds him of his own intimate and personal knowledge of 
the sufferings he had endured, ‘ αὐ Antioch, at Iconiwm, at Lystra,’—the 
places (it will be observed) being mentioned in the exact order in which 
they were visited, and in which the successive persecutions took place, 
We have thus the strongest reasons for believing that Timothy was a 
witness of St. Paul’s injurious treatment: and this too at a time of life 
when the mind receives its deepest impressions from the spectacle of inno 
cent suffering and undaunted courage. And it is far from impossible that 
the generous and warm-hearted youth was standing in that group of dis 
ciples, who surrounded the apparently lifeless body of the Apostle at the 
outside of the walls of Lystra. 

We are called on to observe at this point, with a thankful acknowledg- 
ment of God’s providence, that the flight from Iconium, and the cruel per- 
secution at Lystra, where events which involved the most important and 
beneficial consequences to universal Christianity. It was here, in the midst 
of barbarous idolaters, that the Apostle of the Gentiles found an associ- 
ate, who became to him and the Church far more than Barnabas, the com- 
panion of his first mission. As we have observed above,' there appears to 
have been at Lystra no synagogue, no community of Jews and proselytes, 
among whom such an associate might naturally have been expected. 
Perhaps Timotheus and his relations may have been almost the only 
persons of Jewish origin in the town. And his “ grandmother Lois” 
and ‘mother Eunice” * may have been brought there originally by some 
accidental circumstance, as Lydia* was brought from Thyatira to Phi- 
lippi.t And, though there was no synagogue at Lystra, this family may 
have met with a few others in some proseucha, like that in which Lydia 
and her fellow-worshippers met ‘‘ by the river side.”*> Whatever we may 
vonjecture concerning the congregational life to which Timotheus may have 
been accustomed, we are accurately informed of the nature of that do- 
mestic life which nurtured him for his future labours. The good soil of 
his heart was well prepared before Paul came, by the instructions δ of Licis 
and Eunice, to receive the seed of Christian truth, sown at the Apostle’s 
first visit, and to produce a rich harvest of faith and good works before 
the time of his second visit. 

Derbe, as we have seen, is somewhere’ not far from the ‘ Black 

1 See p. 188. τὶ 54 ΜΠ ΠΝ fa 3 Acts xvi. 14. 

4 See also the remarks on the Jews scttled in Asia Minor, ch. 1. pp. 17, 18 ; and on 
the Hellenistic and Aramzan Jews, ch. 1. p. 37. 

5 Acts xvi. 13. 6 2 Tim. i. 5. 

7 See the note on Lystra. Strabo says of Derbe :—Tij¢ ᾿Ισαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραις, 
μάλιστα τῇ Καππαδοκίᾳ ἐπιπεφυκός. x. τ. Δ. xii. 6. Stephanus Byzantinus says that 
Derbe was φρούριον ᾿Ισαυρίας καὶ λίμήν [the last word is evidently a mistake ; perhaps, 
as the French translators of Strabo suggest, it ought to be λίμνη] ; but he implies that 
it was closely connected with Lycaonia, and at the same time that “the speech ol 


΄ 


LYSTRA, ICCNIUM, AND ΑΝΤΙΟΟΗ. 199 


Mountain,” which rises like an island in the south-eastern part of the plaix 
of Lycaonia. A few hours would suffice for the journey between Lystra 
and its neighbour-city. We may, perhaps, infer from the fact that Derbe 
is not mentioned in the list of places which St. Paul! brings to the recok 
lection of Timothy as scenes of past suffering and distress, that in this 
town the Apostles were exposed to no persecution. It may have been a 
quiet resting-place after a journey full of toil and danger. It does not 
appear that they were hindered in “ evangelising”? the city: and the 
fruit of their labours was the conversion of ‘‘ many disciples.” 

And now we have reached the limit of St. Paul’s first missionary jour- 
ney. About this part of the Lycaonian plain, where it approaches, 
through gradual undulations,‘ to the northern bases of Mount Taurus, he 
was not far from that well-known pass* which leads down from the cen- 
tral table-land to Cilicia and Tarsus. But his thoughts did not centre in 
an earthly home. He turned back upon his footsteps ; and revisited the 
places, Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch,® where he himself had been reviled 
and persecuted, but where he had left, as sheep in the desert, the disciples 
whom his Master had enabled him to gather. They needed building up 
and strengthening in the faith,? comforting in the midst of their inevitable 
sufferings, and fencing round by permanent institutions. Therefore Paul 
and Barnabas revisited the scenes of their iabours, undaunted by the dan- 
gers which awaited them, and using words of encouragement, which none 
but the founders of a true religion would have ventured to address to their 
earliest converts, that ‘“ we can only enter the kingdom of God by pass- 
ing through much tribulation.” But not only did they fortify their faith 
by passing words of encouragement ; they ordained elders in every church 
after the pattern of the first Christian communities in Palestine,* and with 
that solemn observance which had attended their own censecration,® and 


Lycaonia”’ was in some way peculiar, when he says that some called it AeAéeia, 6 ἐστι 
τῇ τῶν Λυκαόνων φωνῇ ἄρκουθος. This variety in the form of the name, added to the 
proximity of lake Ak Gol, induced Mr. Hamilton to think Divlé might be Derbe.—Re 
searches, vol. 11. Ὁ. 313. 

1 2 Tim. iii. 11. 

® EvayyeAroduevor τὴν πόλ:ν ἐκείνην. xiv. 21. 

3 Μαθητεύσαντες ἱκάνους. Ibid. 

4 So Leake describes the neighbourkood of Karaman (Laranda), pp. 96,97. Hamil- 
ton, speaking of the same district, mentions ‘low ridges of cretaceous limestone, ex- 
tending into the plain from the mountains.” 1m. 324. 

5 The “ Cilician Gates,” to which we shall return at the beginning of the second 
missionary journey (Acts xv. 41). See the Map. 

6 Mentioned (Acts xiy. 21) in the inverse order from that in which they had been 
visited before (xiii. 14,51. xiv. 6). 

7 ᾿Επιστηρίζοντες τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν μαθητῶν, παρακαλοῦντες ἐμμένειν τῇ πίστει. XiV. 22. 

8. The first menticn of presbyters in the Christian, opposed to the Jewish sense, occurs 
Acts xi. 30, in reference to the church at Jerusalem. 

9 Ch. V pp. 133, 134. 


200 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


which has been transmitted to later ages in connection with ordination,— 
“ with fasting and prayer ”—they ‘‘ made choice of fit persons to serve in 
the sacred ministry of the Church.” ! 

Thus, having consigned their disciples to Him ‘in whom they had be- 
lieved,” and who was “8016 to keep that which was entrusted to Him,”* 
Paul and Barnabas descended through the Pisidian mountains to the 
plain of Pamphylia. If our conjecture is correct (see p. 165), that they 
went up from Perga in spring, and returned at the close of autumn,? and 
spent all the hotter months of the year in the elevated districts, they 
would again pass in a few days through a great change of seasons, and 
almost from summer to winter. The people of Pamphylia would have 
returned from their cold residences to the warm shelter of the plain by 
the sea-side ; and Perga would be full of its inhabitants. The Gospel 
was preached within the walls of this city, through which the Apostles 
had merely passed‘ on their journey to the interior. But from St. Luke’s 
silence it appears that the preaching was attended with no marked re- 
sults. We read neither of conversions nor persecutions. The Jews, if 
any Jews resided there, were less inquisitive and less tyrannical than those 
at Antioch and Iconium ; and the votaries of ‘‘ Diana before the city ἢ 
at Perga (see p. 160) were less excitable than those who: worshipped 
Jupiter before the city” at Lystra.s When the time .came for return- 
ing to Syria, they did not sail down the Cestrus, up the channel of which 
river they had come on their arrival from Cyprus,° but travelled across 
the plain to Attaleia, which was situated on the edge of the Pamphylian 
gulf. 

Attaleia had something of the same relation to Perga, which Cadiz 
has to Seville. In each case the latter city is approached by a river- 
voyage, and the former is more conveniently placed on the open sea. At- 
talus Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, whose dominions extended from the 
north-western corner of Asia Minor to the Sea of Pamphylia, had built 
this city in a convenient position for commanding the trade of Syria or 
Egypt. When Alexander the Great passed this way, no such city was in 
existence : but since the days of the kings of Pergamus, who inherited a 
fragment of his vast empire, Attaleia has always existed and flourished, 
retaining the name of the monarch who built it.7 Behind it is the plain, 


1 First Collect for the Ember Weeks. 2 Acts xiv. 23. Compare 2 Tim. i. 12. 

3 Wieseler (p. 224) thinks the events on this journey must have occupied more than 
one year. It is evident that the case docs not admit of any thing more than conjecture. 

4 See above, pp. 160, and notes. 5 Aets xiv. 13. 6 Pp. 160, 16}. 

7 See Strab. xiv. 4 and Ptol. y.5,2. Strabo places Attaleia to the west of the Catarr 
hactes, Ptolemy to the east. Admiral Beaufort (Karamania, ch. vi.) was of opinion 
that the modern Satalia is the site of the ancient Olbia, and that Laara is the true 
Attaleia. Mannert (Georg. der G. und R. vi. 130) conjectures that Olbia may have 
been the ancient-name of the city which Attalus rebuilt and called after his own name: 


Ἢ}: = ti 
iii tes 


| YY 


ay 


WALL OF PERGA. 


, ATTALELA. 201 


‘hrough which the calcareous waters of the Catarrhactes flow, perpetually 
constructing and destroying and reconstructing their fantastic channels. 
In front of it, and along the shore on each side, are long lines of cliffs, 
over which the river finds its way in waterfalls to the sea, and which com 
068] the plain from those who look toward the land from the inner watera 
of the bay, and even encroach on the prospect of the mountains them 
selves. 

When this view is before us, the mind reverts to another band of Chris 
tian warriors, who once sailed from the bay of Satalia to the Syrian Anti 
och. Certain passages, in which the movements of the Crusaders and 
Apostles may be compared with each other are among the striking con- 
trasts of history. Conrad and Louis, each with an army consisting at first 
of 70,000 men, marched through part of the same districts? which were 
traversed by Paul and Barnabas alone and unprotected. The shattered 
remains of the French host had come down to Attaleia through “the ab- 
rupt mountain-passes and the deep vallies “which are so well described by 
the contemporary historians They came to fight the battle of the Cross 


ond Forbiger (Alte Geographie, ii. 268) inclines to think the opinion is very probable. 
The perpetual changes in the river-bed of the Catarrhactes have necessarily caused 
some difficulty in the identification of ancient sites in this part of the Pampbylian 
plain. Spratt.and Forbes, however (‘ Lycia,” &c., ch. vi.), seems to have discovered 
the true Olbia further to the west, and to have proved that Satalia is Attaleia. They 
add that the style of its relics is invariably Roman, agreeing with the date of its foun- 
dation. 

1 See Spratt and Forbes for a full account of the irregular deposits and variations of 
channel observable in this river. 

3 There are also ancient sea-cliffs at some distance behind the present coast line. 
See Fellows, and Spratt and Forbes. 

3 See the Maps in Michaud’s Histoire des Croisades and Milman’s Gibbon. 

4 Tandem vero Pamphyliam ingressi, per abrupta montium, per devexa vallium, 
cum difficultate nomia ... . usque Attaleiam, ejusdem regionis metropolim pervene- 
runt.”—William of Tyre, xvi. 26. The passage which follows is worth quoting, both 
for the account of Satalia as it was in the twelfth century, and the description of the 
voyage to Antioch on the Orontes. “Est autem Attaleia civitas in littore maris sita, 
Imperatoris Constantinopolitani subjecta imperio, agrum habens opimum, et tamen 
civibus suis inutilem. Nam angustiantibus eos undique hostibus, nec permittentibus 
agrorum cultui vacare, jacet ager infructuosus, dum non est qui exercendo fcecundita- 
tem possit procreare : alias tamen multa habens commoditates, gratum se solet prabere 
hospitibus. Nam aquas emanans perspicuas et salutares, pomeriis est obsita fructiferis, 
situ placens ameenissimo: trajectarum tamen frequens et per mare devectarum solent 
habere copias, et transeuntibus sufficientem ciborum commoditatem ministrare, Quia 
vero hostibus nimis est contermina, eorum non valens indesinenter sustinere molestias, 
facta est eis tributarla, per hoc necessariorum cum hostibus commercium. 

“ }Tanc nostri idiomatis Greci non habentes peritiam, corrupto vocabulo Sataliwn 
appellant. Unde et totus ille maris sinus, a promontorio Lissidora, usque in insulam 
Cyprum, Attalicus dicitur, qui vulgari appellatione Gu/phus Satalie nuncupatur. 

“ Ad hane perveniens Rex Francorum cum suis, ob muttitudinem concurrentium 
tantum passus est alimentorum penuriam quod pene residuum exercitus, et maxime 
pauperes consumerentur inedia. Ipse vero cum suis principibus, relictis pedestribus 


202 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


with a great multitude, and with the armour of human power ; their jour. 
ney was encompassed with defeat and death ; their arrival at Attaleia was 
disastrous and disgraceful ; and they sailed to Antioch a broken and dis- 
pirited army. But the Crusaders of the first century, the Apostles of 
Christ, though they too passed ‘through much tribulation,” advanced 
from victory to victory. Their return to the place “ whence they had 
been recommended to the grace of God for the work which they fulfilled,” ? 
was triumphant and joyful, for the weapons of their warfare were “ not 
earnal.”* The Lord Himself was their tower and their shield. 


turmis maturat navigio, Isauriam Ciliciamque a leva deserens: a dextris autem Cypro 
relicta, prosperis actus flatibus, fauces Orontis fluminis, quod Antiochiam prelabitur, 
qui locus hodie dicitur Symeonis portus, juxta antiquam urbem Seleuciam, et ab An- 
‘iochia decem plus minusve paulo distat miliaribus, ingreditur.” 

Acts xiv. 206. ° 3. See 2 Cor. x. 4. 

From Fellows’ Asia Minor, p. 191. This sculpturing of a shield upon a tower may 
also be seen in a drawing of Isaura in Hamilton’s Researches, vol. ii. p. 33%. 


᾽ CONTROVERSY ΙΝ THE CHURCH. 203 


CHAPTER VU. 


“ Inter hos scopulus ct sinus, inter hxc vada et freta... velificata Spiritu Dei fides 
pavigat. ... Propterea Spiritus Sanctus consultantibus tunc Apostolis vinculum et 
jugum nobis relaxavit, ut idololatrie devitande vacaremus.”’—Tertull. de Idoll. ὃ 24. 


C )NTROVERSY IN THE CHURCH.—SEPARATION OF JEWS AND GENTILES.—OBSTA- 
CLES TO UNION, BOTH SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS.—DIFFICULTY IN THE NARRA- 
TIVE.—SCRUPLES CONNECTED WITH THE CONVERSION OF CORNELIUS.—LIN- 
GERING DISCONTENT.—-FEELINGS EXCITED BY THE CONDUCT AND SUCCESS OF 
ST. PAUL,—ESPECIALLY AT JERUSALEM.—INTRIGUES OF THE JUDAIZERS AT 
ANTIOCH.—CONSEQUENT ANXIETY AND PERPLEXITY.—MISSION OF PAUL AND 
BARNABAS TO JERUSALEM.—DIVINE REVELATION TO ST. PAUL.— TITUS.— 
JOURNEY THROUGH PH@NICE AND SAMARIA.—THE PHARISEES.—PRIVATE CON- 

SPEECH OF ST. PETER.—NARRATIVE OF BAR- 


FERENCES.—PUBLIC MEETING. 
NABAS AND PAUL.—SPEECH OF ST. JAMES.—THE DECREE.— CHARITABLE 


NATURE OF ITS PROVISIONS.—IT INVOLVES THE ABOLITION OF JUDAISM.— 
PUBLIC RECOGNITION OF ST PAUL’S MISSION TO THE HEATHEN.—ST. JOHN.— 
RETURN TO ANTIOCH WITH JUDAS, SILAS, AND MARK.—READING OF THE LETTER. 
—WEAK CONDUCT OF ST. PETER AT ANTIOCH.—HE IS REBUKED BY ST, PAUL.— 
PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF THE TWO APOSTLES.—THEIR RECONCILIATION, 


Ir, when we contrast the voyage of Paul and Barnabas across the bay of 
Attaleia, with the voyage of those who sailed over the same waters in the 
same direction, eleven centuries later, our minds are powerfully drawn to- 
wards the pure age of early Christianity, when the power of faith made 
human weakness irresistibly strong ;—the same thoughts are not less for- 
cibly presented to us, when we contrast the reception of the Crusaders at 
Antioch, with the reception of the Apostles in the same city. We are 
told by the Chroniclers', that Raymond, “ Prince of Antioch,” waited 
with much expectation for the arrival of the French King ; and that, 
when he heard of his landing at Seleucia, he gathered together all the 
nobles and chief men of the people, and went out to meet him, and 

1 Raymond ... princeps Antiochenus ... adventum diebus multis ante expecta 
verat, cum desidcrio sustinens, convocatis nobilibus totius regionis, et populi primori- 
bus, cum electo comitatu ei occurrens, in urbem Antiochenam, omnem ei exhibens 


reverentiam, occurrente ei universo clero et populo, magnificentissime introduxit 
Will. of Tyr. xvi. 27. 


206 « THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL, κα 


brought him into Antioch with much pomp and magnificence, showing him 
ali reverence and homage, in the nwdst of a great assemblage of the 
clergy and people. All that St. Luke tells us of the reception of the 
Apostles after their victorious campaign, is, that they entered into the 
city and “gathered together the church, and told them how God had 
worked with them and how He had opened a door of faith to the Gen 
tiles.”! Thus the kingdom of God came at the first ‘‘ without obser- 
vation,” -—with the humble acknowledgment that all power is given 
from above,—and with a thankful recognitien of our Father’s mercifel 
love to all mankind. 

No age, however, of Christianity, not even the earliest, has been with- 
out its difficulties, controversies, and corruptions. The presence uf Judas 
among the anostles, and of Ananias and Sapphira among the first disci- 
ples,’ were proofs of the power which moral evil possesses to combine it- 
self with the holiest works. The misunderstanding of “the Grecians und 
Hebrews” in the days of Stephen,’, the suspicion of the apostles, when 
Paul came from Damascus to Jerusalem,’ the secession of Mark at the 
beginning of the first missionary journey,® were symptoms of the preju- 
dice, ignorance, and infirmity, in the midst of which the Gospel was 
to win its way in the hearts of men, And the arrival of the apostles ut 
Antioch at the,close of their journey was presently followed by a trou- 
bled controversy, which involved the most momentous consequences to ali 
future ages of the Church; and which led to that visit to Jerusalem 
which, next after his conversion, is perhaps the most important passage in 
St. Paul’s life. 

We have scen (Ch. I.) that great numbers of Jews had long been dis- 
persed beyond the limits of their own land, and were at this time dis- 
tributed over every part of the Roman Empire. “ Moses had of old 
time, in every city, them that preached him, being read in the Syna- 
gogues every Sabbath-day.”?7 In every considerable city, both of the 
East and West, were established some members of that mysterious peo- 
ple,—who had a written law, which they read and re-read, in the midst of 
the contempt of those who surrounded them, weck by week, and year by 
year,—who were bound everywhere by a secret link of affection to one 
city in the world, where alone their religious sacrifices could be offered,— 
whose whole life was utterly abhorrent from the temples and images which 
crowded the neighbourhood of their Synagogues, and from the gay and 
licentious festivities of the Greek and Roman worship. 

In the same way it might be said that Plato and Aristotle, Zeno and 
Epicurus,’ “had in every city those that preached them.” Side by side 
with the doctrines of Judaism, the speculations of Greek philosophers 


1 Acts xiv. 27 2 Vloke xvii. 20. 3 Acts v. 4 Ῥ, 66. — P, 102. 
6 Ῥ, 108. 7 Acts xy. 21. & See Acts xvii. 18. 


[45] 
and 


10 


UCIA. 


νἹ 


AT SELE 


TOMB} 


SEPARATION OF JEWS AND GENTILES. 205 


were—-not indeed read in connection with religious worship--—but oralls 
taught and publicly discussed in the schools. Hence the Jews, in their 
foreign settlements, were surrounded, not only by an idolatry which 
shocked all their deepest feelings, and by a shameless profligacy unforbid- 
den by, and even associated with, that which the Gentiles called reli- 
gion,—but also by a proud and contemptuous philosophy that alienated 
the more educated classes of society to as great a distance as the unthink 
ing multitude. 

Thus a strong line of demarcation between the Jews and Gentiles ran 
through the whole Roman empire. Though their dwellings were often 
contiguous, they were separated from each other by deep-rooted feelings 
of aversion and contempt. The ‘middle wall of partition”! was built 
up by diligent hands on both sides. This mutual alienation existed, not- 
withstanding the vast number of proselytes, who were attracted to the 
Jewish doctrine and worship, and who, as we have already observed 
(Ch. 1.}, were silently preparing the way for the ultimate union of the 
two races. The breach was even widened, in many cases, in consequence 
of this work of proselytism: for those who went over to the Jewish camp, 
or hesitated on the neutral ground, were looked on with some suspicion 
by the Jews themselves, and thoroughly hated and despised by the 
Gentiles. . 

It must be remembered that the separation of which we speak was 
both religious and social. The Jews had a divine law, which sanctioned 
the principle, and enforced the practice, of national isolation. They could 
not easily believe that this law, with which all the glorious passages of 
their history were associated, was meant only to endure for a limited 
period : and we cannot but sympathise in the difficulty they felt in accept- 
ing the notion of a cordial union with the uncircumcised, even after idola- 
try was abandoned and morality observed. And again, the peculiar 
character of the religion which isolated the Jews was such as to place 
insuperable obstacles in the way of social union with other men. ‘Their 
seremonial observances precluded the possibility of their eating with the 
Gentiles. The nearest parallel we can find to this barrier between the 
Jews and Gentiles, is the institution of caste among the ancient popula- 
tions of India, which presents itself to our politicians as a perplexing fact 
ix the government of the presidencies, and to our missionaries as the great 
abstacle to the progress of Christianity in the East.? A Hindoo cannot 
eat with a Parsee, or a Mahomedan,—and among the Hindoos themselves 


1 Eph. ii. 14. 

3. See for instance the memoir of the Rev. H. W. Fox (1850), pp. 123-125. A short 
statement of the strict regulations of the modern Jews, in their present dispersed state. 
concerning the slaughtering of animals for food and the sale ef the meat, is given im 
Allen’s Modern Judaism, ch. xyii. 


206 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the meals of a Brahmin are polluted by the presence of a Pariah,—thougk 
they mect and have free intercourse in the ordinary transaction of busi: 
ness. And so it was in the patriarchal age. It was “an abomination for 
the Egyptians to eat bread with the Hebrews.”! The same principle was 
divinely sanctioned for a time in the Mosaic Institutions. The Israelites, 
who lived among the Gentiles, met them freely in the places of public 
resort, buying and selling, conversing and disputing: but their families were 
separate : in the relations of domestic life, it was “ unlawful,” as St. Peter 
said to Cornelius, ‘‘for a man that was a Jew to keep company or come 
nnto one of another nation.”? When St. Peter returned from the centu- 
tion at Czesarea to his brother-christians at Jerusalem, their great charge 
against him was that he had “ gone in to men uncircumcised, and had eaten 
with them : 73. and the weak compliance of which he was guilty, after the 
true principle of social unity had been publicly recognised, and which 
ealled forth the stern rebuke of his brother-apostles, was that, after eating 
with the Gentiles, he “withdrew and separated himself, fearing them 
which were of the circumcision.” 4 

How these two difficulties, which seemed to forbid the formation of an 
united Church on earth, were ever to be overcome,—how the Jews and 
Gentiles were to be religiously united, without the enforced obligation of 
the whole Mosaic Law,—how they were to be socially united as equal 
brethren in the family of a common Father,—the solution of this problem 
raust in that day have appeared inipossible. And without the direct in- 
tervention of Divine grace it would have been impossible. We now pro- 
ceed to consider how that grace gave to the minds of the Apostles, the 
wisdom, discretion, forbearance, and firmness which were required ; and 
how St. Paul was used as the great instrument in accomplishing a work 
necessary to the very existence of the Christian Church. 

We encounter here a difficulty, well known to all who have examined 
this subject, in combining into one continuous narrative the statements in 
the Epistle to the Galatians and in the Acts of the Apostles. In the 
latter book we are informed of five distinct journeys made by the Apostle 
to Jerusalem after the time of his conversion ;—first, when he escaped 
from Damascus, and spent a fortnight with Peter ;° secondly, when he 
took the collection from Antioch with Barnabas in the time of famine ; ¢ 
thirdly, on the occasion of the Council, which is now before us in the fif- 
teenth chapter of the Acts ; fourthly, in the interval between his second 
and third missionary journeys ;7 and, fifthly, when the uproar was made 
in the Temple, and he was taken into the custody of the Roman garrison. 
Tn the Hpistles to the Galatians, St. Paul speaks of two journeys to Jeru- 

1 Gen. xiii. 32. ? Acts x. 28. 


3 Acts xi. 3. 4 Gal. ii. 12. 5 P. 101 ssPMa2T 
7 Acts xviii, 22. 8 Acts xxi. &. 


DIFFICULTY IN THE NARRATIVE. 207 


salem,—the first being “three years” after his conversion! the secone 
“fourteen years” later,’ when his own apostleship was asserted and recog: 
nised in a public meeting of the other apostles. Now, while we have no 
difficulty in stating, as we have done,‘ that the first journey of one account 
is the first journey of the other, theologians have been variously divided in 
opinion, as to whether the second journey of the Epistle must be identified 
with the second, third, or fourth of the Acts; or whether it is a separate 
journey, distinct from any of them. It is agreed by all that the fifth can- 
not possibly be intended.* The view we have adopted, that the second 
journey of the Epistle is the third of the Acts, is that of a majority of the 
best critics and commentators. For the arguments by which it is justi- 
fied, and for a full discussion of the whole subject, we must refer the rea- 
der to the note at the end of this Chapter. Some of the arguments will 
be indirectly presented in the following narrative. So far as the circum- 
stances combined together in the present Chapter appear natural, consecu- 
tive and coherent, so far some reason will be given for believing that we 
are not following an arbitrary assumption or a fanciful theory. 

It is desirable to recur at the outset to the first instance of a Ger 
tile’s conversion to Christianity. After the preceding remarks, we are 
prepared to recognise the full sjgnificance of the emblematical? vision 
which St. Peter saw at Joppa. The trance into which he fell at the mo- 
ment of his hunger,—the vast shect descending from heaven,—the pro- 
miscuous assemblage of clean and unclean animals *—the voice from hea- 
ven which said, “ Arise, Peter, kill and eat,”—the whole of this imagery 
is invested with the deepest meaning, when we recvllect all the details of 
religious and social life, which separated, up to that moment, the Gentile 
from the Jew The words heard by St. Peter in his trance came like a 
shock on all the prejudices of his Jewish education.2 He had never so 

1 Gal. i. 18. 

3 We take the δεκατεσσάρων (Gal. ii. 1) to refer to the preceding journey, and not to 
the conversion. This question, as well as that of the reading τεσσάρων, will be dis- 
cussed in a future note. 

3 Gal. ii. 1-10. 

4P. 101. 

5 Some writers, 6. g. Paley and Schrader, have contended that an entirely different 
joarney, ποὺ mentioned in the Acts, is alluded to. This also will be discussed hereafter. 

6 Acts x. xi. 

7 The last emblematical visions (properly so called) were those seen by the prophet 
aechariah. 

5. See Levit. xi. 

9 The feeling of the Jews in all ages is well illustrated by the following extract from 
» modern Jewish work : “If we disregard this precept, and say, ‘ What difference can 
it make to God if I eat the meat of an ox or swine,’ we offend against His will, we pok 
lute ourselves by what goes into the mouth, and can consequently lay no longer a claim 
tc holiness; for the term ‘holiness,’ applied to mortals, means only a framing of ougr 
desires by the will of God. . .. . Have we not enough to eat without touching forbid 
den things? Let me beseech my dear fellow-believers not to deceive themselver by. 


208 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


broken the law of his forefathers as to eat any thing it condemned as um 
clean. And though the same voice spoke to him “a second time,”! and 
“answered him from heaven,”?—‘‘ What God has. made clean that call 
not thou common,”—it required a wonderful combination of natural? and 
supernatural evidence to convince him that God is “no respecter of per- 
sons,” but “in every nation” accepts him that “‘feareth Him and worketh 
righteousness,” ‘—that all such distinctions as depend on ‘meat and 
drink,” on “ holydays, new moons, and sabbaths,” were to pass away,— 
that these things were only “ἃ shadow of things to come,’”—that “ the 
body is of Christ,”—and that ‘in Him we are complete . . . circumcised 
with a circumcision not made with hands . . . buried with Him in bap- 
tism,” and risen with Him through faith.* 

The Christians “ of the circumcision,” ® who travelled with Peter from 
Joppa to Cxsarea, were “ astonished” when they saw “the gift of the 
Holy Ghost poured out” on the uncircumcised Gentiles: and much dis- 
satisfaction was created in the Church, when intelligence of the whole 
transaction came to Jerusalem. On Peter’s arrival, his having “gone in 
to men uncircumcised, and eaten with them,” was arraigned as a serious 
violation of religious duty. When St. Peter “rehearsed the matter from 
the beginning, and expounded it by order,” appealing to the evidence of 
the “six brethren” who had accompanied him,—his accusers were silent, 
and so much conviction was produced at the time, that they expressea 
their gratitude to God, for His mercy in “ granting to the Gentiles re- 
pentance unto life.”7 But subsequent events too surely proved that the 
discontent at Jerusalem was only partially allayed. Hesitation and per- 
plexity began to arise in the minds of the Jewish Christians, with scrupa- 
lous misgivings concerning the rectitude of St. Peter’s conduct, and an un- 
comfortable jealousy of the new converts. And nothing could be more 
natural than all this jealousy and perplexity. ΤῸ us, with our present 
knowledge, it seems that the slightest relaxation of a ceremonial law 
should have been willingly and eagerly welcomed. But the view from 
the Jewish standing-point was very different. The religious difficulty in 
the mind of a Jew was greater than we can easily imagine. We can well 
believe that the minds of many may have been perplexed by the words and 
the conduct of our Lord Himself: for He had not been sent “ save to the 
lost sheep of the house of Israel,” and He said that it was ‘not mest to 


saying, ‘ there is no sin in eating of aughé that lives ;’ on the contrary, there is sin and 
contamination too.” Leeser’s Jews and the Mosaic Law ; ch. on “ The forbidden Meats.” 
Philadelphia, 5594. 

1 Acts x. 15. 2 Acts xi. 9. 

3 The coineldence of outward events and inward admonitions was very similar to the 
circumstances connected with St. Paul’s baptism by Ananias at Damascus, 

4 Acts x. 34, 35. 5 See Col. ii. 8-23. 6 Acts x, 45, with xi, 12. 

7 Aots xi. 1-18. 


INTRIGUES OF THE JUDAIZERS AT ANTIOCH. 209 


take the children’s bread and cast it to dogs.”! Until St. Paul appeared be 
fore the Church in his true character as the Apostle of the uncireumcision, 
few understood that ‘the law of the commandments contained in ordi 
nances” had been abolished by the cross of Christ ;* and that the “ other 
rheep,” not of the Jewish fold, should be freely admitted into the “ one 
fold” by the ‘‘ One Shepherd.” ? 

The smouldering feeling of discontent which had existed from the first 
increased and became more evident as new Gentile converts were admitted 
into the Church. ΤῸ pass over all the other events of the interval which 
had elapsed since the baptism of Cornelius, the results of the recent jour- 
ney of Paul and Barnabas through the cities of Asia Minor must have 
excited a great commotion among the Jewish Christians. ‘A door of 
faith” had been opened ‘‘ unto the Gentiles.”4 “ He that wrought effectu- 
ally in Peter to the apostleship of the circumcision, the same had been 
mighty in Paul toward the Gentiles.”® And we cannot well doubt that 
both he and Barnabas had freely joined in social intercourse with the Gen- 
tile Christians, at Antioch in Pisidia, at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, as 
Peter “at the first”® “a good while ago”? had eaten with Cornelius at 
Cxsarea, At Antioch in Syria, it seems evident that both parties lived 
together in amicable intercourse and in much “ freedom.” 8 Nor, indeed, 
is this the city where we should have expected the Jewish controversy to 
have come to a crisis: for it was from Antioch that Paul and Barnabas 
had first been sent as missionaries to the heathen :° and it was at Antioch 
that Greek proselytes had first accepted the truth,’ and that the united 
hody of believers had first béen called “ Christians.” 11 

Jerusalem was the metropolis of the Jewish world. The exclusive 
feelings which the Jews carried with them wherever they were diffused, 
were concentrated in Jerusalem in their most intense degree. It was 
there, in the sight of the Temple, and with all the recollections of their 
ancestors surrounding their daily life, that the impatience of the Jewish 
Christians kindled into burning indignation, They saw that Christianity, 
instead of being the purest and holiest form of Judaism, was rapidly be- 
coming a universal and indiscriminating religion, in which the Jewish ele- 
ment would be absorbed and lost. This revolution could not appear to 
them in any other light than as a rebellion against all that they had been 
taught to hold inviolably sacred. And since there was no doubt that the 
great instigator of this change of opinion was that Saul of Tarsus whom 
they had once known as a young Pharisee at the “ feet of Gamalicl,” the 
eontest took the form of an attack made by “certain of the sect of the 


1 Matt. xv. 24, 26. ? Eph. ii. 15. 


3 John x. 16. 4 Acts xiv. 27. 5 Gal. ii. 8. 
6 Acts xv. 14. 7 Acts xv. 7. 8 See Gal. ii. 4. 


® Acts xiii. 1, ἄς. 10 Acts xi. 19-21. 1 Acts xi. 26. 
VoL. I.—14 ; 


210 THE LIFE AND EFISTLES OF ST. PATL. 


Pharisees” upon St. Paul. The battle which had been fought and lost 
in the “ Cilician synagogue” was now to be renewed within the Church ᾿ 
itself. } 

Some of the “ false breth.en” (for such is the name which St. Paul 
gives to the Judaizers') went down “from Judea” to Antioch.? The 
course they adopted, in the first instance, was not that of open antagonism 
to St. Paul, but rather of clandestine intrigue. They came as “ spies” 
into an enemy’s camp,’ creeping in ‘‘ unawares,”‘ that they might ascer- 
tain how far the Jewish Law had been relaxed by the Christians ai Anti- 
och ; their purpose being to bring the whole Church, if possib'e, under 
the “ bondage ” of the Jewish yoke. It appears that they remained some 
considerable time at Antioch,’ gradually insinuating, or openly inculcat- 
ing, their opinion that the observance of the Jewish Law was xecessary ta 
salvation. It is very important to observe the exact form which their 
teaching assumed. They did not merely recommend or enjoin, for prv- 
dential reasons, the continuance of certain ceremonies in themselves indi? 
ferent : but they said, ‘‘ Except ye be circumcised after the manner of 
Moses, ye cannot be saved.” Such a doctrine must have been instantly 
opposed by St. Paul with his utmost energy. He was always ready to go 
to the extreme verge of charitable concession when the question was one of 
peace and mutual understanding : but when the very foundations cf Chris- 
tianity were in danger of being undermined, when the very continuance 
of “ the truth of the Gospel” * was in jeopardy, it was impossible that he 
should ‘‘ give place by subjection,” even “ for an hour.” 

The ‘dissension and disputation,”? which arose between Paul and 
Barnabas and the false brethren from Judea, resulted in a general anxiety 
and perplexity among the Syrian Christians. The minds of ‘‘ those whe 
from among the Gentiles were turned unto God” were “ troubled” and 
unsettled. Those “words” which “perverted the Gospel of Christ” 
tended also to “ subvert the souls” of those who heard them. It was 
determined, therefore, ‘‘that Paul and Barnabas, with certain others, 
should go up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and elders about this ques-. 
tion.” It was well known that those who were disturbing the peace of 
the Church had their head-quarters in Judea. Such a theological party 
could only be successfully met in the stronghold of Jewish nationality. 
Moreover, the residence of the principal Apostles was at Jerusalem, and 
the community over which “‘ James” presided was still regarded as the 
Mother-Church of Christendom. 


1 Gal. ii, 4. 2 Acts xv. 1. 
3 Κατασκοπῆσαι. “ Verbum Castrense.” Grotius. See Chrys on Gal. ii. 4. 
4 See παρεισάκτους and παρεισῆλθον. Gal. ii. 4. 
* This may be inferred from the imperfect ἐδίδασκον. Compare xiv. 28. 
Gal. ii.5. τ Acts xv. 2. 8. Acts xv. 19. 9 Gal.ii7. Acts. xv. 24 


JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. 211 


In addition to this mission with which St. Paul was entrusted by the 
Church at Antioch, he received an intimation of the Divine Will commu 
ricated by direct revelation. Such a revelation at so momentous ἃ crisig 
must appear perfectly natural to all who believe that Christianity was in 
xoduced into the world by the immediate power of God. If “a man of 
Macedonia” appeared to Paul in the visions of the night, when he wa, 
about to carry the Gospel from Asia into Europe:! if “the angel of 
God” stood by him in the night when the ship that was huge him to 
Rome was in danger of sinking ;7 we cannot wonder when he tells us 
that, on this occasion, when he “went up to Jerusalem with Barnabas,” 
he went “by revelation.” And we need not be surprised, ifywe find that 
St. Paul’s path was determined by two different causes ; that he went to 
Jerusalem partly because the Church deputed him, and partly because he 
was divinely admonished. Such a combination and co-operation of the 
natural and the supernatural we have observed above,‘ in the case of that 
vision which induced St. Peter to go from Joppa to Cxsarea. Nor need 
we feel any great difficulty in adopting this view of St. Paul’s journey 
from Antioch to Jerusalem,—from this circumstance, that the two mo- 
tives which conspired to direct him are separately mentioned in different 
parts of Scripture. It is true that we are told in the Acts® simply that it 
was “‘ determined” at Antioch that Paul should go to Jerusalem ; and 
that in Galatians,® we are informed by himself that he went “ by revela- 
tion.” But we have an exact parallel in an earlier journey, already re- 
lated,’ from Jerusalem to Tarsus. In St. Luke’s narrative’ it is stated 
that ‘the brethren,” knowing that the conspiracy against his life, 
“brought him down to*Casarea and sent him forth ;” while in the speech 
of St. Paul himself,? we are told that in a trance he saw Jesus Christ, and 
received from Him a command to depart “ quickly out of Jerusalem.” 

Similarly directed from without and from within, he travelled to 
Jerusalem on the occasion before us. It would seem that his com- 
panions were carefully chosen with reference to the question in dispute. 
On the one hand was Barnabas,” a Jew and “a Levite” by birth," a 
good representative of the church of the circumcision. On the other 
hand was Titus,” now first mentioned" in the course of our narrative, a 


1 Acts xvi. 9. 3. Acts xxvii. 23. 
3. Gal. ii. 2. Schrader (who does not however identify this journey with that in 
Acts xv.) translates κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν---", to make a revelation,” which is a meaning the 


words can scarcely bear. 4 Pp. 207, 208. 
5 xv, 2, 6 ii. 2. 7 Ch. III. p. 104. 
8 Acts ix. 30. 9 Acts xxii. 17, 18. 10 Acts xy. 2. 
1 Acts iv. 36. 12 Gal. ii. 1-5. 


8 Titus is not mentioned at all in the Acts of the Apostles, unless the reading Ti ow 
Ἰούστου in xviii. 7 be correct, which is not probable (see below, p. 229, note). Besilea 
the present Epistle and that to Titus Limself, he is only mentioned in 2 Cor. and 2 Tim 


212 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sonvert from hcathenism, an uncircumcised “Greek.” From the expres 
sion used of the departure of this company it seems evident that the 
majority of the Christians at Antioch were still faithful to the truth of 
the Gospel. Had the Judaizers triumphed, it would hardly have been 
said that Paul and his fellow-travellers were “brought on their way 
by the Church.”! Their course was along the great Roman Road, 
which followed the Pheenician coast-line, and traces of which are still 
seen on the cliffs overhanging the sea,? and thence through the midland 
districts of Samaria and Judea. When last we had occasion to men- 
tion Pheenice,? we were alluding to those who were dispersed on the 
death of Stephen, and preached the Gospel “to Jews only” on this 
part of the Syrian coast. Now it seems evident that many of the 
heathen Syro-Pheenicians had been converted to Christianity: for as 
Paul and Barnabas passed through, “ declaring the conversion of the 
Gentiles, they caused great joy unto all the brethren.” As regards 
the Samaritans,‘ we cannot be surprised that they who, when Philip first 
“preached Christ unto them,” had received the glad tidings with 
“great joy,” should be ready to express their sympathy in the happiness 
of those who, like themselves, had recently been “aliens from the com- 
monwealth of Israel.” 

Fifteen years® had now elapsed since that memorable journey, when 


In a later part of this work he will be noticed more particularly as St. Paul’s συνεργός 
(2 Cor. viii. 23). 

1 ΤΙροπεμφθέντες ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Actsxy.3. Sothe phrase παραδοθεὶς τῇ χάριτι 
τοῦ Κυρίου ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν (xy. 40), may be reasonably adduced as a proof that the 
feeling of the majority was with Paul rather than Barnabas. 

? Dr. Robinson passed two Roman milestones between Tyre and Sidon (iii. 415), and 
observed traces of a Roman road between Sidon and Beyrout. See also Visher’s Syria 
(i. 40) for a notice of the Via Antonina between Beyrout and Tripoli. 

3 P.116. Acts xi. 19, 20. It may be interesting here to allude to the journey of a 
Jew in the Middle Ages from Antioch to Jerusalem. It is probable that the stations, 
the road, the rate of travelling were the same, and the distribution of the Jews not very 
different. We find the following passage in the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, whe 
travelled in 1163. ‘“ Two days bring us from Antioch to Lega, which is Latachia, and 
contains about 200 Jews, the principal of whom are R. Chiia and R. Joseph. . . . One 


Two days hence is Beyrut. The principal of its 50 Jewish inhabitants are R. Solomon, 
R. Obadiah, and R. Joseph. It is hence one day’s journey to Saida, which is Sidon of 
Scripture [Acts xxvii. 3], a large city, with about 20 Jewish families... .. One day’s 
journey to New Sur [Tyre, Acts xxi. 3], a very beautiful city... .. The Jews of Sur 
are ship-owners and manufacturers of the celebrated Tyrian glass... .. It is one day 
henve to Acre [Ptolemais, Acts xxi. 7]. It is the frontier town of Palestine ; and, in 
consequence of its situation on the shore of the Mediterranean, and of its large port, it 
is the principal place of disembarcation of all pilgrims who visit Jerusalem by sea” 
Early Travels to Palestine, pp. 78-81. 

+ See pp. 79, 80 

° Gal. ii. 1, where we ought probably to reckon inclusively. See note at the end οἱ 
this Chapter. 


CONFERENCES AT JERUSALEM. 218 


St. Paul left Jerusalem, with all the zeal of a Pharisee, to persecute 
znd destroy the Christians in Damascus.!. He had twice entered, as a 
Christian, the Holy City again. Both visits had been short and hurried, 
and surrounded with danger. The first was three years after his conver- 
sion, when he spent a fortnight with Peter, and escaped assassination by 
a precipitate flight to Tarsus.2 The second was in the year 44, when 
Peter himself was in imminent danger, and when the messengers who 
brought the charitable contribution from Antioch were probably com- 
velled to return immediately. Now St. Paul came at a more peaceful 
period of the Church’s history, to be received as the successful champion 
of the Gospel, and as the leader of the greatest revolution which the 
world has seen. It was now undeniable that Christianity had spread to 
a wide extent in the Gentile world, and that he had been the great instru- 
ment in advancing its progress. He came to defend his own principles 
and practice against an increasing torrent of opposition, which had dis- 
turbed him in his distant ministrations at Antioch, but the fountain-head 
of which was among the Pharisees at Jerusalem. 

The Pharisees had been the companions of St. Paul’s younger days. 
Death had made many changes in the course of fifteen years ; but some 
must have been there who had studied with him “ at the feet of Gamaliel.” 
Their opposition was doubtless embittered by remembering what he had 
been before his conversion. Nor do we allude here to those Pharisees 
who opposed Christianity. These were not the enemies whom St. Paul 
came to resist. The time was past when the Jews, unassisted by the 
Roman power, could exercise a cruel tyranny over the Church. Its 
safety was no longer dependent on the wisdom or caution of Gamaliel. 
The great debates at Jerusalem are no longer between Jews and Christians 
in the Hellenistic synagogues, but between the Judaising and spiritual 
parties of the Christians themselves. Many of the Pharisees, after the 
example of St. Paul, had believed that Jesus was Christ. But they had 
not followed the example of their school-companion in the surrender οὗ 
Jewish bigotry. The battle, therefore, which had once been fought with- 
out, was now to be renewed within the Church. It seems that, at the 
very first reception of Paul and Barnabas at Jerusalem, some of 
these Pharisaic Christians “rose up,” and insisted that the observance of 
Judaism was necessary to salvation. They said that it was absolutely 
“needful to circumcise” the new conve ts, and to “command them to 
keep the Law of Moses.” The whole course of St. Paul’s procedure 
among the Gentiles was here openly attacked. Barnabas was involved 
in the same suspicion and reproach ; and with regard to Titus, who was 


1 See Ch. IIT. ? P. 101. Compare p. 206. 3 Pp, 127. Compare p. 206 
« Acts xv, 5. 


214 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF Si. PAUL. 


with them as the representative of the Gentile Church, it was asserted 
that, without circumcision, he could not hope to be partaker of the 
blessings of the Gospel. 

But far more was involved than any mere opposition, however factious, 
to individual missionaries, or than the severity of any conditions imposed 
on individual converts. The question of liberty or bondage for all future 
ages was to be decided ; and a convention of the whole Church at Jeruste 
lem was evidently called for. In the meantime, before ‘‘ the Apostles and 
elders came together to consider of this matter,”! St, Paul had private 
con ferences with the more influential members of the Christian community,” 
and especially with James, Peter, and John,’ the great Apostles and “ Pil- 
lars” of the Church. Great caution and management were required, in 
consequence of the intrigues of the ‘‘false brethren,” both in Jerusalem 
and Antioch. He was, moreover, himself the great object of suspicion, 
and it was his duty to use every effort to remove the growing prejudice. 
Thus, though conscious of his own inspiration and tenaciously holding the 
truth which he knew to be essential, he yet acted with that prudence 
which was characteristic of his whole life,* and which he honestly avowg 
in the Hpistle to the Galatians, 

If we may compare our own feeble imitations of Apostolic zeal and 
prudence with the proceedings of the first founders of the Church of Christ, 
we may say that these preliminary conferences were like the private 
meetings which prepare the way for a great religious assembly in England. 
Paul and Barnabas had been deputed from Antioch ; Titus was with them 
as a sample of Gentile conversions, and a living proof of their reality ; and 
the great end in view was to produce full conviction in the Church at 
large. At length the great meeting was summoned® which was to settle 
the principles of missionary action among the Gentiles. It was a scene 
of earnest debate, and perhaps, in its earlier portion, of angry “ dis- 
puting ; 5 but the passages which the Holy Spirit has caused to be 
recorded for our instruction are those which relate to the Apostles them- 
selves,—the address of St. Peter, the narrative of Barnabas and Paul, 
and the concluding speech of St. James. These three passages must be 
separately considered in the order of Scripture. 


1 Acts xv. 6. aa Graders 2: 

3 Gal. ii. 9. 4 See, for instance, the sixth and seventeenth verses of Acts xxii 

5 This meeting is described (Acts xv. 6) as consisting of the “ Apostles and Elders ;’ 
out the decision afterwards given is said to be the decision of “the Apostles and Elders 
with the whole Church” (v.22), and the decree was sent in the names of “ the Apostles, 
and Elde-s, and Brethren” (v. 23). Hence we must suppose, either that the decision 
was made by the synod of the Apostles and Elders, and afterwards ratified by another 
larger meeting of the whole Church, or that there was only one meeting, in which the 
whole Church took part, although only the “ Apostles and Elders” are mentioned. 

6 Acts xv. 7 


PUBLIC MEETING. 915 


St. Peter was the first of the Apostles who rose to address the assem 
vly.' He gave his decision against the Judaizers, and in favour of St 
Paul. Te reminded his hearers of the part which he himself had taken 
in admitting the Gentiles into the Christian Church. They were well 
aware, he said, that these recent converts in Syria and Cilicia were not 
the first heathens who had believed the Gospel, and that he himself had 
been chosen by God to begin the work which St. Paul had only been 
continuing. The communication of the Holy Ghost was the true test of 
God’s acceptance ; and God had shown that He was no respecter of 
persons, by shedding abroad the same miraculous gifts on Jew and Gen- 
tile, and purifying by faith the hearts of both alike. And then St. Peter 
went on to speak, in touching language, of the yoke of the Jewish law. 
Its weight had pressed heavily on many generations of Jews, and was well 
known to the Pharisees who were listening at that moment. They had 
been relieved from legal bondage by the salvation offered through faith ; 
and it would be tempting God to impose on others a burden which 
neither they nor their fathers had ever been able to bear. 

The next speakers were Paul and Barnabas. There was great silence 
through all the multitude,? and every eye was turned on the missionaries 
while they gave the narrative of their journeys. Though Barnabas is 
mentioned here before Paul,? it is most likely that the latter was “ the 
chief speaker.” But both of them appear to have addressed the audi- 
ence. They had much to relate of what they had done and seen toge- 
ther: and especially they made appeal to the miracles which God had 
worked among the Gentiles by them. Such an appeal must have been 
@ persuasive argument to the Jew, who was familiar, in his ancient Scrip- 
tures, with many divine interruptions of the course of nature. These in- 
terferences had signalised all the great passages of Jewish history. Jesus 
Christ had proved His divine mission in the same manner. And the 
events at Paphos,® at Iconium,* and Lystra,’ could not well be regarded 
in any other light than as a proof that the same Power had been with 
Paul and Barnabas, which accompanied the words of Peter and John in 
Jerusalem and Judea.* 

But the opinion of another speaker still remained to be given. This 
was James, the brother of the Lord,® who, from the austere sanctity of his 

1 Acts x9. 7-11. 

® Eotynze πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος κι τ. Acts xv.12. The imperfect ἤκουον ‘mplies atten 
tion to a continued narrative. 

3 This order of the names in the narrative, xv. 12, and in the Jetter below, v. 25 (20 
in v. 22), isa remarkable exception to the phrase “Paul and Barnabas,” which has 
heen usual since Acts xiii. See below, p. 221, note 5. 

4. See v. 13, μετὰ τὸ σιγῆσαι αὐτούς. 5 Acts xiii. 11. 


6 Acts xiv. 3. ’ Acts xiv. 8. 8 Acts ii. v. ix. 
® See Acts xv. 13-32. It is well known that there is much perplexity connected 


216 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


character, was commonly called, both by Jews and Christians, ‘“ Jamea 
the Just.” No judgment could have such weight with the Judaising 
party as his. Not only in the vehement language in which he denounced 
the sins of the age, but even in garb and appearance, he resembled John 
the Baptist, or one of the older prophets, rather than the other apostles 
of the new dispensation. ‘ Like the ancient saints, even in outward as- 
pect, with the austere features, the linen ephod, the bare feet, the long 
locks and unshorn beard of the Nazarite,” —such, according to tradition, 
was the man who now came forward, and solemnly pronounced the Mosaic 
rites were not of eternal obligation. After alluding to the argument of 
Peter (whose name we find him characteristically quoting in its Jewish 
form’), he turns to the ancient prophets, and adduces a passage from 
Amos * to prove that Christianity is the fulfilment of Judaism. And then 
he passes to the historical aspect of the subject, contending that this ful- 
filment was predetermined by God himself, and that the Jewish dispensa- 
tion was in truth the preparation for the Christian. Such a decision, 
pronounced by one who stood emphatically on the confines of the two dis- 
pensations, came with great force on all who heard it, and carried with it 
the general opinion of the assembly to the conclusion that those “ who 
from among the Gentiles had turned unto God” should not be “ troubled” 
with any Jewish obligations, except such as were necessary for peace and 
the mutual good understanding of the two parties. | 

The spirit of charity and mutual forbearance is very evident in the 
decree which was finally enacted. Its spirit was that expressed by St. 
Paul in his Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. He knew, and was 
persuaded by the Lord Jesus, that nothing is unclean of itself: but to him 
that esteemeth anything to be unclean, to him it is unclean. He knew that an 
idol is nothing in the world, and that there is none other God but one: but 
all men have not this knowledge : some could not eat that which had been 
offered in sacrifice to an idol without defiling their conscience. It is good ~ 
to abstain from everything whereby a weaker brother may be led to 


with those apostles who bore the name of James. Neander (Pfl. u. L. p. 554).says the 
question is one of the most difficult in the New Testament. Wieseler has written an 
essay on the subject in the St.u. K. We are not required here to enter into the inves- 
tigation, and are content to adopt the opinion which is most probable. 

1 Stanley’s Sermons and Essays, &c., p. 295. We must refer here to the whole of 
the “Sermon on the Epistle of St. James,’”’ and of the “ Essay on the Traditions of 
James the Just,” especially pp. 292, 302, 327. . 

ἢ Συμεὼν ἐξηγήσατο. Actsxv.14. So St. Peter names himself at the beginning of 
his Second Epistle, Συμεὼν Πέτρος δοῦλος, k. τ. A. 

3 Amos ix. 11,12. We are not required to express any opinion on the application 
of prophecy to the future destiny of the Jews ; but we must observe, that the Apostlea 
themselves apply such prophecies as this to the Christian Dispensation. See Actsii. 17 

4 Τνωρτὰ ἀπ’ αἰῶνος, κ. τ. Δ. v.18. Compare Acts xvii. 26. Rom.i.2. Eph. i. 10 
bi. 9,10. Col. i. 26. 


THE DECREE. “11 


‘stumble. To sin thus aguinst our brethren is to sin against ΟΠ τὶδυ.! In 
accordance with these principles it was enacted that the Gentile converts 
should be required to abstain from that which had been polluted by being 
cffered in sacrifice to idols, from the flesh of animals which had been 
strangled, and generally from the eating of blood. The reason for these 
conditions is stated in the verse to which particular allusion has been made 
at the beginning of the present chapter.?/ The Law of Moses was read 
every Sabbath in all the cities, where the Jews were dispersed.2 A due 
consideration for the prejudices of the Jews made it reasonable for the 
Gentile converts to comply with some of the restrictions which the Mosaic 
Law and ancient custom had imposed on every Jewish meal. In no other 
way could social intercourse be built up and cemented between the two 
parties. Jf some forbearance were requisite on the part of the Gentiles 
in complying with such conditions, not less forbearance was required from 
the Jews in exacting no more. And to the Gentiles themselves the 
restrictions were a merciful condition : for it helped them to disentangle 
themselves more easily from the pollutions connected with their idolatrous 
life. We are not merely concerned here with the question of social sepa- 
ration, the food which was a delicacy* to the Gentile being abominated 
by the Jew,—nor with the difficulties of weak and scrupulous consciences, 
who might fear too close a contact between ‘‘ the table of the Lord” and 
“the table of Demons,” *—but, this controversy had an intimate connec- 
tion with the principles of universal morality. The most shameless vio- 
lations of purity took place in connection with the sacrifices and feasts 
celebrated in honour of heathen divinities. Everything, therefore, which 
tended to keep the Gentile converts even from accidental or apparent 
association with these scenes of vice, made their own recovery from pollu- 
tion more easy, and enabled the Jewish converts to look on their new 
Christian brethren with less suspicion and antipathy. This seems to be 
the reason why we find an acknowledged sin mentioned in the decree 


1 Rom. xiv. 1 Cor. viii. 

? Above, p. 204. There is some difference of opinion as to the connection of this 
verse with the context. Some consider it to imply that while it was necessary to urge 
these conditions on the Gentiles, it was needless to say any thing to the Jews on the 
subject, since they had the Law of Moses, and knew its requirements. Dean Milman 
infers that the regulations were made because the Christians in general met in the same 
places of religious worship with the Jews. ‘These provisions were necessary, because 
the Mosaic Law was universally read, and from immemorial usage in the synagogue. 
The direct violation of its most vital principles by any of those who joined in the com 
mon worship would be incongruous, and of course highly offensive to the more zealous 
Mosaists.” Hist. of Christianity, vol. i. p. 426, n. 


7 Acts xy. 21. 
4 We learn from Athenseus that τὸ πνικτὸν was regarded as a delicacy among the 
, Greeks. 5 1 Cor. x. 21, 


© See Tholuck in his “ Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism,”’ part iii 


218 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


along with ceremonial observances which were meant to be only tempo 
rary! and perhaps local.? We must look on the whole subject from ‘the 
Jewish point of view, and consider how violations of morality and contra- 
dictions of the ceremonial law were associated together in the Gentile 
world. It is hardly necessary to remark that much additional emphasis 
is given to the moral part of the decree, when we remember that 1t was 
addréssed: to those who lived in close proximity to the profligate sanctua- 
ries of Antioch and Paphos. 

We have said that the ceremonial part of the decree was intended for 
a temporary and perhaps only a local observance. It is not for a moment 
implied that any Jewish ceremony is necessary to salvation. On the con- 
trary, the great principle was asserted, once for all, that man is justified, 
not by the law, but by faith: one immediate result was that Titus, the 
companion of Paul and Barnabas, ‘‘ was not compelled to be circumcised.” ¢ 
His case was not like that of Timothy at a later period,’ whose circumcision 
was a prudential accommodation to circumstances, without endangering 
the truth of the Gospel. To have circumcised Titus at the time of the 
meeting in Jerusalem, would have been to have asserted that he was 
“bound to keep the whole law.”® And when the alternative was between 
“the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free,” and the reimposition of 
“the yoke of bondage,” Paul’s language always was,’ that if Gentile con 
verts were circumcised, Christ could “ prefit them nothing.” By secking 


1 We cannot, however be surprised that one great branch of the Christian Church 
takes a different view. The doctrine of the Greek Church, both Ancient and Modern, 
may be seen in the Πηδάλιον, or Greek Book of Canon Law (Athens, 1841). In the 
Apostolic Constitutions we find the following :—LEiri¢ ᾿Επίσκοπος ἢ Πρεσθύτερος ἢ Διά- 
wovoc φάγῃ κρέα ἐν αἵματι ψυχῆς αὐτοῦ, ἢ ϑηριάλωτον ἢ ϑνησιμαῖον, καθαιρείσθω. τοῦτο 
γὰρ ὁ Νόμος ἀπεῖπεν. Ei δὲ Λαϊκὸς εἴη, ἀφοριζέσθω. The modern comment, after ad- 
ducing Gen. ix. and Levit. xvii., proceeds: ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ καὶ εἰς τὸν νέον Νόμον τοῦ Evay- 
γελίου τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐμποδίζονται νὰ μὴν τρώγωνται. Συναχθέντες γὰρ οἱ ἴδιοι οὗτο: 
᾿Απόστολοι ἔγραψαν, κ. τ. 4. (Αοἰβχν. 18,19.) Ἡ αἰτία δὲ διὰ τὴν ὁποίαν ἐμποδίζονται 
τὰ ϑηριάλωτα ἢ ὀρνεοπάτακτα ζῶα ἢ ϑνησιμαῖα, ἢ πνικτὰ, εἷναι, διὰ τι δὲν χύνεται ὅλο; 
τὸ αἷμα αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ ηένει μέσα εἰς αὐτὰ, διασκορπιζόμενον εἰς τὰ φλεύΐδια ὅλα τοῦ κρέα- 
τος, ἀπὸ τὰ ὁποῖα νὰ εὐγῇ δὲν εἶναι τρύπος. (pp. 45, 40.) Again, in one of the Canons 
of the Trullian Council, we find: 'H Θεΐα ἡμῖν γραφὴ ἐνετείλατο, ἀπέχεσθαι, κ. τ. ἃ 
Τοῖς οὖν διὰ τὴν λίχνον γαστέρα, αἷμα οἱουδήποτε ζώου τέχνῃ τινὲ κατασκευάζουσιν 
ἐδώδιμον καὶ οὕτω τοῦτο ἐσθίουσι, προσφορῶς ἐπιτιμῶμεν. (p. 160.) And in the Coun- 
cil of Gaggra, in a decree alluding to 1 Tim. iv. 3, the same condition is introduced : 
Ei τις ἐσθιόντα κρέα (χωρὶς αἵματος καὶ εἰδωλοθύτον καὶ πνικτοῦ) μετ’ εὐλαθείας καὶ 
πιστέως, κατακρίνοι... ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. (p. 230.) The practice of the modern Greeks 
is strictly in accordance with these decisions. 

? At least the decree (Acts xv. 23) is addressed only to the churches of “Syria ang 
Cilicia,” and we do not see the subject alluded to again after xvi. 4. 

ὁ See above, pp. 135 and 168, and Lucian’s Treatise de Dea Syria.” 

4 Gal. ii. 3. 5 Acts xvi. 3. 6 Gal. v. 3. 

7 Ἴδε ἐγὼ Παῦλος λέγω ὑμῖν, ὅτι ἐὰν περιτέμνησθε, Χριστὸς ὑμᾶς οὐδὲν ὠφελώδει 
Gal. v. 2. 


PUBLIC RECOGNITION OF ST. PAUL’S MISSION YO THE HEATHEN. 219 


to be justified in the law they fell from grace! In this firm refusal te 
comply with the demand of the Judaizers, the case of all future com 
yerts from heathenism was virtually involved. It was asserted once for ali 
that in the Christian Church there is ‘‘ neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision 
nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond, nor free ; but that Christ is 
all and inall.”? And St. Paul obtained the victory for that principle which, 
we cannot doubt, will hereafter destroy the distinctions that are connected 
with the institution of slavery in America and of caste in India. 

Certain other points decided in this meeting had a more direct personal 
reference to St. Paul himself. His own independent mission had been 
called in question. Some, perhaps, said that he was antagonistic to the: 
Apostles at Jerusalem, others that he was entirely dependent on them. 
All the Judaizers agreed in blaming his course of procedure among the 
Gentiles. This course was now entirely approved by the other Apos 
tles. His independence was fully recognised. Those who were univer- 
sally regarded as “‘pillars of the truth,” James, Peter, and John,‘ gave to 
him and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship, and agreed that they 
should be to the heathen what themselves were to the Jews. Thus was 
St. Paul publicly acknowledged as the Apostle of the Gentiles, and openly 
placed in that position from which ‘he shall never more go out,” as a pil- 
lar of the temple of the ‘New Jerusalem,” inscribed with the ‘ New 
Name” waich proclaims the union of all mankind in one Saviour.’ 

One of those who gave the right hand of fellowship to St. Paul, was 
the ‘‘ beloved disciple” of that Saviour.* This is the only meeting of St. 
Paul and St. John recorded in Scripture. It is, moreover, the last notice 
which we find there of the life of St. John, until the time of the apecalyp- 
tic vision in the island of Patmos. For both these reasons the mind 
eagerly seizes on the incident, though it is only casually mentioned in the 
Kpistle to the Galatians. Like other incidental notices contained in Scrip- 
ture, it is very suggestive of religious thoughts. St. John had been silent 
during the discussion in the public assembly ; but at the close of it he οχ- 


1 Gal. vy. 4. 2 Col. iii. 11. 

3 The charges brought against St. Paul by the Judaizers were g very ¥ arious at differ- 
ent times. 

4 It should be carefully observed here that James is mentioned first of these Sdulena- 
posteln (to quote a phrase from the German commentators), and that Peter is men- 
tioned by the name of Cephas, as in 1 Cor. i. 12. 

5 See Rey. iii. 12, The same metaphor is found in 1 Tim. iii. 15, where Timothy ig 
called (for this seems the natural interpretation), “a pillar and support of the truth.” in 
these passages it is important to bear in mind the peculiarity of ancient architecture, 
which was characterised by vertical columns, supporting horizontal entablatures, In 
scriptions were often engraved on these columns. Hence the words in the passage 
guoted from Revelations : γράψω ἐπ’ αὑτὸν... τὸ ὄνομά μου τὸ καινύν. 


8 (14]. ii. 9. . 
ϑ 


220 THE Lik, AND EPISTI.ES OF ST. PAUL. 


pressed his cordial union with St. Paul in “the truth of the Gospel.” 
That union has been made visible to all ages by the juxtaposition of theit 
Epistles in the same Sacred Volume. They stand together among the 
pillars of the Holy Temple ; and the Church of God is thankful to learn 
how Contemplation may be united with Action, and Faith with Love, in 
the spiritual life. 

To the decree with which Paul and Barnabas were charged, one condi- 
tion was annexed, with which they gladly promised to comply. We have 
already had occasion to observe (p. 66) that the Hebrews of Juda were 
relatively poor, compared with those of the dispersion, and that the Jew- 
ish Christians in Jerusalem were exposed to peculiar suffering from poy- 
erty ; and we have seen Paul and Barnabas once before the bearers of a 
contribution from a foreign city for their relief. They were exhorted now 
to continue the same charitable work, and in their journeys among the 
Gentiles and the dispersed Jews, ‘‘ to remember the poor” at Jerusalem.’ 
In proof of St. Paul’s faithful discharge of this promise, we need only 
allude to his zeal in making “ the contribution for the poor saints at Jeru- 
salem,” in Galatia, Macedonia and Achaia ;‘ and to that last journey to 

-the Holy Land, when he went, “after many years,” to take ‘alms to his 

nation.”*> It is more important here to consider (what indeed we have 
mentioned before) the effect which this charitable exertion would have in 
binding together the divided parties in the Church. There cannot be a 
doubt that the Apostles had this result in view. Their anxiety on this 
subject is the best commentary on the spirit in which they had met on this 
great occasion ; and we may rest assured that the union of the Gentile 
and Jewish Christians was largely promoted by the benevolent efforts 
which attended the diffusion of the Apostolic Decree. 

Thus the controversy being settled, Paul’s mission to the Gentiles being 
fully recognised, and his method of communicating the Gospel approved of 
by the other Apostles, and the promise being given, that in their journeys 
among the heathen, they would remember the necessities of the Hebrew 
Christians in Judea, the two missionaries returned from Jerusalem to An- 
tioch. ‘They carried with them the decree which was to give peace to the 
consciences that had been troubled by the Judaising agitators ; and the 
two companions, Judas and Silas,° who travelled with them, were empow- 
ered to accredit their commission and character. It seems also that Mark 

1 Gal. ii. 5. 3. See pp. 127, 128. 

3 Μόνον τῶν πτωχῶν iva μνημονεύωμεν, ὁ καὶ ἐσπούδασα αὐτὸ τοῦτο ποιῆσαι. Gal. 
ii. 10. Where the change from the plural to the singular should be noticed. Is this 
because Barnabas was soon afterwards separated from St. Paul (Acts xv. 39), wht had 
thenceforth to, prosecute the charitable work alone ? 

4 “ As I have given order to the Churches of Galatia, &c.,”’ 1 Cor.xy.1-4. “It hath 


pleased them of Macedonia and Achaia, &c.’’ Rom. xv. 25, 26. See 2 Cor. viii. ix. 
5 Acts xxiv. 17 6 Acts xv. 22, 27, 32. 


READING OF THE LETTER AT ANTIOCH. 99% 


was another companion of Paul and Barnabas on this journey ; for the 
last time we had occasion to mention his name was when he withdrew 
from Pamphylia to Jerusalem (p. 162), and presently we see him once 
more with his kinsman at Antioch.! 

The reception of the travellers at Antioch was full of joy and satis 
faction.?, The whole body of the Church was summoned together to hear 
the reading of the letter; and we can well imagine the eagerness with 
which they crowded to listen, and the thankfulness and “ consolation ἢ 
with which such a communication was received, after so much anxiety 
and perplexity. The letter indeed is almost as interesting to us as to 
them, net only because of the principle asserted and the results secured, 
but also because it is the first document preserved to us from the acts 
of the Primitive Church. The words of the original document, literally 
translated, are as follows :— 


Tue AprostLES AND THE ELpERS, AND THE DRETHREN, TO THE 
Gentite Breruren in ANTIOCH, AND Syrra, AND Crmictra, 
GREETING.’ 


“Whereas we have heard that certain men who went out 
from us have troubled you with words, and unsettled your 
souls + by telling you to circumcise yourselves and keep the 
Law, although we gave them no such commission: 

“Tt has been determined by us, being assembled with 
one accord, to choose some from amongst ourselves and send 
them to you with our beloved*® Barnabas and Saul, men 
that have hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, 
who themselves also*® will tell you by word the same which 
we tell, you by letter. 

“Tor it has been determined by the Holy Ghost and 
by us, to lay upon you no greater burden: than these neces- 
sary things: that ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and 


1 Acts xv. 37. ? Acts xv. 31. 

3 Xaipecv. The only other place where this salutation occurs is James i. 1; an unde 
signed coincidence tending to prove the genuineness of this document. 

4 Although the best MSS. omit the words from λέγοντες to νόμον, yet we cannot but 
agree with De Wette that they cannot possibly be an interpolation. 

5 It is another undesigned coincidence that the names of these two Apostles are here 
in the reverse order to that which, in St. Luke’s narrative (except when he speaks of 
Jerusalem), they have assumed since chap. xiii. In the view of the Church at Jerusae 
lem, Paul’s name would naturally come after that of Barnabas. See above, p. 215, n. 3, 

ὁ ’AnayyéAdovtac. The present participle may be explained by the ancient idion 
of letter writing, by which the writer transferred himself into the time of the reader 
This seems a more natural explanation than that given by Winer, Gramk. sect. 46, δὲ 


229 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornicaticn 
Wherefrom if ye keep yourselves it shall be well with you, 
FarrweEL.” 


The encouragement inspired by this letter would be increased by the 
aight of Judas and Silas, who were ready to confirm its contents by word 
of mouth. These two disciples remained some short time at Antioch, 
They were possessed of that power of “ prophecy,” which was one of 
the forms in which the Holy Spirit made His presence known: and the 
Syrian Christians were ‘“ exhorted and confirmed” by the exercise of 
this miraculous gift.!. The minds of all were in great tranquillity when 
the time came for the return of these messengers ‘‘to the Apostles” at 
Jerusalem, Silas, however, either remained at Antioch, or soon came 
back.? He was destined, as we shall see, to become the companion of 
St. Paul, and to be at the beginning of the second missionary journey 
what Barnabas had been at the beginning of the first. 

Two painful scenes were witnessed at Antioch before the Apostle 
started on that second journey. We are informed? that Paul and Bar- 
nabas protracted their stay in this city, and were diligently occupied, with 
many others, in making the glad tidings of the Gospel known, and in 
the general work of Christian instruction. It is in this interval of time 
that we must place that visit of St. Peter to Antioch,‘ which St. Paul 
mentions in the Epistle to the Galatians ,° immediately after his notice 
of the affairs of the Council. It appears that Peter, having come to 
Antioch for some reason which is unknown to us,® lived at first in free 
and unrestrained intercourse with the Gentile converts, meeting them in 

1 Ἰούδας τε καὶ Σίλας, καὶ αὐτοὶ προφῆται ὄντες. x. τ. A. Acts xv. 32. Compare 
xiii. 1. 

2 Acts xv. 34. The reading is doubtful. Some MSS. add the words μόνος δὲ Ἰούδας 
ἐπορεύθη ", but the best omit the verse altogether. The question is immaterial. If the 
verse is genuine, it modifies the word ἀπελύθησαν in the preceding verse ; if not, we 
have merely to suppose that Silas went to Jerusalem and then returned. 

3 Acts xv. 35. ; 

4 Neander (Pfl. und L.) places this meeting of Peter and Paul later, but his reasons 
are far from satisfactory. From the order of narration in the Epistle to the Galatians, 
it is most natural to infer that the meeting at Antioch took place soon after the Council 
at Jerusalem. Some writers wish to make it anterior to the Council, from an unwill- 
ingness to believe that St. Peter would have acted in this manner after the Decree. 
But it is a sufficient answer to this objection to say that his conduct was equally in- 
consistent with his own previous conduct in the case of Cornelius. 

δὶ}, 11, ἄο. ἶ 

¢ The tradition which represents Peter as having held the Sce of Antioch before that 
of Rome has been mentioned before, p. 128, note. Tillemont (S. Pierre xxvii. xxviii. 
and notes) places the period of this Episcopate about 36-42. He says it is “ une chose 
assez embarrassée,” and it is certainly difficult to reconcile it with Scripture. For 
the Festivals of the Chair of Veter at Antioch and Rome, see the Bollandists unde 
Feb, 22, and Jan. 18. 


WEAK CONDUCT OF 8T. PETER AT ANTIOCH. 223 


social friendship, and eating with them, in full consistency with the spirit 
of the recent Decree, and with his own conduct in the case of Corneliug 
At this time certain Jewish brethren came “from James,” who presided 
over the Church at Jerusalem. Whether they were really sent on some 
mission by the Apostle James, or we are merely to understand that they 
came from Jerusalem, they brought with them their old Hebrew repug- 
nance against social intercourse with the uncircumcised, and Peter in 
their society began to vacillate. In weak compliance with their preju- 
dices, he “‘ withdrew and separated himself” from those whom he had 
lately treated as brethren and equals in Christ. Just as in an earlier 
part of his life he had first asserted his readiness to follow his Master to 
death, and then denied him through fear of a maid-servant; so now, 
after publicly protesting against the notion of making any difference 
between the Jew and the Gentile, and against laying on the neck of the 
latter a yoke which the former had never been able to bear,! we find 
him contradicting his own principles, and “through fear of those who 
were of the circumcision,”? giving all the sanction of his example to the 
introduction of caste into the Church of Christ. 

Such conduct could not fail to excite in St. Paul the utmost indigna- 
tion. St. Peter was not simply yielding a non-essential point, through a 
tender consideration for the consciences of others. This would have been 
quite in accordance with the principle so often asserted by his brother- 
Apostle, that “it is good neither to eat flesh nor drink wine, nor any thing 
whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is made weak.” Nor was this pro- 
ceeding a prudent and innocent accommodation to circumstances for the 
sake of furthering the Gospel, like St. Paul’s conduct in circumcising 
Timothy at Iconium ;* or, indeed, like the Apostolic Decree itself. St. 
Peter was acting under the influence of a contemptible and sinful motive, 
—the fear of man: and his behaviour was giving a strong sanction to 
the very heresy which was threatening the existence of the Church ; 
namely, the opinion that the observance of Jewish ceremonies was neces- 
sary to salvation. Nor was this all. Other Jewish Christians, as was 
naturally to be expected, were led away by his example: and even Bar- 
nabas, the chosen companion of the Apostle of the Gentiles, who had 
been a witness and an actor in all the great transactions in Cyprus, in 
Pisidia, and J.ycaonia,—even Barnabas, the missionary, was “ carricd 
away” with the dissimulation of the rest. When St. Paul was a 
spectator of such inconsistency, and perceived both the motive in which 
it originated and the results to which it was leading, he would have been 
a traitor® to his Master’s cause, if he had hesitated (to use his own 


1 Acts xv. 9, 10, ® Gal. ii. 12. 3 Acts xvi. 3. 
« Gal. ii. 13. 
5 We can only allude to the opinion of some early writers, that the whole scene was 


9294 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


emphatic words) to rebuke Peter “ before all,” and to “ withstand him 
to the face.” ! 

It is evident from St. Paul’s expression that it was on some public 
occasion that this open rebuke took place. The scene, though slightly 
mentioned, is one of the most remarkable in Sacred History: and the 
mind naturally labors to picture to itself the appearance of the two men, 
It is, therefore, at least allowable to mention here that general notion of 
the forms and features of the two Apostles, which has been handed down 
in tradition, and was represented by the early artists.? St. Paul? is set 
before us as having the strongly marked and prominent features of a Jew, 
yet not without some of the finer lines indicative of Greek thought, His 
stature was diminutive, and his body disfigured by some lameness or dis- 
tortion, which may have provoked the contemptuous expressions of his 
enemies.‘ His beard was long and thin. His head was bald. The 
characteristics of his face were, a transparent complexion, which visibly 


pre-arranged between Peter and Paul, and that there was no real misunderstanding. 
Even Chrysostom advocates this unchristian view. 

1 Gal. ii. 14, 11. 

2 For the representations of St. Peter and St. Paul in early pictures and mosaics, 
gee the first volume of Mrs. Jameson’s “Sacred and Legendary Art,’’ especially pp. 
145, 159, 161, 162, 201. They correspond with the traditionary descriptions quoted 
in the next note. “St. Peter isa robust old man, with a broad forehead, and rather 
cvarse features, an open undaunted countenance, short grey hair, and short thick 
beard, curled, and of a silvery white. Paul was aman of small and meagre stature, 
with an aquiline nose, and sparkling eyes: in the Greek type the face is long and oval, 
the forebead high and bald; the hair brown, the beard long, flowing, and pointed. ... 
These traditional characteristic types of the features and persons of the two greatest 
apostles were long adhered to. We find them most strictly followed in the old Greek 
mosaics, in the early Christian sculpture, and the early pictures; in all which the 
sturdy dignity and broad rustic features of St. Peter, and the elegant contemplative 
head of St. Paul, who looks like a Greek philosopher, form a most interesting and 
suggestive contrast.” The dispute at Antioch is the subject of a picture by Guido. 
See p. 199. 

3 The descriptions of St. Paul’s appearance by Malalas and Nicephorus have been 
alluded to before, p. 148. Quoted at length they are as follows:—T9 ἡλικίᾳ κονδοει- 
δής" φαλακρὸς, μιξοπόλιος τὴν κάραν καὶ τὸ γένειον, EvpLvoc, ὑπόγλαυκος, σύνοφρυς, 
λευκόχρους, ἀνθηροπρόσωπος, εὐπώγων, ὑπογελῶντα ἔχων τὸν χαρακτῆρα, φρόνιμιος, 
θικὸς, εὐόμιλος, γλυκύς. Mal. Chronog. x. p. 257, ed. Bonn. Παῦλος μικρὸς ἣν καὶ 
συνεσταλμένος τὸ τοῦ σώματος μέγεθος καὶ ὥσπερ ἀγκύλον αὐτὸ κεκτημένος " σμικρὸν 
καὶ κεκυφὼς, τὴν ὄψιν λευκὸς καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον προφερής " ψίλὸς τὴν κεφαλήν " χαροποὶ 
δὲ αὐ τῷ ἦσαν οἱ ὀφθαλμοί" κάτω δὲ καὶ τὰς ὀφρῦς εἶχε νευούσας " εὐκαμπῆ καὶ ῥέπουσαν 
ὕλῳ τῷ προσώπῳ περιφέρων τὴν ῥῖνα, τὴν ὑπήνην δασεῖαν καὶ καθειμένην ἀρκούντως 
ἔχων, ῥαινομένην δὲ ταύτην καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὑπὸ πολιαῖς ταῖς ϑριξίν, Niceph. H. E. ii 
87. In accordance with these notices, St. Paul is described in the Acte Pauli et 
Theelee, as μικρὸς τῷ μεγέθει, ψιλὸς τῆν κεφαλὴν, ἀγκύλος ταῖς κνήμαις, εὔκνημος, συνύ. 
φρυς ἐπίῤῥινος, χάριτος πλήρης (Grabe, p. 95) ; and so the Ταλιλαῖος ἐς τρίτον οὐρανὸν 
ἀεροθατήσας in Lucian’s Philopatris is said to have been ὠναφαλαντίας and ἐπίῤῥινος. 
Ed. Tauch. iv. 318. 

4 See above, p. 192. 


PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF THE TWO APOSTLES. 995 


betrayed the quick changes of his feelings, a bright grey eye under thickly 
overhanging united eyebrows,' a cheerful and winning expression of coun- 
tenance, which invited the approach and inspired the confidence of stran- 
gers. It would be natural to infer,? from his continual journeys ana 
manual labour, that he was possessed of great strength of constitution. 
But men of delicate health have often gone through the greatest exer- 
tions :? and his own words on more than one occasion show that he 
suffered much from bodily infirmity. St. Peter® is represented to us ss 
a man of larger and stronger form, as his character was harsher and more 
abrupt. The quick impulses of his soul revealed themselves in the flashes 
of a dark eye. The complexion of his face was pale and sallow: and 
the short hair, which is described as entirely grey at the time of his death, 
curled black and thick round his temples and his chin, when the two 
Apostles stood togeth2r at Antioch, twenty years before their martyrdom. 

Believing, as we do, that these traditionary pictures have probably 
some foundation in truth, we gladly take them as helps to the imagina- 
tion. And they certainly assist us in realizing a remarkable scene, where 
Judaism and Christianity, in the persons of two Apostles, are for a mo 
ment brought before us in strong antagonism. The words addressed by 
St. Paul to St. Peter before the assembled Christians at Antioch, contain 
the full statement of the Gospel as opposed to the Law. ‘If thou, being 
born a Jew, art wont to live according to the customs of the Centiles, 
and not of the Jews, why wouldst thou now constrain the Gentiles to 
keep the ordinances of the Jews? We arc by birth the seed of Abraham, 
and not unhallowed Gentiles ; yet, knowing that a man is not counted 
righteous by the works of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ, we 
ourselves also have put our faith in Christ Jesus, that we might be counted 
righteous by the faith of Christ, and not by the works of the law. For 
by the works of the law shall no man living be cownted righteous.” 5 

1 See above, p. 148, n. 2. 

? So Winer says: “Eine feste Constitution durfen wir dem Manne zutrauen, welcher 
80 viel und unter zum Theil so ungunstigen Umstanden reiste (2 Cor. xi. 23, ff.) auch 
1eben geistiger Anstrengung (vgl. Act. xx. 7. 2 Cor. xi. 28) noch korperliche Arbeit 
verrichten konnte (1 Thess. ii. 9. 2 Thess. iii, 8).”’ Realworterbuch, π. 222. See 
Tholuck’s Essay on St. Paul’s early Life for some speculations on the Apostle’s tem- 
erament. 

3 The instance of Alfred the Great may be rightly alluded to. His biographer, 
Asser, says that from his youth to his death he was always either suffering pain or 
expecting it. 

4 See 2 Cor. xii. 7. Gal. iv. 13, 14. 

5 The picture in Malalas (Chronog. p. 256) relates to the time of his martyrdom. 
Γέρων ὑπῆρχε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, διμοιριαῖος, ἀναφάλας, κονδόθριξ, ὁλοπόλιος τὴν κάραν καὶ 
γένειον, λευκὸς, ὑπόχλωρος, οἰνοπαὴς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς, εὐπώγων, μακρόρινος, σύ: doug 
ἰνακαθήμενος, φρόνιμος, ὀξύχολος, εὐμετάθλητος, δειλός. See also Niceph. H. E. ii. 91. 

5. The quotation is from Psalm exliii. 2, which is also quoted in the same connection, 


Som. iii. 20. There is much difference of opinion among commentators on Gal. ii. as 
var. 1,- ΤΆ 


226 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES ΟΕ 8T. PAUL. 


These sentences contain in a condensed form the whole argument of the 
Epistles to the Galatians and Romans. 

Though the sternest indignation is expressed in this ae we have 
ao reason to suppose that any actual quarrel took place between the two 
Apostles. It is not improbable that St. Peter was immediately con- 
vinced of his fault, and melted at once into repentance. His mind was 
easily susceptible of quick and sudden changes ; his disposition was loving 
and generous: and we should expect his contrition, as well as his weak- 
ness, at Antioch to be what it was in the high-priest’s house at Jerusalem. 
Yet, when we read the narrative of this rebuke in St. Paul’s epistle, it is 
a relief to turn to that passage at the conclusion of one of St. Peter’s 
letters, where, in speaking of the “long-suffering of our Lord” and of 
the prospect of sinless happiness in the world to come, he alludes, in 
touching words, to the Epistles of “ our beloved brother Paul.” We 
see how entirely all past differences are forgotten,— how all earthly mis- 
understandings are absorbed and lost in the contemplation of Christ and 
eternal life. Not only did the Holy Spirit overrule all contrarieties, so 
that the writings of both Apostles teach the Church the same doctrine : 
but the Apostle who was rebuked “is not ashamed to call the attention 
of the Church to epistles in one page of which his own censure is re- 
corded.” ? It is an eminent triumph of Christian humility and love. We 
shall not again have occasion to mention St. Peter and St. Paul 
together until we come to the last scene of all But, thongh they 
might seldom meet while laboring in their Master’s cause, their lives were 
united, “ and in their deaths they were not divided.” 


COIN oF aNniocn.4 


to the point where Paul’s address to Peter terminates. Many writers (see especially 
Usteri) think it continues to the end of the chapter. We are inclined to believe that 
it ends at v. 16; and that the words ei δὲ ζητοῦντες, x. τ. A. are intended tc meet doc- 
trinal objections (similar to those in Rom. iii. 3,5. vi. 1, 15. vii. 7, 13) which tha 
Galatians might naturally be supposed to make. 

1 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16. 

2 See Sermons by Dr. Vaughan of Harrow (1846), p. 410. 

3 The martyrdom at Rome. See Mrs. Jameson’s Work, especially pp. 180-183, 
193-195. 

4 From the British Musuem. See Mr. Scharf’s drawing above, p. 125, and what is 
said there of the emblematical representation of Anticch. On this coin the seated 
figure bears a palm branch, as the emblem of victory. 


NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAL: ἢ. 29% 


NOTE. 
On the Tome of the Visit to Jerusalem mentioned in Galatians (Chap. ii.) 


To avoid circumlocution we shall call the visit mentioned in Galatians ii. 1 
the Galatian Visit, and we shall designate the visit mentioned in Acts ix. 
as visit (1), that in Acts xi. and xii. as vast (2), that in Acts xv. as vasf 
(8), that in Acts xviii. as visit (4), that in Acts xxi. as visit (5). 

I. The Galatian Visit was not the same with visit (1), because it is 
mentioned as subsequent by St. Paul.? 

11. Was the Galatian Visit the same with vise¢ (2) 3 The first im- 
pression from reading the end of Gal. i. and beginning of Gal. ii. would be 
that it was ; for St. Paul seems to imply that there had been no interme- 
diate visit between the one mentioned in Gal. i. 18, which was wszt (1), 
and that in Gal. ii. 1, which we have called the Galatian Visit. On the 
other side, however, we must observe that St. Paul’s object in this pas- 
sage is not to enumerate ail his visits to Jerusalem. His opponents had 
told his converts that Paul was no true Apostle, that he was only a Chris 
tian teacher authorised by the Judean Apostles, that he derived his au- 
thority and his knowledge of the Gospel from Peter, James, and the rest 
of ‘‘the twelve.” St. Paul’s object is to refute this statement. This he 
does by declaring firstly that his commission was not from men but from 
God ; secondly, that he had taught Christianity for three years without 
secing any of “ the twelve” at all; thirdly, that at the end of that time 
he had only spent one fortnight at Jerusalem with Peter and James, and 

1 This question is one of the most important, both chronologically and historically, 
in the life of St. Paul. Perhaps its discussion more properly belongs to the Epistle to 
the Galatians than to this place; but it has been given here as a justification of the 
view taken in the preceding chapter. It is treated of by Paley (Hore Pauline), 
Winer (Ep. ad Galatas, Lips. 1829, Exe. IL), Anger (De Temporum in Actis ratione, 
Lips. 1833, ch. [V.), Hemsen (Leben des Ap. Paulus, pp. 52-69), Neander (Pflanz. 
und Leit. τ. pp. 183-189), Bottger (Beitrige, &c., Gottingen, 1837, p. 14 et seq.), 
Wieseler (Chronologie, pp. 176-208), Schrader (Der Apost. Paulus); also by Burton, 
Browne, and Greswell. Of these, all except Paley, Bottger, Wiescler, Browne, and 
Schrader, adopt our view. The Opinions of the latter five writers are referred to below. 

? Gal. ii. 1. 

3 This is Béttger’s view; but he is obliged to alter δεκατεσσάρων into τεσσάρων in 
Gal. ii. 1 to support his opinion. See note on p. 233. It is also the view of Mr. Browne 
(Ordo Seclorum); but he places the conversion much earlier than we think probable. 

4 We must certainly acknowledge that St. Paul appears to say this; and some com- 
mentators have avoided the difficulty by supposing that, although Paul and Barnabas 
were commissioned to convey the alms from Antioch to Jerusalem, yet that St. Paul 
was prevented (by some circumstances not mentioned) from going the whole way to 
Jeruss‘em. For example, it might be too hazardous for him to appear within the walls 
of tke city at such a time of persecution. For further explanation, see Neandor PA 
und Lett. p. 188. 


ὧν 
ad 


298 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


~ then had gone to Cilicia and remained personally unknown to the Judean 
Christians ; fourthly, that fourteen years afterwards he had undertaken a 
journey to Jerusalem, and that he then obtained an acknowledgment of 
his independent mission from the chief apostles. Thus we see that his 
object is not to enumerate every occasion where he might possibly have 
been instructed by “the twelve,” but to assert (an assertion which he con- 
firms by oath, Gal. i. 20) that his knowledge of Christianity was not de 
rived from their instruction. A short visit to Jerusalem which produced 
no important results he might naturally pass over, and especially if he 
saw none of “the twelve” at Jerusalem when he visited it. Now this 
was probably the case at vzsit (2), because it was just at the time of 
Herod Agrippa’s persecution, which would naturally disperse the Apostles 
from Jerusalem, as the persecution at Stephen’s death did ; with regard 
to St. Peter it is expressly said that, after his miraculous escape from 
prison, he quitted Jerusalem.1 This supposition is confirmed by finding 
that Barnabas and Saul were sent to the Elders (πρεσβυτέρους) of the 
church at Jerusalem, and not to the Apostles. 

A further objection to supposing the Galatian Visit identical with visé 
(2) is that, at the time of the Galatian Visit, Paul and Barnabas are de- 
scribed as having been already extensively useful as missionaries to the 
Heathen ; but this they had not been in the time of visié (2). 

Again, St. Paul could not have been, at so early a period, considered 
on a footing of equality with St. Peter. Yet this he was at the time of 
the Galatian Visit? 

Again, vist (2) could not have been so long as fourteen years* after 
visit (1). For viset (2) was certainly not later than 45 a. p., and if it was 
the same as the Galatian Visit, visit (1) must have been not later than 
from 31 to 33 a. p. (allowing the inclusive Jewish mode of reckoning to 
be possibly employed). But Aretas (as we have seen, p. 81) was not in 
possession of Damascus till about 37. 

Again, if vist (2) were fourteen years after vzsi¢ (1), we must suppose 
nearly all this time spent by St. Panl at Tarsus, and yet that all his long 
residence there is unrecorded by St. Luke, who merely says that he went 
to Tarsus and from thence to Antioch. 

Ill. The Galatian Visit not being identical with (1) or (2), was it 
identical with (3), (4), or (5)? We may put (5) at once out of the 
question, because St. Paul did not return to Antioch after (5), whereas 
he dil return after the Galatian Visit. There remain therefore (3) ond 
(4) to be considered. We shall take (4) first. 

IV. Wieseler has lately argued very ingeniously that the Galatia 

1 Acts xii. 17. 2 See Gal. ii. 9. 


£.On this fourteen years, see note in p. 233. 
“ Acts ix. 30 and xi. 26. See what Prof. Burton says on this interval. 


NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAUL II. 229 


Visit was the same with (4). His reasons are, firstly, that at the Galatia 
Visit the Apostles allowed unlimited freedom to the Gentile converts, ὁ. 6. 
imposed no conditions upon them, such as those in the decrees of the 
Council passed at visit (3). This, however, is an inference not warranted 
by St. Paul’s statement, which speaks of the acknowledgment of his per 
sonal independence, but does not touch the question of the converts. 
Secondly, Wieseler urges that, till the time of visz¢ (4), St. Paul’s position 
could not have been so faf on a level with St. Peter’s as it was at the 
Galatian Visit. Thirdly, he thinks that the condition of making a collec- 
tion for the poor Christians in Jerusalem, which St. Paul says: he had 
been forward to fulfil, must have been fulfilled in that great collection 
which we know that St. Paul set on foot immediately after visit (4), 
because we read of no other collection made by St. Paul for this purpose.” 
Fourthly, Wieseler argues that St. Paul would not have been likely to 
take an uncircumcised Gentile, like Titus, with him to Jerusalem at a 
period earlier than vzsi# (4). And moreover, he conceives Titus to be 
the same with the Corinthian Justus, who is not mentioned as one of St. 
Paul’s companions till Acts xviii. 7, that is, not till after visit (3). 

It is evident that these arguments are not conclusive in favor of viszt 
(4), even if there were nothing on the other side ; but there are, more- 
over, the following objections against supposing the Galatian Visit identi- 
eal with (4). Firstly, Barnabas was St. Paul’s companion in the Galatian 
Visit ; he is not mentioned as being with him at visit (4). Secondly, had 
so important a conference between St. Paul and the other Apostles taken 
place at visié (4), it would not have been altogether passed over by St. . 
Luke, who dwells so fully upon the Council held at the time of visit (3), 
the decrees of which (on Wieseler’s view) were inferior in importance to 
the concordat between St. Paul and the other Apostles which he supposes 
to have been. made at viset (4). Thirdly, the whole tone of the second 
chapter of Galatians is against Wieseler’s hypothesis ; for in that chapter 
St. Paul plainly seems to speak of the first conference which he had held 
after his success among the heathen, with the chief apostles at Jerusalem, 
and he had certainly seen and conferred with them during visit (3). 

V. We have seen, therefore, that if the Galatian Visit be mentioned at ali 
in the Acts, it must be identical with visit (3), at which the (so called) 
Council of Jerusalem took place. We will now consider the objections 


1 Gal. ii. 9. 

3 The collection carried up to Jerusalem at visit (2) might, however, be cited as an 
exception to this remark ; for (although not expressly stated) it is most probable that 
§t. Paul was active in forwarding it, since he ~ras selected to carry it to Jerusalem. 

3 Many of the most ancient MSS. and versions read Titus Justus (Τίτου Ἰούστου) in 
Acts xviii. 7. Tischendorf, however, prefers Ἰούστου. Sce above, p. 211, n. 13, 


280 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


against tho identity of these two visits urged by Paley and others, and 
then the arguments in favour of the identity. 


Objections to the Identity of the Gata- 
TIAN VISIT with VISIT (3). 

1, St. Paul in Gal. (ii. 1) mentions this 
Journey as if it had been the next visit to 
Jerusalem after the time which he spent 
there on his returr from Damascus; he 
does not say anythiag of any intermediate 
visit. This looks as if he were speaking of 
the journey which Jie took with Barnabas 
to Jerusalem (Acts xi. 30), to convey alms 
to the Jewish Christians in the famine. 


2. In the Galatians, the journey is said 
to have taken place xar’ ἀποκάλυψι» (Gal. 
ii. 2); but in Acts xv. 2-4, 6-12, a public 
mission is mentioned. 


3. In the Galatians Barnabas and Titus 
are spoken of as St. Paul’s companions; in 
the Acts, Barnabas and others (τινὲς 
ἄλλοι), Acts xy. 2; but Titus is not men- 
tioned. 


4, The object of the visit in Acts xv. is 
different from that of the Galatian Visit. 
The object in Acts xv. was to seek relief 
from the imposition of the Mosaic Law, 
that of the Galatian Visit was to obtain 
the recognition of St. Paul’s independent 
apostleship. 


Answers to the Objections. 


1. This objection is answered above, pp 
227, 228, 


2. The journey may have taken place in 
consequence of a revelation, and yet may 
also have been agreed to by a vote of the 
church at Antioch. Thus in St. Paul’s 
departure from Jerusalem (Acts ix. 29, 
30), he is said to have been sent by the 
brethren in consequence of danger feared ; 
and yet (Acts xxii. 17-21) he says that 
he had taken his departure in consequence 
of a vision on the very same occasion (se¢ 
pp. 211, 12). 


3. This argument is merely ex silentzo, 
and therefore inconclusive. In the Acts, 
Paul and Barnabas are naturally men- 
tioned, as being prominent characters in 
the history. Whereas in the Epistle, Titus 
would naturally be mentioned by St. Paul 
as a personal friend of his own, and also 
because of his refusal to circumcise him. 


4, Both these objects are implied in eact: 
narrative. The recognition of St. Paul’s 
apostleship is implied in Acts xv. 25: σὺν 
τοῖς ἀγαπητοῖς ἡμῶν Bapvdba καὶ Mavag 
ἀνθρώποις παραδεδωκόσι τὰς ψυχὰς αὑτῶν 
ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ 
Χριστοῦ. And the relief from the imposi- 
tion of the Mosaic Law is implied, Gal. ii. 
7, ἰδόντες ὅτι πεπίστευμαι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον 
τῆς dxpobvoriac, where the word ἀκρούυσ. 
τίας shows that the Apostles at the time ol 
St. Paul’s visit to Jerusalem, mentioned in 
the Epistle, acknowledged that the uncir- 
cumcised might partake of τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. 
The same thing is shown by the fact that 
the circumcision of Titus was not insisted 
on. We must remember also that the 


NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAL. 


δ. In Acts xv. a public assembly of the 
Church in Jerusalem is described, while 
ia the Galatians only private interviews 
with the leading Apostles are spoken of. 


6. The narrative in the Epistle says 
nothing of the decision of the Council of 
Jerusalem, as it is commonly called, men- 
tioned Acts xv. Now this decision was 
conclusive of the very point disputed by 
the Judaising teachers in Galatia, and 
surely therefore would not have been 
omitted by St. Paut in an argument in- 
volving the question, had he been relating 
the circumstances which happened at Jeru- 
salem when that. decision was made, 


Π. 231 
transactions recorded are looked upon 
from different points of view, in the Acis, 
and in the Epistle; for Acts xv. containa 
a nearrative of a great transaction in the 
history of the Church, while St. Paul, in 
the Epistle, alludes to this transaction 
with the object of proving the recognition 
of his independent authority. 


5. The private interviews spoken of in 
the Epistle do not exclude the supposition 
of public meetings having also taken place; 
and a communication to the whole Church 
(αὐτοῖς, Gal. ii. 2) is expressly mentioned. 


6. The narrative in Galatians gives a 
statement intended to prove the recogni- 
tion of St. Paul’s independent authority, 
which is sufficient to account for this 
omission. Moreover if St. Paul’s omission 
of reference to the decision of the Council 
proved that the journey he speaks of was 
prior to the Council, it must equally prove 
that the whole Epistle was written before 
the Council of Jerusalem; yet it is gene 
rally acknowledged to have been written 
long after the Council. The probable 
reason why St. Paul does not refer to the 
decision of the Council is this:—that the 
Judaising teachers did not absolutely dis- 
pute that decision; they probably did not 
declare the absolute necessity of circum- 
cision, but spoke of it as admitting to 
greater privileges, and a fuller covenant 
with God. The Council had only decided 
that Gentile Christians need not observe 
the law. The Judaising party might still 
contend that Jewish Christians ought to 
observe it (as we know they did observe it 
till long afterwards). And also the de- 
crees of the council left Gentile Christians 
subject to the same restrictions with the 
Proselytes of the Gate. Therefore the 
Judaising party would naturally argue 
that they were still not more fully within 
the pale of the Christian Church than the 
Proselytes of the Gate were within that of 
the Jewish Church. Hence they would urge 
them to submit to circumcision, by way 
of placing themselves in full membership 
with the Church ; just as they would have 
urged a Proselyte of the Gate to become a 
Proselyte of Righteousness. Also St. Paul 
might assume that the decision of the 


232 


7. It is inconsistent to suppose that after 
th2 decision of the Council of Jerusalem, 
St. Peter could have behaved as he is de- 
ecribed doing (Gal. ii. 12); for how could 
he refuse to eat with the uncircumcised 
Christians, after having advocated in the 
Council their right of admission to Chris- 
tian fellowship? 


8 The Epistle mentions St. Paul as 
conferring with James, Peter, and John, 
whereas in Acts xv. John is not mentioned 
at all, and it seems strange that £0 distin- 
guished a person, if present at the Council, 
should not have been mentioned. 


9. Since in the Galatians St. Paul men- 
tions James, Peter, and John, it seems most 
natural to suppose that he speaks of the 
well-known apostolic triumvirate so often 
classed together in the Gospels. But if so, 
the James mentioned must be James the 
Greater, and hence the journey mentioned 
in the Galatians must have been before 
the death of James the Greater, and there- 
fore before the Council of Jerusalem. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Council was well known to the churches 
of Galatia, for Paul and Silas had carried 
it with them there. 


7. This objection is founded on a mix 
understanding of St. Peter’s conduct. His 
withdrawal from eating at the same table 
with the uncircumcised Christians did not 
amount to a denial of the decision of the 
Council. His conduct showed a weak fear 
of offending the Judaising Christians who 
came from Jerusalem; and the practical 
effect of such conduct would have been, if 
persisted in, to separate the Church into 
two divisions. Peter’s conduct was still 
more inconsistent (see Winer, p. 157) with 
the consent which he had certainly given 
previously (Gal. ii. 7-9) to the εὐαγγέλιον 
of Paul ; and with his previous conduct in 
the case of Cornelius (see pp. 223, 224). 
We may add that whatever difficulty may 
be felt in St. Paul’s not alluding to the 
decrees of the Council in his Epistle to the 
Galatians, must also be felt in his total] 
silence concerning them when he treats of 
the question of εἰδωλόθυτα in the Epistles 
to Corinth and Rome, for that question 
had been explicitly decided by the Coun- 
cil. The fact is, that the Decrees of the 
Council were not designed as of permanent 
authority, but only as a temporary and 
provisional measure ; and their authority 
was superseded as the Church gradually 
advanced towards true Christian freedom. 


8. This argument is only ea silentio, 
and obviously inconclusive. 


9. This objection proceeds on the mere 
assumption that because James is men- 
tioned first he must be James the Greater, 
whereas James the Less became even a 
more conspicuous leader of the Church at 
Jerusalem than James the Greater had pre- 
viously been, as we see from Acts xv.; 
hence he might be very well mentioned 
with Peter and John, and the fact of hig 
name coming first in St. Paul’s narrative 
agrees better with this supposition, for 
James the Greater is never mentioned tha 


NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF GAL. II. 233 


first in the Apostolic triuntyirate, the order 
of which is Peter, James, and John; but 
James the Less would naturally be mens 
tioned first, if the Council at Jerusalem waa 
mentioned, since we find from Acts xv. 
that he took the part of president in that 
Council. 


10. St. Paul’s refusal to circumcise Titus 10. Timothy’s mother ,was a Jewess, 
(Gal. ii.), and voluntary circumcising of and he had been brought up a Jew;! 
Timothy (Acts xviii. 21), so soon after- whereas Titus was a Gentile. The cir- 
wards. cumstances of Timothy’s circumcision will 

be more fully discussed hereafter. 


Thus we see that the objections against the identity of the Galatian 
visit with visit (3), are inconclusive. Consequently we might at once 
conclude (from the obvious circumstances of identity between the two 
visits), that they were actually identical. But this conclusion is further 
strengthened by the following arguments. 

1” The Galatian visit could not have happened before visit (3); be- 
cause, if so, the Apostles at Jerusalem had already granted to Paul and 
Barnabas 3 the liberty which was sought for the εὐαγγέλιον τῆς ἀκροβυστίας ; 
therefore there would have been no need for the Church to send them 
again to Jerusalem upon the same cause. And again, the Galatian visit 
could not have happened after visit (3); because, almost immediately after 
that period, Paul and Barnabas ceased to work together as missionaries 
to the Gentiles ; whereas, up to the time of the Galatian visit, they had 
been working together.‘ 

2. The Chronology of St. Paul’s life (so far as it can be ascertained) 
agrees better with the supposition that the Galatean visit was visit (3), 
than with any other supposition. 

Reckoning backwards from the ascertained epoch of 60 a.p., wheu St. 
Paul was sent to Rome, we find that he must have begun his second mis 
sionary journey in 51, and that, therefore, the Council (i. e. viszt (3)) 
must have been either in 50 or 51. This calculation is based upon the 
history in the Acts. Now, turning to the Epistle to the Galatians we 
find the following epochs— 

A.—Conversion. 

B.—3 years’ interval (probably Judaically reckoned—2 years). 
C.—Flight from Damascus, and visit (1). 

D.— 14 years’ interval (probably Judaically reckoned—=13 years}. 


1 See 2 Tim. iii. 15. We may remark that this difficulty (which is urged by Wiese 
ler) is quite as great on his own hypothesis; for, according to him, the refusal hap- 
pened only about two years after the consent. 

2 See Winer’s Galatians, pp. 141 & 144. 3 Gal. ii. 3-6. 4 Gal. ii. 1, 9. 

’ The reading δεκατεσσάρων (Gal. ii. 1) is undoubtedly to be retained. It is the 
reading of all the ancient MSS. which contain the passage. Neander (Pfl. und Lent. 
i. p. 187), by mistake asserts that the Chronicon Paschale reads τεσσάρων; but the 


934 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T: PAUL. 


4 
Thi.—-Galatian visit. 


And since Aretas was supreme at Damascus! at the time of the 
flight, and his supremacy there probably began about 37 (see pages 81 
and 100), we could not put the flight at a more probable date than 88, 
If we assume this to have been the case, then the Galatian visit was 
88-+ 1351, which agrees with the time of the Council (i. e. visit (3)) 
as above. 

VI. Hence we need not farther consider the views of those writers 
who (like Paley and Schrader) have resorted to the hypothesis that the 
Galatian visit is some supposed journey not recorded in the Acts at all; 
for we have proved that the supposition of its identity with the third visit 
there recorded satisfies every necessary condition. Schrader’s notion is, 
that the Galatian visit was between visit (4) and visit (5). Paley 
places it between vast (3) and visit (4). A third view is ably advocated 
in a discussion of the subject (not published) which has been kindly com- 
municated to us. The principal points in this hypothesis are, that the 
Galatians were converted in the first missionary journey, that the Gala- 
tian visit took place between visit (2) and risit (3), and that the Epistle 
to the Galatians was written after the Galatian visit and before visit 
(3). This hypothesis certainly obviates some difficulties,” and it is quite 
possible (see next Chapter) that the Galatian churches might have beén 
formed at the time supposed: but we *uink the “fourteen years” incon- 
sistent with this view, and we are strongly of opinion that a much later 
date must be assigned to the Epistle. 
reverse is the fact. The words of the Chronicon are: Τῷ εἰπεῖν αὐτὸν διὰ δεκατεσσάρων 
ἐτῶν δοκεῖ μοι τοὺς χρόνους τῶν ἀποστόλων τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀναλήψεως ἀριθμεῖν αὐτόν. 
(Chronic. ed. Bonn. 1. p. 436.) The mistake has probably arisen from the words ἔτη 
τέσσαρα, Which relate to a different subject, in the sentence below (see Wieseler, p. 207). 
Διά, of time, means “after an interval of.’ (See Winer’s Grammatik, p. 363, and 
Winer’s Galat. p. 102. Also Anger, pp. 159, 160.) But it may be used, according 
to the Jewish way of reckoning time, inclusively; thus Jesus is said to have risen 
from the dead διὰ τρίων ἡμερῶν (Ignat. ad Trall.c. 9). So in the Gospels μετά is 
used (Mark viii. 31). The fourteen years must be reckoned from the epoch last men- 
tioned, which is the visit (1) to Jerusalem, and not the Conversion ; at least this is the 
most natural way, although the other interpretation might be justified, if required by 
the other circumstances of the case. 

1 2 Cor. xi. 32. 

? Especially the difficulties which relate to the apparent discrepancies between the 
ealatian visit and visit (3), and to the circumstance that the Apostle docs not allude 
to the Council in his argument with the Galatians on the subject of circumcision. The 
MS. to which we allude is by T. F. Ellis, Esq., formerly Fellow of Trinity College, 
Cambridge. 

3 Since these pages were printed, we have seen, in Dr. Davidson’s Introduction tc 
the N. T. (vol. ti.), a good statement of the principal arguments for the view we have 
advocated. We may add also the authority of Dr. H. Thiersch, in favour of our view 
of this Council. See the recently published English translation of his History of the 
Christian Church, p. 120. 


Sage pea ὡς = 


CYPRUS 


Scale of miles 
10 15 25 


C.Cormakitis 


(CrommyonProim).< ¥ 
ia é : 
Pantplis PAA LT Ud 7 3 
Cormakiti. OSE Belape 


Diorost sae Py ΩΝ 
ἢ “Ὁ ager 
: ὁ ASs ο 


o\F., *i(Satemis) 
RAT KOSIA ast. Sale neds 
ONLEFEOSIA 4 warned ONh magousta 


a . a : 3 MNS a 
Le, ; é : 
= = ce 25 4 
ee a A Ter 
ΣΕ σὴ rUbuaoutos ὦ Sa ET enn κα => 
\ ne Sates 


ἔα a 
τιν 3% Leo candy ας on he (ob ὡς Letauumn Prom.) 
= ENP Sant aed ine ὦ Ὁ τὴ ἦι st of Ἧ a 


ON 8 ap ἜΣ odrond Ἢ 
ht PS L'v-om,) 


| Faphd x 
Novo Paphos 


& Kouta 
Poles Fapbs? 


Ps C. Gattie 
“<rias Prem) 


Doni Bast ΟΥ̓ Greenwich 3.4. Morsds Corcarenilty ] 


POLITICAL DIVISIONS AT ANTIOCH. 235 


CHAPTER VIII. 


ΠΑΥ͂ΛΟΣ καὶ ΣΙΛΟΥΑΝΟΣ καὶ TIMOOEOS,—1 Thezs. i. 1. 


POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF ASIA MINOR.—DIFFICULTIES OF THE SUBJECT.—-PRO* 
VINCES iN THE REIGNS OF CLAUDIUS AND NERO.—I. ASIA. II. BITHYNIA.— 
MI, PAMPHYLIA.—IV. GALATIA.—VY. PONTUS.—VI. CAPPADOCIA.—VII. CILI- 
CIA.—VISITATION OF THE CHURCHES PROPOSED.—QUARREL AND SEPARATION 
OF PAUL AND BARNABAS.—PAUL AND SILAS IN CILICIA.—THEY CROSS THE 
TAURUS. — LYSTRA. —TIMOTHY.—— HIS CIRCUMCISION. JOURNEY THROUGH 
PHRYGIA.—SICKNESS OF ST. PAUL.—HIS RECEPTION IN GALATIA.—JOURNEY 
TO THE AGEAN.—ALEXANDRIA TROAS.—ST, PAUL’S VISION. 


Tue life of St. Paul being that of a traveller, and our purpose being to 
give a picture of the circumstances by which he was surrounded, it is 
often necessary to refer to the geography, both physical and political, of 
the countries through which he passed. ‘This is more needful in the case 
of Asia Minor, not only because it was the scene of a very great portion of 
his journeys, but because it is less known to ordinary readers than Pales- 
tine, Italy, or Greece. We have already described, at some length, the 
physical geography of those southern districts which are in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Mount Taurus.! And now that the Apostle’s travels 
take a wider range, and cross the Asiatic peninsula from Syria to the fron- 
tiers of Europe, it is important to take a general view of the political 
geography of this part of the Roman empire. Unless such a view is ob- 
tained in the first place, it is impossible to understand the topographical 
expressions employed in the narrative, or to conjecture the sociai relations 
into which St. Paul was brought in the course of his journeys? through 
Asia Minor. 

It is, however, no easy task to ascertain the exact boundaries of the 
Roman provinces in this part of the world at any given date between Au- 
gustus and Constantine? In the first place, these boundaries were contin- 


1 Ch. I. pp. 20-22. Ch. VI. p. 159. 

3 7. δ. the journeys in Acts xvi. and Acts xviii. 

? So far as we know, the only attempt to ascertain and describe the political divisions 
of Asia Minor in the time of St, Paul, is that of Bottger in the first of his Beitrage 
(Gott. 1837.) He has brought together a great number of references, but the essay ix 
confused, and some of his conclusions are strangely destitute of proof 


286 ᾿ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕΤ. PAUL. 


ually changing. The area of the different political districts was liable te 
sudden and arbitrary alterations. Such terms as “ Asia,” 1 ‘ Pamphy- 
lia,”? &e., though denoting the extent of a true political jurisdiction, im. 
plied a larger or smaller territory at one time than another. And again, 
we find the names of earlier and later periods of history mixed up together 
in inextricable confusion. Some of the oldest geographical terms, such 
as ‘ Molis,” “ Ionia,” “ Caria,” “ Lydia,” were disappearing-from ordinary 
use in the time of the Apostles:* but others, such as ‘ Mysia”4 and 
“Lycaonia,” ® still remained. Obsolete and existing divisions are pre- 
sented to us together: and the common maps of Asia Minor are as un- 
satisfactory as if a map of France was set before us, distributed half into 
provinces and half into departments. And in the third place, some of the 
names have no political significance at all, but express rather the ethno- 
graphical relations of ancient tribes. Thus, “ Pisidia”7 denotes a district 
which might partly be in one province and partly in another ; and “ Phry- 
gia” 8 reminds us of the diffusion of an ancient people, the broken portions 
of whose territory were now under the jurisdiction of three or four dis- 
tinct governors. Cases of this kind are, at first sight, more embarrassing 
than the others. They are not merely similar to the two-fold subdivision 
of Ireland, where a province, like Ulster, may contain several definite 
counties : but a nearer parallel is to be found in Scotland, where a geo- 
graphical district, associated with many historical recollections,—such 
as Galloway or Lothian—may be partly in one county and partly in 
another. 

Our purpose is to elucidate the political subdivisions of Asia Minor 


1 Acts ii. 9. vi. 9. xvi. 6. xix. 10, 27, 31. xx. 16,18. xxvii. 2. 1 Cor. xvi. 19; 
2 Cor. i. 8 2 Tim.i. 15. 1 Pet. i. 1. 

* Acts ii. 10.. xiii.13. xv. 38 xxvii. 5. 

3 See Bottger, ὃ 13. He remarks that Tacitus, Vitruvius, Justin, &e. speak of Per 
gamus, Ephesus, Cnidus, Thyatira, &c. as towns of Asia, not of Adolis, Ionia, Caria, 
Lydia, &e., respectively. See Acts xxvii. 2. Rev. i. 11. 

4 Acts xvi. 7, 8. 5 Acts xiv. 6, 11. 

5 In the ordinary maps, ethnographical and political divisions of three or four differ- 
ent periods are confused together. Spruner’s new “ Atlas Antiquus”’ is, we believe, 
the only one which exhibits the provincial divisions of the “Imperium Romanorum ;” 
and it relates to the age of Trajan, when many changes had been made. Observe, for 
instance, the union of Crete as one province with Achaia and Macedonia. Under the 
earlier emperors it was united with Cyrene. See map of St. Paul’s second journey. 

A map of this kind belongs to a period too late for Kiepert’s “ Hellas,’ and too early 
for Wiltsch’s “ Atlas Ecclesiasticus.” In the map published by Neander to illustrate 
the first planting of the Church, the provinces are not shown ; and it is to be regretted 
that the ancient terms, such as Caria, Lydia, &c., have been introduced. Of the Eng 
lish maps, that of Colonel Leake is invaluable for its clear representation of the ancient 
roads, and those of Major Renneil are very important for elucidating general gecgra 
phical relations ; but neither of them shows the ancient political divisions, 

7 Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 24. 8 Actsii, 1€. xvi 6. xviii, 28, 


PROVINCES OF ASIA MINOR. 23% 


as they were in the reigns of Claudius and Nero,—or, in other words, 
to enuinerate the provinces which existed, and to describe the bounda- 
ries which were assigned to them, in the middle of the first century of 
the Christian era. The order we shall follow is from West ta Hast, and 
in so doing we shall not deviate widely from the order in which the pro 
vinces were successively incorporated as substantive parts of the Roman 
empire. We are not, indeed, to suppose that St. Luke and St. Paul used 
all their topographical expressions in the strict political sense, even when 
such a sense was more or less customary. There was an exact usage 
and a popular usage of all these terms. But the first step towards fixing 
our geographical ideas of Asia Minor, must be to trace the boundaries 
of the provinces. When this is done, we shall be better able to distin- 
guish those terms which, about the year 50 A. D., had ceased to have any 
true political significance, and to discriminate between the technical and 
the popular language of the sacred writers. 


I. Asta.—There is sometimes a remarkable interest associated with 
the history of a geographical term. One case of this kind is suggested 
by the allusion which has just been made to the British islands. Early 
writers speak of Ireland under the appellation of “Scotia.” Certain of 
its inhabitants crossed over to the opposite coast:! their name spread 
along with their influence: and at length the title of Scotland was en- 
tirely transferred from one island to the other. In classical history we 
have a similar instance in the name of “ Italy,” which at first only 
denoted the southernmost extremity of the peninsula: then it was 
extended so as to include the whole with the exception of Cisalpine Gaul : 
and finally, crossing the Rubicon, it advanced to the Alps; while the 
name of “ Gaul” retreated beyond them. Another instance, on a larger 
scale, is presented to us on the south of the Mediterranean. The ‘“ Africa” 
of the Romans spread from a limited territory on the shore of that sea, 
till it embraced the whole continent which was circumnavigated by Vasco 
di Gama. And similarly the term, by which we are accustomed to desig- 
nate the larger and more celebrated continent of the ancient world, 
traces its derivation to the “ Asian meadow by the streams of the Cays- 
ter,”* celebrated in the poems of Homer. 

This is the earliest occurrence of the word “ Asia.” We find, 
however, even in the older poets,* the word used in its widest sense to 


1 See what Bede says of Ireland (i. 1) :—“ Hae proprie patria Scotorum est : ab hac 
egressi tertiam in Britannia Britonibus et Pictis gentem addiderunt.” 

"᾿Ασίῳ ἐν λειμῶνι, Kavorpiov ἀμφὶ ῥέεθρα. Il. ii. 461. See Virg. Georg. i. 383, 
which is copied from Homer. It does not appear that the Roman prose writers ever 
used the word in its primitive and narrowest sense. 

8 As in Aischylus, Perse and Prom. V. 


238 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


denote all the countries in the far East. Hither the Greeks, made familiar 
with the original Asia by the settlement of their kindred in its neighbour: 
hood, applied it as a generic appellation to all the regions beyond it: 

or the extension of the kingdom of Lydia from the banks of the Cayster 
to the Halys as its eastern boundary, diffused the name of Asia as 
far as that river, and thus suggested the division of Herodotus into 
~“ Asia within the Halys” and “ Asia beyond the Halys.”? However 
this might be, the term retained, through the Greek and Roman periods, 
both a wider and a narrower sense ; of which senses we are concerned 
only with the latter. The Asia of the New Testament is not the con- 
tinent which stretches into the remote East from the Black Sea and the 
Red Sea, but simply the western portion of that peninsula which, in 
modern times, has received the name of ‘‘ Asia Minor.”2 What extent 
of country, and what political significance we are to assign to the term, 
will be shown by a statement of a few historical changes. 

The fall of Creesus reduced the Lydian kingdom to a Persian satrapy. 
With the rest of the Persian empire, this region west of the Halys fell 
before the armies of Alexander. In the confusion which followed the 
conqueror’s death, an independent dynasty established itself at Pergamus, 
not far from the site of ancient Troy. At first their territory was nar- 
row, and Attalus 1. had to struggle with the Gauls who had invaded the 
peninsula, and with the neighbouring chieftains of Bithynia, who had 
invited them, Antagonists still more formidable were the Greek kings 
of Syria, who claimed to be “ Kings of Asia,” and aimed at the posses- 
sion of the whole of the peninsula.* But the Romans appeared in the 


1 Having the same general meaning as our phrase “ The East.’? This is Mannert’s 
opinion, Geog. der G. und R. vi. ii. 16. The words “ Levant” and “ Anadoli” (the 
modern name of Asia Minor) have come into use in the same way. 

* This is the view of Wieseler, who refers to a passage in Callinus quoted by Strabo, 
where the Lydians of Sardis are called Α σιονεῖς ; and compares the parallel case of 
“Palestine,” which at first meant only the country of the Philistines, and then was 
used by the Greeks and Romans to designate the whole of the land of Canaan. Chro- 
nologie, p. 32. 

3 The peninsula which we call Asia Miiaor was never treated by the ancients asa 
geographical whole. The common divisions were, “Asia within the Halys” and 
“ Asia beyond the Halys” (as above) ; or, “ Asia within the Taurus” and “ Asia be- 
yond the Taurus.” It is very important to bear this in mind: for some interpreters of 
the New Testament imagine that the Asia there spoken of is the peninsula of Lesser 
Asia. The term “ Asia Minor” is first found in Orosius (i. 2), a writer of the fourth 
eentury, though “ Asia Major” is used by Justin (xv. 4, 1) to denote the remote and 
eastern parts of the continent. 

4 See below, p. 241. 

5 In the first book of Maccabees (viii. 6) we find Antiochus the Great called by this 
kitle, And even after his successors were driven beyond the Taurus by the Romans, 
we sce it retained by them, as the title of the king of France was retained by our own 
menarchs until a very recent period. See 1 Mac. xi.13. xii.39. xiii.32. 2 Mac. iii 3. 


ASIA. 239 


East, and ordered Antiochus to retire beyond the Taurus, ! and then con 
ferred substantial rewards on their faithful allies. Rhodes became the 
mistress of Caria and Lycia, on the opposite coast ;* and Eumenes, the 
son of Attalus, received, in the West and North-west, Lydia and Mysia, 
and a good portion of that vague region in the interior which was usually 
denominated ‘“ Phrygia,” *— stretching in one direction over the district 
of Lycaonia.t Then it was that, as 150 years since the Margraves of 
Brandenburg became Kings of Prussia, so the Princes of Pergamus 
vecame “Kings of Asia.” For a time they reigned over a highly- 
civilised territory, which extended from sea to sea. The library of Per- 
gamus was the rival of that of Alexandria: and Attaleia, from whence 
we have lately seen the Apostle sailing to Syria° (Acts xiv. 25, 26), 
and Troas, from whence we shall presently see him sailing to Europe 
(Acts xvi. 11), were the southern and northern (or rather the eastern 
end western) harbours of King Attalus II. At length the debt of gra- 
titude to the Romans was paid by King Attalus III., who died in the 
year 133, and left by testament the whole of his dominions to the bene 
factors of his house.6 And now the ‘ Province of Asia” appears for the 
first time as a new and significant term in the history of the world. The 
newly acquired possession was placed under a preetor, and ultimately a 


1 Excedito urbibus, agris, vicis, castellis css Taurum snontem usque ad Halyn (?) 
flumen, et a valle Tauri usque ad juga qua ad Lycaoniam vergit. Liv. xxxviii. 38. 
Compare 1 Mac. viii. 8. 

* Polyb. xxii. 7, 7. 27,8. Liv. xxxvii. 54-56. xxxviii. 39. Strabo, xiv. App. 
Syr. 44. 

3 Livy’s words are:—‘In Asia Phrygiam utrainque (alteram ad Hellespontum, 
majorem alteram vocant) et Mysiam, quam Prusias rex ademerat, Eumeni restituerunt.” 
XXXViii. 39. (See xxxvii. 56.) “Phrygia Major’ was the great central space of Asia 
Minor, which retained the name of its earliest inhabitants. It was subdivided, like 
Polard, among the contiguous provinces, and it is useless to attempt to determine its 
limits in this passage. (See below, 240, n.5 and 249, note.) “Phrygia Minor” was 
,an outlying district on the Hellespont, inhabited at some period by the same race. 
The case of Mysia, in consequence of the difficulties of Acts xvi. 7, 8, will be examined 
particularly, when we come to this part of St. Paul’s journey. 

4 Thus Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe were probably once in “ Asia.” See below, 
under Galatia. [In Van Kapelle, Comment. de Regibus et Antiquit. Pergam. (Am- 
Εἰ6]. 1842), is a map showing the extent of the Kingdom of Pergamus in the reign of 
Eumenes II. It assigns to him the whole of Phrygia, with Milyas, which is represented 
as a narrow strip running down from the North towards the sea, and terminating in a 
straight line a little to the N. of Attaleia.] 

5 Pp. 200-203. Another Scripture city, the Philadelphia of Rev. i. 11. iii. 7, wea 
also built by Attalus II. (Philadelphus). 

6 Attali ignotus heres regiam occupavit. Hor. Od. u. xviii. “Eo tempore Attalus, 
rex Asi, mortuus est, haeredemque populum Romanum reliquit. Ita imperio Romano 
per testamentum Asia accessit.” Eutrop. iv. 19. KaréAute κληοονόμους Ῥωμαίους. οἱ 
δ᾽ ἐπαρχίαν ἀπέδειξαν τὴν χώραν, ᾿Ασίαν xpocayopedwrec, ὁμώνυμον τῇ ἠππίοῳ, 
Strabo, xiii. 4. Also Justin, xxxvi. 4. Florus, ii. 20. 


240 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 571. PAUL. 


proconsul.!' The letters and speeches of Cicero make us familiar with the 
names of more than one who enjoyed this distinction. One was the 
orator’s brother, Quintus ;7 another was Flaccus, whose conduct as 
governor he defended before the Senate. Some slight changes in the 
extent of the province may be traced. Pamphylia was withdrawn from 
this jurisdiction.‘ Rhodes lost her continental possessions, and Caria was 
added to Asia, while Lycia was declared independent.? The boundary 
on the side of Phrygia is not easily determined, and was probably varia- 
ble.©, But enough has been said to give a general idea of what is meant 
in the New Testament by that ‘‘ Asia” which St. Paul attempted to 
enter,’ after passing through Phrygia and Galatia; which St. Peter 
addressed in his First Epistle,* along with Pontus, Cappadocia, Galatia, 
and Bithynia ; and which embraced the ‘“ seven churches,” 5 whose angels 
are mentioned in the Revelation of St. John. 


1. Birnynta.—Next to Asia, both in proximity of situation and in 
the order of its establishment, was the province of Bithynia. Nor were 
the circumstances very different under which these two provinces passed 


COIN ΟΣ ΒΙΤΗΥΧΙΑ.}9 


1 We learn from Acts xix. 388—“ there are proconsuls (deputies)”’—that it was a 
proconsular or senatorial province. The important distinction between the emperor’s 
and the senate’s provinces has been carefully stated in Ch. V. pp. 141-145. The inei- 
dental proof in the Acts is confirmed by Strabo (xvii. 3) and Dio (liii. 12), who tell us 
that Augustus made Asia a proconsular province. ° 

3. See Cic. ad Ὁ. fratrem, i. 2,and C. Nepos, Att. For the first governors of the new 
province, and the treatment it received trom them, see Justin, xxxvi. 4. 

3 Orat. pro L. Flacco. He was the immediate predecessor of Q. Cicero. 

4 See below, under Pamphylia. 

5 Polyb. xxx. 5,12. Liv. xlv. 25. Thus Cicero, in his speech for Flaccus, says (0. 
27) :—“ Asia vestra constat ex Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, Lydia.” See Cramer's Asia 
Minor under Rhodes, &c. 

© Hence we find both the sacred and heathen writers of the period sometimes includ- 
ing Phrygia in Asia and sometimes excluding it. In 1 Pet. i. 1 it seems to be included; 
in Acts ii. 9,10. xvi. 6 it is expressly excluded. See what Wieseler says (pp. 32-35) 
on Plin. ν. 28. 

7 Acts xvi. 6. 8.1 Ῥοί, 1.1. 9 Rey. i. 11. 

10 From the British Museum. These coins—one of Claudius, strnek at Nicaea, the 
other of Nero and Agrippina, struck at Nicomedia—show, by the word ANCEYILATOZ, 
that Bithynia, like Asia, was a senatorial province. We learn the same fact from 
Strabo (xvii. 3) and Dio (liii. 12). 


BITHYNIA. 941 


COIN OF BITHYNT4. 


ander the Roman sceptre. As a new dynasty established itself after the 
death of Alexander on the north-eastern shores of the ASgean, so an 
older dynasty 1 secured its independence at the Western edge of the Black 
Sea. Nicomedes J. was the king who invited the Gauls with whom 
Attalus I. had to contend: and as Attalus III., the last of the House of 
Pergamus, paid his debt to the Romans by making them his heirs, so 
the last of the Bithynian House, Nicomedes III, ieft his kingdom as a 
legacy to the same power in the year 75.2 It received some accessions 
on the east after the defeat of Mithridates ;* and in this condition we 
find it in the list given by Dio of the provinces of Augustus ;‘ the inter- 
mediate land between it and Asia being the district of Mysia, through 
which it is neither easy nor necessary to draw the exact frontier-line.* 
Stretching inland from the shores of the Propontis and Bosphorus, beyond 
the lakes near the cities of Niceea and Nicomedia, to the upper ravines of 
the Sangarius, and the snowy range of Mount Olympus, it was a province 
rich in all the changes of beauty and grandeur. Its history is as varied 
as its scenery, if we trace it from the time when Hannibal was an exile at 
the court of Prusias, to the establishment of Othman’s Mahommedan 
capital in the city which still bears that monarch’s name. It was Ha- 
drian’s favourite province, and many monuments remain of that emperor’s 
partiality.© But we cannot say more of it without leaving our proper 
subject. We have no reason to believe that St. Paul ever entered it, 
though once he made the  attempt.? Except the passing mention of 
Bithynia in this and one other place,® it has no connection with the 
apostolic writings. The first great passage of its ecclesiastical history is 

1 See their history in Mannert, m1. ix. and the Appendix to Clinton’s Fasti Helleniet 


? Anno urbis condita pcLxxvi. mortuus est Nicomedes, rex Bithynia, et per testa- 
mentum populum Romanum fecit haredem. Eutrop. vi. 6. Cf. Liv. Epit. xciii. 

2 Τῶν τοῦ Πόντου πόλεών τινες τῷ τῆς Βιθυνίας νομῷ προσετετάχατο. Dio Cass, xii. 
45, See Strabo, xii. 3. 

4 Βιθυνία μετὰ τοῦ προσκειμένου of Πόντου is reckoned by him among the Senatorian 
provinces. 111]. 12. See Liv, Epit. cii. There is some inaccuracy in Forbiger, p. 376. 

5 See below, on Acts xvi. 7, 8. 

6 It was the birthplace of his favourite Antinous. He took it from the senate, and 
placed it under his own jurisdiction. (Dio, Ixix. 14.) But when St. Paul passed thia 
way, it was under the senate, as we sce by the coins of Claudius and Nero above. 

7 Acts xvi. 7. Si be baie ile 


VOL. 1.—16 


249 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


found in the correspondence of Trajan with its governor Pliny, con. 
cerning the persecution of the Christians. The second is the meeting of 
the first general council, when the Nicene Creed was drawn up on the 
banks of the Lake Ascanius. 


IVI. Pampnyr1a.—This province has already been mentioned (Chap. 
VI.) as one of the regions traversed by St. Paul in his first missionary 
journey. But though its physical features have been described, its politi- 
eal limits have not been determined. The true Pamphylia of the earliest 
writers is simply the plain which borders the Bay of Attaleia, and which, 
as we have said,! retreats itself like a bay into the mountains. How 
small and insignificant this territory was, may be seen from the records of 
the Persian war, to which Herodotus says that it sent only thirty ships : 
while Lycia, on one side, contributed fifty, and Cilicia, on the other, a 
hundred.? Nor do we find the name invested with any wider significance, 
till we approach the frontier of the Roman period. A singular dispute 
between Antiochus and the king of Pergamus, as to whether Pamphyiia 
was really within or beyond Mount Taurus, was decided by the Romans 
in favour of their ally. This could only be effected by a generous inclu- 
sion of a good portion of the mountainous country within the range of this 
geographical term. Henceforward, if not before,’ Pamphylia compre- 
hended some considerable part of what was anciently called Pisidia. We 
have seen that the Romans united it to the kingdom of Asia. It was, 
therefore, part of the province of Asia at the death of Attalus. It is dif- 
ficult to trace the steps by which it was detached from that province, 
We find it (along with certain districts of Asia) included in the military 
jurisdiction of Cicero, when he was governor of Cilicia.* It is spoken of 
as a separate province in the reign of Augustus.? Its boundary on the 
Pisidian side, or in the direction of Phrygia,® must be left indeterminate. 
Pisidia was included in this province: but, again, Pisidia is itself indeter- 
minate ; and we have good reasons for believing that Antioch in Pisidia 9 


ΕΊΡ 61): 

3 Herod. vii. 91, 92. 3 Polyb. xxii. 27, 11. Liv. xxxviii. 39. 

4 Insident verticem Pisidx. Plin. H. N. v. 24. Strabo (xii.) even Eye that some 
Pisidian towns were south of Taurus. See Cramer. 

5 Ἢ Πισιδική is spoken of, as if it were a province of Pamphylia, by Diodorus and 
Polybius. See Mannert. 

6 Ep. ad Att. v. 21. 

7 Dio Cassius, liii. 26, where we are told that the Pamphylian districts oestowed on 
Amyntas were restored by Augustus to their own province. Sc also in the reign of 
Claudius, lx. 17, quoted below, p. 243, n. 4. 

8 Pisidia was often reckoned as a part of Phrygia, under the name of Φρυγία Πισι- 
δική or Φρυγία πρὸς Πισιδίαν, See Forbiger, p. 322. 

® See Mannert, pp. 117, 169, 178. The Pisidian mountaineers had overrun this part 
of Phrygia, and their name remained there. See, however, Plin. H. N, ν. 25. 


GALATIA. 243 


was realiy under the governor of Galatia.' Cilicia was contiguous to 
Pamphylia on the east. Lycia was a separate region on the west, first as 
an appendage to Rhodes? in the time of the Republic, and then as a free 
state® under the earliest emperors ; but about the very time when Paul 
was travelling in these eountries, Claudius brought it within the pro- 
vincial system, and united it to Pamphylia : 4 and monuments make us ac 
quainted with a public officer who bore the title of ‘‘ Proconsul of Lycia 
and Pamphylia.” * 


IV. Gatatta—We come now to a political division of Asia Minor, 
which demands a more careful attention. Its sacred interest is greater 
than that of all the others, and its history is more peculiar. The Chris 
tians of Galatia were they who reccived the Apostle “as if he had been 
an angel,”—who, “‘if it had been possible, would have plucked out their 
eyes and given them to him,”—and then were ‘so soon removed” by new 
teachers “ from him that called them, to another Gospel,’—who began to 
“run well,” and then were hindered,—who were “ bewitched” by that 
zeal which compassed sea and land to make one proselyte,—and who were 
as ready, in the fervour of their party spirit, to “bite and devour one 
another,” as they were willing to change their teachers and their gos- 
pels.© It is no mere fancy which discovers, in these expressions of St 
Paul’s Epistle, indications of the character of that remarkable race of man- 
kind, which all writers, from Cxsar to Thierry,’ have described as suscep- 
tible of quick impressions and sudden changes, with a fickleness equal to 
their courage and enthusiasm, and a constant liability to that disunion 
which is the fruit of excessive vanity,—that race, which has not only pro- 


1 In the division of the fourth century, Pisidia became a province, and Antioch was 
its capital. See the Notitia. 

δ See above, p. 239, n. 2. 

3 Polyb. xxx. 5,12. Liv. xlv. 25. See Cramer. 

4 Lyciis ob exitiabiles inter se discordias libertatem ademit. Suet. Claud. 25. Tove 
Λυκίους στασιάσαντας, ὥστε καὶ ‘Pwyaiovg τινὰς ἀποκτεῖναὶ, ἐδουλώσατό τε, καὶ ἐς τὸν 
τῆς ἸΠαμφυλίας νομὸν ἐσέγραψεν. Dio Cass. [χ. 17. Suetonius says, just above, that 
about the same time Claudius made over to the senate the provinces of Macedonia and 
Achaia. Hence we find a proconsul at Corinth. Acts xviii. 12. 

5 The inscription is adduced from Gruter by Mannert (p. 159) and Forbiger (p. 250, 
n. 95). Ata later period Lycia was a distinct province, with Myra as its capital. 

86 ἀν la losis Om avai ut. 1. 1 ΤΡ ΜΕΡ15: 

7 Cesar, infirmitatem Gallorum veritus, quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles, et 
novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum existimavit. Czas. B. G. iv. 5. 
Les traits saillans de la famille gauloise, ceux qui la différencient le plus, ἃ mon avis, 
des autres familles humaines, peuvent se résumer ainsi: une bravoure personelle que 
rien n’égale chez les peuples anciens; un esprit franc, impétueux, ouvert a toutes les 
impressions, éminemment intelligent; mais, ἃ οὔτέ de cela, une mobilité extréme, 
point de constance, une répugnance marquée aux idées de discipline et d’ordre si 
puissantes chez les races germaniques, beaucoup d’ostentation, enfin une désunion 
perpetuelle, fruit de excessive vanité. Thierry, Hist. des Gaulois, Introd tv. Κα 


444. THE LIFE AND EPI8TLES OF ΒΓ. PAUL. 


duced one of the greatest nations of modern times,’ but which, long before 
the Christian era, wandering forth from their early European seats, burnt 
Rome and pillaged Delphi, founded an empire in Northern Italy more 
+han’co-ex{ensive with Austrian Lombardy, and another in Asia Minor, 
equal in importance to one of the largest pachalicks. 

For the “Galatia” of the New Testament was really the Gaul” of 
the East. The “ Epistle to the Galatians” would more literally and more 
correctly be called the “ Epistle to the Gauls.” When Livy, in his ac 
count of the Roman campaigns in Galatia, speaks of its inhabitants, he 
always calls them ‘‘ Gauls.”* When the Greek historians speak of the 
inhabitants of ancient France, the word they use is ‘‘ Galatians.”? The 
two terms are merely the Greek and Latin forms of the same ‘ barbarian” 
appellation.‘ 

That emigration of the Gauls, which ended in the settlement in Asia 
Minor, is less famous than those which led to the disasters in Italy and 
Greece : but it is, in fact, identical with the latter of these two emigra- 
tions, and its results were more permanent. ‘The warriors who roamed 
over the Cevennes, or by the banks of the Garonne, reappear on the 
Halys and at the base of Mount Dindymus. They exchange the super- 
stitions of Druidism for the ceremonies of the worship of Cybele. The 
very name of the chief Galatian tribe is one with which we are familiar in 
the earliest histery of France ;* and Jerome says that, in his own day, 
the language spoken at Ancyra was almost identical with that of Tréves.* 


The French travellers (as Tournefort and Texier) seem to write with patrictic en- 
thusiasm when they touch Galatia; and we have found our best materials in Thierry’s 
history. 

3 Galli. Liv. xxxviii. 12-27. Once indeed, in the speech of Manlius (c. 17), the 
Roman general is introduced as saying, “‘ Hi jam degeneres sunt; mixti, et Gallograeci 
vere, quod appellantur.” The country of the Galatians was called Gallogracia (c. 12, 
18). See Justin, xxv. 2. 

3 Ταλάτια; as in Polybius, for instance, and Dio Cassius. Some have even thought 
that Ταλατίαν in 2 Tim. iv. 10 means the country commonly called Gaul; and some 
MSS. have Ταλλίαν. 

4 And we may add that “ Galata” and “Kelta” are the same word. See Arnold’s 
Rome, i. 522. 

6 See Thierry, ch. iv., on the Tectosages. The Galatians, like the Belgians of North- 
ern France, seem to have belonged to the Kymry, and not the Gael. Diod. Sic. v. 32, 
referred to by Arnold, p. 522; also Appian. See Thierry, pp. 131, 132. 

6 Unum est quod inferimus .... Galatas excepto sermone graco, quo omnis oriens 
loquitur, propriam linguam eandem habere quam Treviros. Hieron. Prol. in Ep. Gal. 
It is very likely that there was some Teutonic element in these emigrating tribes, but 
it is hardly possible now to distinguish it from the Keltic. The converging lines of 
distinct nationalities become more faint as we ascend towards the point where they 
meet. Thierry considers the Tolistoboii, whose leader was Lutarius (Luther or Clo 
thair?), to have been a Teutonic tribe. The departure of new German colonies ta 
Asia Minor is again advocated after 2100 years. See Prof. Ross’s Deutschland and 
Kleinasien. 


GALATIA. 248 


The Galatians were a stream from that torrent of barbarians which poured 
into Greece in the third century before our era, and which recoiled in com 
fusion from the cliffs of Delphi. Some tribes had previously separated 
from the main army, and penetrated into Thrace. There they were 
Joined by certain of the fugitives, and together they appeared on the 
eoasts, which are separated by a narrow arm of the sea from the rich 
plains and valleys of Bithynia.t| The wars with which that kingdom wag 
harassed, made their presence acceptable. Nicomedes was the Vortigern 
of Asia Minor: and the two Gaulish chieftains, Leonor and Lutar, may 
be fitly compared to the two legendary heroes of the Anglo-Saxon inva« 
sion. Some difficulties occurred in the passage of the Bosphorus, which 
curiously contrast with the easy voyages of our piratic ancestors.? But 
once established in Asia Minor, the Gauls lost no time in spreading over 
the whole peninsula with their arms and devastation. In their first cross- 
ing over we have compared them to the Saxons. In their first occupa- 
tion they may be more fitly compared to the Danes.? For they were a 
moveable army rather than a natien,—encamping, marching, and plunder- 
ing at will. They stationed themselves on the site of ancient Troy, and 
drove their chariots in the plain ef the Cayster.4 They divided nearly 
the whole peninsula among their three tribes. They levied tribute on 
cities, and even on kings. The wars of the east found them various occu- 
pation. They hired themselves out as mercenary soldiers. ‘They were 
the royal guards of the kings of Syria, and the mamelukes of the Ptole 
mies in Heypt.5 


- Liv. xxxviii. 16, and Polyb. 

7 Lutarius Macedonibus duas tectas naves et tres lembos adimit ; his, alios atque 
alios dies noctesque transvyehendo, intra paucos dies omnes copias trajecit. Liv. 
XXXVill. 16. 

3 Compare the Saxon Chronicle, for instance, with what Livy says :—Profecti ex 
Bithynia in Asiam processerunt ... Tantum terroris omnibus, que cis Taurum inco- 
lunt, gentibus injecerunt, ut quas adissent, quasque non adissent, pariter ultima pro- 
pinquis, imperio parerent . . . Tantus terror eorum nominis erat, ut Syrie quoque ad 
postremum reges stipendium dare non abnuerent. xxxviii. 16. And Justin :—Gallo- 
rum ea tempestate tants foecunditatis juventus fuit, ut Asiam omnem velut examine 
aliquo implerent. xxv. 2. 

+ Kic¢ τὴν πόλιν “IAwv. Strabo, xiii. Ἔν λειμῶνι Καῦστρίῳ ἔσταν ἅμαξαι. Callim, 
Hym. ad. Dian. v. 257, quoted by Thierry, p. 191. See the beautiful lines he quotes 
in the following page, from the anthology on the death of the maidens of Miletus 
(ὡς ὁ βιαστὸς Κελτῶν εἰς ταύτην μοῖραν ἔτρεψεν "Apnc). 

5 Denique neque reges Orientis sine mercenario Gallorum exercitu ulla bella gesse- 
run; neque pulsi regno ad alios quam ad Gallos confugerunt. Tantus terror Gallici 
nominis, et armorum invicta felicitas erat, ut aliter neque majestatem suam tutari 
neque amissam reciperare se posse nisi Gallica virtute arbitrarentur. Justin, 1]. οὐ ς 
and further references in Thierry, pp. 196-200. Even in the time of Julius Casar, we 
find 400 Gauls (Galatians), who had previously been part of Cleopatra’s bedy-guar] 
given for the same purpose to Herod. Joseph. B. J. xx. 3. 


246 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


The surrounding monarchs gradually curtailed their power, and re 
pressed them within narrower limits. First Antiochus Soter drove the 
Tectosages,! and then Eumenes drove the Trocmi and Tolistoboii,? inte 
the central district which afterwards became Galatia. Their territory was 
definitely marked out and surrounded by the other states of Asia Minor, 
and they retained a geographical position similar to that of Hungary in the 
midst of its Sclavonic neighbours. By degrees they coalesced into a num- 
her of small confederate states, and ultimately into one united kingdom? 
Successive circumstances brought them into contact with the Romans in 
various ways; first, by a religious embassy sent from Rome to obtain 
peaceful possession of the sacred image of Cybele ;* secondly, by the 
campaign of Manlius, who reduced their power and left them a nominal 
independence ;* and then through the period of hazardous alliance with 
the rival combatants in the civil wars. The first Deiotarus was made 
king by Pompey, fled before Cesar at the battle of Pharsalia, and was 
defended before the conqueror by Cicero, in a speech which still remains 
to us.© The second Deiotarus, like his father, was Cicero’s friend, and 
took charge of his son and nephew during the Cilician campaign.’ 
Amyntas, who succeeded him, owed his power to Antony,’ but pra- 
dently went over to Augustus in the battle of Actium. At the death of 
Amyntas, Augustus made some modifications in the extent of Galatia, 
and placed it under a governor. It was now a province, reaching from 
the borders of Asia and Bithynia to the neighbourhood of Iconium, 
Lystra, and Derbe, “ cities of Lycaonia.” 9 

Henceforward, like the Western Gaul, this territory was a part of 
the Roman empire, though retaining the traces of its history in the char- 
acter and language of its principal inhabitants. There was this differ- 
ence, however, between the Eastern and Western Gaul, that the latter 

1 His appellation of “the Saviour” was derived from this victory. App. Syr. 65. 
3 Liv. xxxviii. 16. See 40. 
3 This does not seem to have been effectually the case till after the campaign of 


Manlius. The nation was for some time divided into four tetrarchies. Deiotarus was 
the first sole ruler ; first as tetrarch, then as king. 

4 Liv. xxix. 10, 11. 5 Liv. xxxvili. 16, &c. 

6 See Cic. de Div. ii. 87. Ep. ad Fam. xy. 2, ὅσ. 

7 Ep. ad Att. v. 17. 

8 He received some parts of Lycaonia and Pamphylia in addition to Galatia Proper. 
Dio Cass. xlix. 32. See above, Ch. I. p. 23. 

9 The Pamphylian portion was removed (see above), but the Lycaonian remained. 
Τοῦ ᾿Αμύντου τελευτήσαντος, 7 Ταλατία μετὰ τῆς Λυκαονίας Ῥωμαῖον ἄρχοντα ἔσχε. 
Dio. C. liii. 26. See Eutrop. vii. 8. Thus we find Pliny (H. Ν. v. 42) reckoning the 
Lystreni in Galatia, though he seems to imply (ib. 25) that the immediate neighbour- 
hood of Iconium was in Asia. It is therefore quite possible, so far as geographical 
difficulties are concerned, that the Christian communities in the neighbourhood of 
Lystra might be called “Churches of Galatia.” See p. 234. We think, however, as 
we have said. that other difficulties are decisive against the view there mentioned. 


PONTUS. 247 


was more rapidly and more completely assimilated to Italy. It passed 
from its barbarian to its Roman state, without being subjected to any 
intermediate civilisation. The Gauls of the East, on the other hand, had 
‘ong been familiar with the Greek language and the Greek culture. 
St. Paul’s Epistle was written in Greek. The contemporary in: 
scriptions of the province are usually in the same language.? The 
Galatians themselves are frequently called Gallo-Grecians ;* and many 
of the inhabitants of the province must have been of pure Grecian 
origin. Another section of the population, the early Phrygians, were 
probably numerous, but in a lower and more degraded position. The 
presence of great numbers of Jews‘ in the province implies that it 
was, in some respects, favourable for traffic ; and it is evident that the 
district must have been constantly intersected by the course of caravans 
from Armenia, the Hellespont, and the South. The Roman itineraries 
inform us of the lines of communication between the great towns near 
the Halys and the other parts of Asia Minor. These circumstances 
are closely connected with the spread of the Gospel, and we shall return 
to them again when we describe St. Paul’s first reception in Galatia. 


V. Pontus.—The last independent dynasties in the north of the Pen- 
insula have hitherto appeared as friendly or subservient to the Roman 
power. Asia and Bithynia were voluntarily ceded by Attalus and Nico- 
medes ; and Galatia, on the death of Amyntas, quietly fell into the station 
of a province. But when we advance still further to the East, we are 
reminded of a monarch who presented a formidable and protracted 
opposition to Rome. The war with Mithridates was one of the most 
serious wars in which the Republic was ever engaged; and it was not 
till after a long struggle that Pompey brought the kingdom of Pontus 
under the Roman yoke. In placing Pontus among the provinces of Asia 
Minor at this exact point of St. Paul’s life, we are (strictly speaking) 
guilty of an anachronism. For long after the western portion of the 


1 The immediate neighbourhood of Marseilles, which was thoroughly imbued with 
a knowledge of Greek, must of course be excepted. 

? See Boéckh’s Corpus Inscriptionum. 3 See above, p. 244, note 2. 

4 See in Josephus (Ant. xvi. 6) the letter which Augustus wrote in favour of the 
Jews of Ancyra, and which was inscribed on a pillar in the temple of Caesar. We 
shall have occasion hereafter to mention the Monumentum Ancyranum. 

5 See what Livy says of Gordium, one of the minor towns near the western frontier :-— 
“Wand magnum quidem oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et fre 
quens emporium. ‘Tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo habet.” xxxviii. 18, 
Again, Strabo says of Tavium,—éuropeiov τῶν ταύτῃ. xii. 5. This last city was the 
capital of the Eastern Galatians, the Trocmi, who dwelt beyond the Halys. The 
Tolistoboii were the western tribe, near the Sangarius, with Pessinus as their capitai, 
The chief town of the Tectosages in the centre, and the metropolis of the nation. was 
Anoyra. 


248 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


empire of Mithridates was united partly with Bithynia and partly with 
Galatia,’ the region properly called Pontus’ remained under the govern: 
ment of independent chieftains. Before the Apostle’s death, however, it 
was really made a province by Nero. Its last king was that Polemo IL, 
who was alluded to at the beginning of this work, as the contemptible 
husband of one of Herod’s grand-daughters.4 In himself he is quite un 
worthy of such particular notice, but he demands our attention, not only 
because, as the last independent king in Asia Minor, he stands at one of 
the turning points of history, but also because through his marriage with 
Berenice, he must have had some connection with the Jewish population 
of Pontus, and therefore probably with the spread of the Gospel on the 
shores of the Euxine. We cannot forget that Jews of Pontus were at 
Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost,’ that the Jewish Christians of Pon- 
tus were addressed by St. Peter in his first Epistle,° and that “a Jew 
born in Poutus”7 became one of the best and most useful associates of 
the Apostle of the Gentiles. 


VI. Carpapocra.—Crossing the country southwards from the birth- 
place of Aquila towards that of St. Paul, we traverse the wide and varied 
region which formed the province of Cappadocia, intermediate between 
Pontus and Cilicia. The period of its provincial existence began in the 
reign of Tiberius. Its last king was Archelaus,’ the contemporary of the 


1 See above, under Pamphylia, for the addition to that province. A tract of country, 
near the Halys, henceforward called Pontus Galaticus, was added to the kingdom of 
Deiotarus. 

® Originally, this district near the Euxine was considered part of Cappadocia, and 
called ““ Cappadocia on the sea (Pontus).” The name Pontus gradually came into use, 
with the rising power of the ancestors of Mithridates the Great. 

3 Ponti regnum, concedente Polemone, in provincize formam redegit. Suet. Nero, ec. 
18. See Eutrop. vii. 13; Aur. Vict. Ces. 5. The statements of Forbiger (p. 292) are 
not quite in harmony with those in p. 413. It is probably impossible to determine the 
boundary which was ultimately arranged between the two contiguous provinces of 
Pontus and Cappadocia, when the last of the independent monarchs had ceased to 
reign. In the division of Constantine, Pontus formed two provinces, one called He- 
lenopontus in honour of his mother, the other still retaining the name of Pontus Pole- 
moniacus. 

4 Ῥ, 24 and p. 25,n.3. In or about the year 60 a. p. we find Berenice again with 
Agrippa in Judea, on the occasion of St. Paul’s defence at Cesarea. Acts xxv., xxvi. 
It is probable that she was with Polemo in Portus about the year 52, when St. Paul 
was travelling in the neighbourhood. 

- 5 Acts ii. 9. SlsPetea. 1. 7 Acts xviii. 2. 

8 He was made king by Antony, and, fifty years afterwards, was summoned to Rome 
by Tiberius, who had been offended by some disrespect shown to himself in the island 
of Rhodes. “Rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisua 
Tiberio, quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset . . . regnum in provinciam 
reductum est.” Tac. Ann. ii, 42. Cappadoces in formam provincie reducti Ih. 56 
tee Dio Cass, lyii. 17. Strabo, xii. 1. Suet. Tib. ο. 37. Hutrop. vii. 9. 


CAPPADOCIA AND CILICIA. 249 


Jewish tetrarch of the same name.!' Extending from the frontier of Ga 
fatia to the river Euphrates, and bounded on the South by the chain of 
Taurus, it was the largest province of Asia Minor.? Some of its cities 
are celebrated in ecclesiastical history.2 But in the New Testament it is 
only twice alluded to, once in the Acts,‘ and once in the Hpistles.® 


VII. Ciicta.—aA single province yet remains, in one respect the most 
interesting of all, for its chicf city was the Apostle’s native town. For 
this reason the reader’s attention was invited long ago to its geography 
and history. It is therefore unnecessary to dwell upon them further. 
We need not go back to the time when Servilius destroyed the robbers in 
the mountains, and Pompey the pirates on the coast.7 And enough 
has been said of the conspicuous period of its provincial condition, when 
Cicero came down from Cappadocia through the great pass of Mount 
Taurus,’ and the letters of his correspondents in Rome were forwarded 
from Tarsus to his camp on the Pyramus.’ Nearly all the light we pos- 
sess concerning the fortunes of Roman Cilicia is concentrated on that par- 
ticular time. We know the names of few of its later governors. Perhaps 
the only allusion to its provincial condition about the time of Claudius and 
Nero, which we can adduce from any ancient writer, is that passage in 
the Acts, where Felix is described as enquiring “of what province” St. 
Paul was. The use of the strict political term,” informs us that it was ἃ 
separate province ; but we are not able to state whether it was under the 
jurisdiction of the senate or the Emperor." 


1 Mat. ii. 22. 

* The Lesser Armenia was politically united withit. For details, see Forbiger, p. 292 

3 Especially Nyssa, Nazianzus, and Neocesarea, the cities of the three Gregories 
and Ceesarea, the city of Basil,—to say nothing of Tyana and Samosata. 

4 ii. 9. δ. Petin 1. 6 Pp. 20-26. See also 48, 49. 

7 Pp..20, 21. 8 See below, p. 257, note. 

9 Quum essem in castris ad fluvium Pyramum, redditee mihi sunt uno tempore a te 
epistole dua, quas ad me Q. Servilius Tarso miserat. Ep. ad Fam. iii. 11. 

10 Exapyia. Acts xxiii. 34, the only passage where the word occurs in the New Tes- 
tament. For the technical meaning of the term see above, p. 143, n. 2. It is strange 
that Bottger (Beitr. 1.) should have overlooked this passage. He says (§ 7), that the 
Province of Cilicia ceased to exist at the death of Amyntas, and afterwards makes it 
to be included in the province .of Cappadocia ; a mistake which has, perhaps, arisen 
from the fact that a small district to the north of Taurus was called Cilicia. Another 
mistake is still more unaccountable, viz. the construction of a Province of Phrygia 
(ὃ 4,10). The only authority adduced is a single phrase from the epitome of a lost 
book of Livy : whereas there is not a trace in history of any such province before the 
time of Constantine. Then, it is true, we find Phrygia Salutaris and Phrygia Pacatiana 
as two of the eleven provinces of the Diocese of Asia; but under the carlicr emperors 
the term is simply ethnographical. 

11 Spruner’s map in the Atlas Antiquus leaves this point undecided. Can we infer 
from a passage in Agrippa’s speech to the Jews (Joseph. B. J. ii. 16, 4), where he saya 


250 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


With this last division of the Heptarchy of Asia Minor we are broughs 
& the starting-point of St. Paul’s second missionary journey. Cilicia is 
contiguous to Syria, and indeed is more naturally connected with it than 
with the rest of Asia Minor.! We might illustrate this connection from 
the letters of Cicero ;? but it is more to our purpose to remark that the 
Apostolic Decree, recently enacted at Jerusalem, was addressed to the 
Gentile Christians ‘‘in Antioch, and Syria, and Cilicia,”* and that Paul 
and Silas travelled “through Syria and Cilicia” + in the early part of 
their progress. 

This second missionary journey originated in a desire expressad by Pau! 
to Barnabas, that they should revisit all the cities where they had preached 
the Gospel and founded churches. He felt that he was not called to 
spend a peaceful, though laborious, life at Antioch, but that his true work 
was “far off among the Gentiles.”® He knew that his campaigns were 
not ended,—that as the soldier of Jesus Christ, he must not rest from his 
warfare, but must ‘‘ endure hardness,” that he might please Him who had 
called him.? As a careful physician, he remembered that they, whose re 
covery from sin had been begun, might be in danger of relapse ; or, to use 
another metaphor, and to adopt the poetical language of the Old Testa. 
ment, he said,—‘‘ Come, let us get up early to the vineyards : let us sea 
if the vine flourish.” The words actually recorded as used by St. Paul 
on this occasion, are these :—‘ Come, let us turn back and visit our 
brethren in every city, where we have announced the word of the Lord, 
and let us see how they fare.”® We notice here, for the first time, a 
trace of that tender solicitude concerning his converts, that earnest long- 
ing to behold their faces, which appears in the letters which he wrote 
afterwards, as one of the most remarkable, and one of the most attractive, 
features of his character. Paul was the speaker, and not Barnabas. 
The feelings of Barnabas might not be so deep, nor his anxiety so urgent." 
Paul thought doubtless of the Pisidians and Lycaonians, as he thought 
afterwards at Athens and Corinth of the Thessalonians, from whom he 


that Cilicia, as well as Bithynia, Pamphylia, &c., was “kept tributary to the Romans 
without an army,” that it was one of the senate’s provinces? 

1 See p. 105, comparing Acis ix. 30 with Gal. i. 21. 

2 Ep. ad Fam. xv. 2, ad Att. v. 20. 

5 Acts xv. 23. 4 Acts xv. 41. 5 Acts xy. 36. 6 Acts xxii. 21. 

7 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4. 

8 Cant. vii. 12, quoted by Matthew Henry. See his excellent remarks on the whole 
passage. 

9 There is much force in the particle δὴ, which is almost unnoticed by the commen- 
tators. It seems to express something like impatience, especially when we compare it 
with the words μετά τινας ἡμέρας, which precede. The tender feeling implied in the 
phrase πῶς ἔχουσι fully justifies what we have said in the text. 

10 We might almost be inclined to suspect that Paul had previously urged the same 
proposal on Barnabas, and that he had hesitated to comply. 


QUARREL AND SEPARATION OF PAUL AND 3ARNABAS. 251 


aad been lately ‘“ taken,—in presence not in heart,—endeavouring to ses 
their face with great desire—night and day praying exceedingly that he 
might sce their face, and might perfect that which was lacking in theit 
faith.”! He was ‘not ignorant of Satan’s devices.”? He feared lest by 
‘any means the Tempter had tempted them, and his labour had been in 
vain. He ‘stood in doubt of them,” and desired to be “ present with 
them” once more.’ His wish was to revisit every city where converts had 
been made. We are reminded here of the importance of continuing a re 
ligious work when once begun. We have had the institution of presby- 
ters,° and of councils* brought before us in the sacred narrative ; and 
now we have an example of that system of church visitation,7 of the 
happy effects of which we have still some experience, when we see weak 
resolutions strengthened, and expiring faith rekindled, in confirmations at 
home, or in missionary settlements abroad. 

This plan, however, of a combined visitation of the churches was mar- 
red by an outbreak of human infirmity. The two apostolic friends were 
separated from each other by a quarrel, which proved that they were in- 
deed, as they had lately told the Lystrians, ‘‘men of like passions” with 
others... Barnabas was unwilling to undertake the journey unless he were 
accompanied by his relation Mark. Paul could not consent to the com- 
panionship of one who “departed from them from Pamphylia, and went 
not with them to the work : 9. and neither of them could yield his opinion 
to the other. This quarrel was much more closely connected with per- 
sonal feelings than that which had recently occurred between St. Peter 
and St. Paul, and it was proportionally more violent. There is little 
doubt that severe words were spoken on the occasion. It is unwise to be 
over-anxious to dilute the words of Scripture, and to exempt even Apos- 
tles from blame. By such criticism we lose much of the instruction which 
the honest record of their lives was intended to convey. We are taught by 
this scene at Antioch, that a good work may be blessed by God, though 
its agents are encompassed with infirmity, and that changes, which are 
violent in their beginnings, may be overruled for the best results. With- 
out attempting to balance too nicely the faults on either side, our simplest 
course is to believe that, as in most quarrels, there was blame with both. 
Paul’s natural disposition was impetuous and impatient, easily kindled 
to indignation, and (possibly) overbearing. Barnabas had shown his 


11 Thess. ii. 17. iii. 10. 2 2 Cor. ii. 11. 3 1 Thess. iii. 5. 
4 Gal. iv. 20. > Acts xiv. 23. See p. 199. 
6 Acts xv. See Ch. VI. 


7 See the remarks on this subject in Menken’s Blicke in das Leben des Apestels 
Paulus (Bremen, 1828), p. 96. 


8 Acts xiv. 15. 9 Acts xv. 38, with xiii. 13. See pp. 161, 162. 
Ὁ Pp. 222-224, 


252 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


weakness when he yielded to the influence of Peter and the Judaizers,' 
The remembrance of the indirect censure he then received may have been 
perpetually irritated by the consciousness that his position was becoming 
daily more and more subordinate to that of the friend who rebuked him, 
Once he was spoken of as chief of those “ prophets at Antioch,’* among* 
whom Saul was the last: now his name was scarcely heard, except when 
he was mentioned as the companion of Paul.’ In short, this is one of 
those quarrels in which, by placing ourselves in imagination on the one 
side and the other, we can alternately justify both, and easily see that the 
purest Christian zeal, when combined with human weakness and partiality, 
may have led to the misunderstanding. How could Paul consent to take 
with him a companion who would really prove an embarrassment and a 
hindrance? Such a task as that of spreading the Gospel of God ina hos- 
tile world needs a resolute will and an undaunted courage. And the work 
is too sacred to be put in jeopardy by any experiments Mark had 
been tried once and found wanting. ‘‘ No man, having put his hand to 
the plough, and looking back, is fit for the kingdom of God.”* And Bar- 
nabas would not be without strong arguments to defend the justice of k* 
claims. It was hard to expect him to resign his interest in one who had 
cost him much anxiety and many prayers. His dearest wish was to see 
his young kinsman approving himself as a missionary of Christ. Now, 
too, he had been won back to a willing obedience,—he had come from 
his home at. Jerusalem,—he was ready now to face all the difficulties and 
dangers of the enterprise. ΤῸ repel him in the moment of his repentance 
was surely “to break a bruised reed” and to “ quench the smoking 
flax.” Ὁ 

It is not difficult to understand the obstinacy with which each of the 
disputants, when his feelings were once excited, clung to his opinion as to 
a sacred truth.? The only course which now remained was to choose two 
different paths and to labour independently ; and the Church saw the 
humiliating spectacle of the separation of its two great missionaries to the 
Henithen. We cannot, however, suppose that Paul and Barnabas parted, 


Gal. ii, 135, P. 224. 
2 Acts xiii. Pp. 131, 132. Moreover, as a friend suggests at the moment of these 
‘pages going to press, St. Paul was under personal obligations to Barnabas for intro- 
ducing him to the Apostles (Acts ix. 27), and the feelings of Barnabas would be deeply 
burt if he thought his friendship slighted. 

3 See p. 149, 

4 A timid companion in the hour of danger is one of the greatest evils) Matthew 
Henry quotes Proy. xxv. 19: “Confidence in an unfaithful man in time of trouble, is 
like a broken tooth and like a feot out of joint.” 

5. Luke ix. 62. 6 Matt. xii. 20. 

7 Jerome says: “Paulus severior, Barnabas clementior ; uterque in suo sensu abun: 
dat, et tamen dissensio habet aliquid humane fragilitatis.”” Contra Pelag. ii. 522 
And Chrysostom says: ) Παῦλος ἐζήτει τὸ δίκαιον, ὁ Βαρνάβας τὸ φιλάνθρωπον. 


DEPARTURE OF BARNABAS. 254 


like enemies, in anger and hatred. It is very iikely that they made a 
deliberate and amicable arrangement to divide the region of their first 
missicn between them, Paul taking the continental, and Barnabas the in 
sular, part of the proposed visitation.! Of this at least we are certain 
that the quarrel was overruled by Divine Providence to a good resuit, 
One stream of missionary labour: had been divided, and the regions blessed 
by the waters of life were proportionally multiplied. St. Paul speaks of 
Barnabas afterwards’ as of an Apostle actively engaged in his Master’s 
service. We know nothing of the details of his life beyond the moment of 
his sailing for Cyprus ; but we may reasonably attribute to him not only 
the confirming of the first converts,’ but the full establishment of the 
Church in his native island. At Paphos the impure idolatry gradually 
retreated before the presence of Christianity ; and Salamis, where the 
tomb of the Christian Levite+ is shown,? has earned an eminent place in 
Christian history, through the writings of its bishop, Epiphanius.6 Mark, 
too, who began his career as a “ minister” of the Gospel in this island,’ 
justified the good opinion of his kinsman. Yet, the severity of Paul may 
have been of eventual service to his character, in leading him to feel more 
deeply the serious importance of the work he had undertaken. And the 
time came when Paul himself acknowledged, with affectionate tenderness, 
not only that he had again become his “ fellow-labourer,” ® but that he was 
“profitable to the ministry,”® and one of the causes of his own “ com- 
fort.” 10 

It seems that Barnabas was the first to take his departure. The feel- 
ing of the majority of the Church was evidently with St. Paul, for when 
he had chosen Silas for his companion and was ready to begin his journey, 
he was specially ‘‘commended by the brethren to the grace of God.”™ 
The visitation of Cyprus having now been undertaken by others, his obvi- 
ous course was not to go by sea in the direction of Perga or Attaleia,” ” 


1 If Barnabas visited Salamis and Paphos, and if Paul, after passing through Derbe, 
Lystra, and Iconium, went as far as Antioch in Pisidia (see below), the whole circuit 
of the proposed visitation was actually accomplished, for it does not appear that any 
converts had been made at Perga and Attaleia. 

2 1 Cor. ix. 6: whence also it appears that Barnabas, like St. Paul, supported him- 
self by the labour of bis hands. 

3 Paul took the copy of the Apostolic Decree into Cilicia. If the Judaizing tendency 
had shown itself in Cyprus, Barnabas would still be able to refer to the decision of the 
council, and Mark would stand in the same relation to him as a witness in which Silas 
did to Paul. 

4 Acts iv. 36, 5 MS. note from Capt. Graves, R. N. 

6 The name of this celebrated father has been given to one of the promontories of 
the island, the ancient Acamas. 

7 Acts xiii. 5. 8 Philemon, 24. 9 2 Tim. iv. 11. 

10 Col. iv. 10, 11. 11 Acts xv. 40. 

‘* Tf no other causes had occurred to determine the direction of his journey, thera 


254 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


but 10 travel by the Eastern passes directly to the neighbourhood of 
{conium. It appears, moreover, that he had an important work to accom: 
plish in Cilicia. The early fortunes of Christianity in that province were 
closely bound up with the city of Antioch and the personal labours of St. 
Paul. When he withdrew from Jerusalem, “three years” after his con- 
version, his residence for some time was in “the regions of Syria and 
Cilicia.”! He was at Tarsus in the course of that residence, when Bar- 
nabas first brought him to Antioch.* The churches founded by the 
Apostle in his native province must often have been visited by him ; for it 
is far easier to travel from Antioch to Tarsus, than from Antioch to 
Jerusalem, or even from Tarsus to Iconium. ‘Thus the religious move- 
ments in the Syrian metropolis penetrated into Cilicia. The same great 
“prophet” had been given to both, and the Christians in both were 
bound together by the same feelings and the same doctrines. When the 
Judaizing agitators came to Antioch, the result was anxiety and per- 
plexity, not only in Syria, but also in Cilicia. This is nowhere literally 
stated ; but it can be legitimately inferred. We are, indeed, only told 
that certain men came down with false teaching from Judea to Antioch.? 
But the Apostolic Decree is addressed to “the Gentiles of Cilicia” as 
well as those of Antioch, thus implying that the Judaizing spirit, with its 
mischievous consequences, had been at work beyond the frontier of Syria. 
And, doubtless, the attacks on St. Paul’s apostolic character had accom- 
panied the attack on apostolic truth,’ anda new fulfilment of the proverb 
was nearly realised, that a prophet in his own country is without honour, 
He haa, therefore, no ordinary work to accomplish as he went ‘“ through 
Syria and Cilicia confirming the churches ;”° and it must have been with 
much comfort and. joy that he was able to carry with him a document, 
emanating from the Apostles at Jerusalem, which justified the doctrine he 
had taught, and accredited his personal character. Nor was he alone as 
the bearer of this letter, but Silas was with him also, ready “‘to tell the 
same things by mouth.”7 It is a cause for thankfulness that God put it 
into the heart of Silas to “abide still at Antioch” 8. when Judas returned 
to Jerusalem, and to accompany St. Paul® on his northward journey. 
For when the Cilician Christians saw their countryman arrive without 


might be no vessel at Antioch or Seleucia bound for Pamphylia; a circumstance no 
always sufficiently taken into account by those who have written on St. Paul’s voyages. 

1 Gal. i. 21. Acts ix. 30. See pp. 104-106. 5 Acts xi. 25. Seep. 118. 

3 Acts xy. 1. 4 Acts xv. 23. > Pp. 210, 219. 

6 Acts xv. 41. The work of allaying the Judaizing spirit in Cilicia would require 
some time. Much might be accomplished during the residence at Antioch (xy. 36) 
which might very well include journeys to Tarsus. But we are distinctly told that the 
churches of Cilicia were “confirmed” by St. Paul, when he was on his way to these 
bf Lycaonia. 7 Acts xv. 27. 

» See p. 222. ἢ. 3 9 Acts xv. 40. 


PAUL AND SILAS IN CILICIA. ΩΣ 


his companion Barnabas, whose name was coupled with his own in the 
anostolic letter,’ their confidence might have been shaken, occasion might 
have been given to the enemies of the truth to slander St. Paul, had not 
Silas been present, as one of those who were authorised to testify that 
both Paul and Barnabas were “men who had hazarded their lives for the 
name of our Lord Jesus Christ.” ? 

Where “the churches” were, which he “ confirmed” on his journey,-— 
in what particular cities of “Syria and Cilicia,’—we are not informed. 
After leaving Antioch by the bridge over the Orontes,’ he would cross 
Mount Amanus by the gorge which was anciently called the “Syrian 
Gates,” and is now known as the Beilan Pass. Then he would come te 
Alexandria and Issus, two cities that were monuments of the Macedonian 
conqueror ; one as retaining his name, the other as the scene of his 
victory. After entering the Cilician plain, he may have visited Adana, 
στ, or Mopsuetia, three of the conspicuous cities on the old Roman 
roads. With all these places St. Paul must have been more or less 
familiar : probably there were Christians in all of them, anxiously waiting 
_ for the decree, and ready to receive the consolation it was intended to 
bring. And one other city must certainly have been visited. If there 
were churches anywhere in Cilicia, there must have been one at Tarsus. 
It was the metropolis of the province ; Paul had resided there, perhaps 
for some years, since the time of his conversion ; and if he loved his native 
place well enough to speak of it with something like pride to the Roman 
officer at Jerusalem,® he could not be indifferent to its religious welfare 
Among the “Gentiles of Cilicia,” to whom the letter which he carried 

* Acts xv. 25. 2 Acts xv. 26. 

3 See the description of ancient Antioch above, Ch. [V. p. 123; also p. 136. 

4 The “ Syrian Gates’ are the entrance into Cilicia from Syria, as the “Cilcian 
Gates” are from Cappadocia. The latter pass, however, is by far the grander and 
more important of the two. Intermediate between these two, in the angle where 
Taurus and Amanus meet, is the pass into Syria by which Darius fled after the battle 
of Issus. Both entrances from Syria into Cilicia are alluded to by Cicero (Fam. xv. 4), 
as well as the great entrance from Cappadocia (Att. v. 20, quoted below). 

For a complete account of the geography of this district, see Mr. Ainsworth’s paper 
in the eighth volume of the Geographical Society’s Transactions. The Beilan Pass is 
a long valley, by which Amanus is crossed ata height of near 3000 feet above the 
level of the Mediterranean. To the N. of this is a minor pass, marked by an ancient 
ruin called the “Pillars of Jonas,’? which Alexander had to retrace when he turned 
back to meet Darius at Issus. Beyond Issus, on the Cilician shore, is another minor 
pass, where an ancient gate-way remains. 

5. If the itineraries are examined and compared together, the Roman roads will be 
observed to diffuse themselves among these different towns in the Cilician plain, and 
then to come together again at the bend of the bay, befure they enter the Syrian 
Gates. Mopsuetia and Adana were in the direct road from Issus to Tarsus; ρα 
was on the coast-road to Soli. Baiz also was an important ton, situated to tho 5. οἱ 
Tssus. 

6 Acts xxi. 39. 


256 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


was addressed, the Gentiles of Tarsus had no mean place in his affections, 
And his heart must have overflowed with thankfulness, if, as he passed 
through the streets which had been familiar to him since his childhood, he 
knew that many households were around him where the Gospel had come 
“not in word only but in power,” and the relations between husband and 
wife, parent and child, master and slave, had been purified and sanctified 
by Christian love. No doubt the city still retained all the aspect of the 
cities of that day, where art and amusement were consecrated to a false 
religion. ‘The symbols of idolatry remained in the public places,—statues, 
temples, and altars,—and the various “‘ objects of devotion,” which in all 
Greek towns, as well as in Athens (Acts xvii. 23), were conspicuous on 
every side. But the silent revolution was begun. Some families had 
already turned ‘from idols to serve the living and true God.”! The 
“dumb idols” to which, as Gentiles, they had been “ carried away even 
as they were led,” ἡ had been recognised as “nothing in the world,” and 
been ‘‘ cast to the moles and to the bats.”4 The homes which had once 
been decorated with the emblems of a vain mythology, were now bright 
with the better ornaments of faith, hope, and love. And the Apostle of 
the Gentiles rejoiced in looking forward to the time when the grace which © 
had been triumphant in the household should prevail against principalities 
and powers,—when “every knee should bow at the name of Jesus, and 
every tongue confess that He is Lord, to the giory of God the Father.” 
But it has pleased God that we should know more of the details of 

1 1 Thess. i. 9. 3 1 Cor. xii. 2. 3 1 Cor. viii. 4. 

4 Tsai. ii. 20. These remarks have been suggested by a recent discovery of much 
interest at Tarsus. In a mound which had formerly rested against a portion of the 
city wall, since removed, was discovered a large collection of terracotta figures and 
lamps. At first these were thought to be a sherd-wreck, or the refuse of some Cera- 
micus or pottery-work. But on observing that the lamps had been used and that the 
earthenware gods (Di fictiles) bore no trace of having been rejected because of defec- 
tive workmanship, but on the contrary, had evidently been used, it has been imagined 
that these terracottas must have been thrown away, as connected with idolatry, on the 
occasion of some conversion to Christianity. The figures are such as these,—a head 
of Pan, still showing the mortar by which it was sct up in some garden or vineyard ; 
the boy Mercury ; Cybele, Jupiter, Ceres crowned with corn, Apollo with rays, a lion 
devouring a bull (precisely similar to that engraved, p. 22), with other symbols of gen 
eral or local mythology. There are, moreover, some ears, legs, &c., which seem te 
have been votive offerings, and which, therefore, it would have been sacrilege io re- 
move ; and a great number of lamps or incense burners, with a carbonaceous stain on 
them. The date when these things were thrown to the “moles and bats” seems to be 
ascertained by the dressing of the hair in one of the female figures, which is that of the 
period of the early emperors, as shown in busts of Domitia, or Julia, the wife of Titus, 
the same that is censured by the Roman satirist and by the Christian Apostle. Some 
of them are undoubtedly of an earlier period. We owe the opportunity of seeing these 
remains, and the foregoing criticisms on them (by Mr. Abington, of Hanley, in Staf- 
fordshire), to the kindness of W. B. Barker, Esq., who was for many years a resident aa 
Tarsus, and who is preparing a work on the history of Cilicia. 

5. Phil. ii. 10, 11 


THEY CROSS THE TAURUS. 257 


early Christianity in the wilder and remoter regions of Asia Minor 
To these regions the footsteps of St. Paul were turned, after he had 
accomplished the work of confirming the churches in Syria and Cilicia, 
The task now before him was the visitation of the churches he had formed 
in conjunction with Barnabas. We proceed to follow him in his second 
journey across Mount Taurus. 

The vast mountain-barrier which separates the sunny plains of Cilicia 
and Pamphylia from the central table-land, has frequently been mentioned.’ 
On the former journey? St. Paul travelled from the Pamphylian plain to 
Antioch in Pisidia, and thence by Iconium to Lystra and Derbe. His 
present course across the mountains was more to the eastward; and 
the last-mentioned cities were visited first. More passes than one lead 
down from Lycaonia and Cappadocia through the chain of Taurus into 
Cilicia.s And it has been supposed‘ that the Apostle travelled through 
one of the minor passes, which quits the lower plain af Pompeiopolis,’ 
and enters the upland plain of Iconium, not far from the conjectural site 
of Derbe. But there is no sufficient reason to suppose that he went by 
any other than the ordinary road. A traveller wishing to reach the 
Valais conveniently from the banks of the Lago Maggiore would rather 
go by the Simplon, than by the difficult path across the Monte Moro; 
aud there is one great pass in Asia Minor which may be called the 
Simplon® of Mount Taurus, described as a rent or fissure in the moun- 
tain-chain, extending from north to south through a distance of eighty 
miles,? and known in ancient days by the name of the “ Cilician Gates,” 5 
—which has been, in all ages, the easiest and most convenient entrance 


1 Especially pp. 20, 48, 105, 162-170, 186, 199, 200. 

? Acts xili. 14. Pp. 163-169. 

3 The principal passes are enumerated in the ‘ Modern Travelier.’? For ancient 
nctices of them see Forbiger. 

4 By Wieseler in his Chronologie. He refers to Hamilton’s notice of the pass, and 
infers that this would be the route adopted, because it leads most directly to Derbe 
(Divle). But, in the first place, the site of Derbe suggested by Hamilton is (as we 
have seen, pp. 190, 198) very doubtful; and, secondly, the shortest road across a moun- 
tain-chain is not necessarily the best. The road by tke Cilician Gates was carefully 
made and kept up, and enters the Lycaonian plain near where Derbe must have been 
situated. A recent traveller, the Rev. G. F. Weston, vicar of Crosby Ravensworth, 
went by a pass from Lycaonia into Cilicia, which seems to be the same as that alluded 
to by Hamilton and Wieseler, and, from the account in his journal, to be very rough 
and difficult. It seems likely that this was the pass by which Cyrus sent Syennesis. 
Anab, I. ii. See Ainsworth’s Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousan) Greeks (1844). 

5 For Pompeiopolis or Soli, sce p. 21 and the note. 

® Mr. Ainsworth points out some interesting particulars of resemblance an1 contrast 
petween the Alps and this part of the Taurus. Travels and Researches in Asia Minos, 
tie. (1842), π. 80. 

7 Col. Chesney in the Euphrates Expedition, i. 353. 

8 Besides the passages quoted below, see Polyb. xii. Diod. xiv. p. 406, 


VOL. 1—17 


258 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


from the northern and central parts of the peninsula to the level by the 
sea-shore, where the traveller pauses before he enters Syria. The secur 
ing of this pass was the greatest cause of anxiety to Cyrus, when he 
marched into Babylonia to dethrone his brother.’ Through this gorge 
Alexander deseended to that Cilician plain,? which has been finely de- 
acribed by a Greek historian as a theatre made by Nature’s hand for 
the drama of great battles. Cicero followed in the steps of Alexander, 
as be tells his friend Atticus in a letter written with characteristic 
vanity. And to turn to the centuries which have elapsed since the 
time of the Apostles and the first Roman emperors : twice, at least, this 
pass has been the pivot on which the struggle for the throne of the Hast 
seemed to turn,—once, in the war described by obscure historians,> when 
a pretender at Antioch made the Taurus his defence against the Emperor 
of Rome ; and once, in a war which we remember, when a pretender at 
Alexandria fortified it and advanced beyond it in his attempt to dethrone 
the Sultan. In the wars between the Crescent and the Cross, which have 
filled up much of the intervening period, this defile has decided the fate 
of many anarmy. ‘The Greek historians of the first Saracen invasions 
describe it by a word, unknown to classical Greek, which denotes that 
when this passage (between Cappadocia and Cilicia) was sccure, the 


1 Xen. Anab. i. 4. Mannert and Forbiger both think that he went by a pass more to 
the east; but the arguments of Mr. Ainsworth for the identity of Dana with Tyana, 
and the coincidence of the route of Cyrus with the “ Cilician Gates,” appear to be con- 
clusive. Travels in the Track, &c., p. 40. 

3. See Arrian, ii. 7 and Quintus Curtius, iii. 4. 

3 Πεδίον πλατύτατόν τε καὶ ἐπιμηκέστατον" ᾧ περίκειται piv λόφος ele ϑεάτρου 
σχῆμα, αἰγιαλὸς δὲ ἐπὶ ϑαλάσσης μέγιστος ἐκτείνεται " ὥσπερ τῆς φύσεως ἐργασαμένης 
στάδιον μάχης. Herodian. iii. 4. 

4 Iter in Ciliciam feci per Tauri pylas. Tarsum veni a, , iii. non. Octob. “Inde ad 
Amanam contendi, qui Syriam a Cilicia aquarum divortio dividit. .. . . Castra paucus 
dies habuimus, ca ipsa. que contra Darium habuerat apud Issum Alexander, in:perat.: 
haud paulo melior, guam aut tu aut ego. Ep. ad Att. v. 20. 

5 The war between Severus and Pescennius Niger. Herodian, iii. 1-4. He says of 
Niger, on the appzoach of Severus :—’ExéAeve τοῦ Ταύρου ὄρους τὰ στενὰ καὶ κρημνώδη 
διαφράττεσθα:. .. . πρόβλημα ὀχυρὸν νομίζων τῶν ἐν TR ἀνατολῇ ὁδῶν, TO δύσβατον 
τοῦ ὄρους" ὁ γὰρ 'Ταῦρος μεταξὺ ὧν Καππαδοκίας καὶ Κιλικίας, διακρίνει τά te τῇ 
ἄρκτῳ καὶ τὰ τῇ ἀνατολῇ ἔθνη προσκείμενα, iii. 1. When his advanced troops were de- 
feated near the Busphorus, some of them fled περὶ τὴν ὑπωρείαν ἐπί Tadatiacg τε καὶ 
᾿Ασίας, φθάσαι ϑέλοντες τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερβῆναι, καὶ ἔντος τοῦ ἐρύματος γένεσθαι. Ib. 2. 

6 This was emphatically the case in the first war between Mahomet Ali πα the Sul- 
fan, when ibrahim Pasha crossed the Taurus and fought the battle of Konieh, in De- 
cember, 1852. In the second war, the decisive battle was fought at Nizib, in June, 
1839, farther to the East: but even then, while the negociations were pending, this 
pass was the military boundary between the opposing powers. See Mr. Ainsworth’s 
Yravels and Researches, quoted below. Te was arrested in his journey by the battle 
of Nizib. For a slight notice of the two campaigns, sce Yates’ Egypt, 1.x~ [ἢ the 
second volume (ch. v.) is a curious account of an interview with Ibrahim Pasha at 
Tarsus. ip 1833, with notices of the surrounding country. 


YHEY CROSS THE TAURUS. Y59 


frontier was closed.!. The Crusaders, shrinking from the remenmibrauce of 
its precipices and dangers, called it by the more awful name of the 
“Gaetes of Judas.” ? 

Through this pass we conceive St. Paul to have travelled on his way 
trom Cilicia to Lycaonia. And if we say that the journey was made in the 
spring of the year 51, we shall not deviate very far from the actual date. 
By those who have never followed the Apostle’s footsteps, the successive 
features of the scenery through which he passed may be compiled from 
the accounts of recent travellers, and arranged in the following order. 
After leaving Tarsus, the road. ascends the vailey of the Cydnus, which, for 
some distance, is nothing more than an ordinary mountain valley, with wooded 
eminences and tributary streams. Beyond the point where the road from 
Adanah comes in from the right,® the hills suddenly draw together and 
form a narrow pass, which has always been guarded by precipitous cliffs, 
and is now crowned by the ruins of /a medieval castle.7_ In some places 
the ravine contracts to a width of ten or twelve paces,* leaving room for 
only one chariot to pass.? It is an anxious place to any one in command 


1 The word κλεισούρα (clausura). Scylitzes Curopalates, published in the Bonn 
edition of Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 677, 703. For the history of the word, see the glossary 
to Cedrenus; where we find also the word κλεισουριάρχης. “ Gregorius Cappadox, 
qui et clusuriarches.” In both passages, Scylitzes alludes to the difference of climate 
between Cilicia and the interior. See, especially, p. 677: Tov Tatpov τὸ ὄρος ὑπερβὰς 
πανστρατίᾳ εἰσβάλλει τῇ Ῥωμαίων" ἐντυχόντες δ᾽ ἄθροοι τόποις ψυχροῖς ἐξ ἄγαν 
ἀλεεινῶν καὶ ϑερμῶν πολλῆς μεταβολῆς ἤσθοντι." διὸ καὶ ἄνθρωποι πολλοὶ ἀπέθανον 
καὶ ζῷα πολλὰ ἐναπέψυσαν. Compare the Claustra Caspiarum of Tacitus, Hist. i. 6 
and the Claustra Montium, Ib. iii. 2. 

2 See Michaud’s Histoire des Croisades, i. p.141. Correspondence d’Orient, viii. p. 6. 

3 We have no means of exactly determining either the year or the season. He left 
Corinth in the spring (Acts xviii. 21) after staying there a year and a half (Acts xviii. 
11). He arrived, therefore, at Corinth in the autumn; and probably, as we shall see, 
in the autumn of the year 52. Wieseler (pp. 36, 44) calculates that a year might be 
occupied in the whole journey from Antioch through Asia Minor and Macedonia to 
Corinth. Perhaps it is better to allow a year and a half; and the spring is the more 
likely season to have been chosen for the commencement of the journey. See p. 165. 

4 Very full descriptions may be seen in Ainsworth and in Capt. Kinneir’s Travels. 

* See Colonel Chesney’s description of the valley. 

6 Mr. Ainsworth says the road which he followed to Adanah turns off from that to 
Tarsus, about five miles from the rocky gap mentioned. There i3 another mountain 
track from Adanah, mentioned by Captain Kinngir, which cemes into the pass ata 
higher point. 

7 “On the right hand, or south side, of this pass are two bold rocky summits, tower- 
ing, bare and preciviteus, over the surrounding forest : the more western of these bears 
the ruins of a castle, with crumbling walls and round towers, said to be Genoese.” 
Ainsworth’s Travels and Researches u. 77. 

8 This gorge is called the Golek Boghaz. It is, as Capt. Kinneir says, “the part of 
the pass most capable of defence, and where a handful of determined men, advanta: 
geously posted, might bid defiance to the most numerous armies.” 

9 The general phrase of Xenophon concerning the Cilician Gates is, ὁδὸς duakirdy 
sofia ἰσχυρῶς καὶ ἀμήχανος εἰσελθεῖν στρατεύματι, εἴ tic éxwAvev, Anab.1ii. Mr 


960 THE LIKE ΑΝῸ EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of a military expedition. To one who is unburdened by such respocsi 
bility, the scene around is striking and impressive. A canopy of fir-tree 
is high overhead. Bare limestone cliffs rise above on either hand to an 
elevation of many hundred feet. The streams which descend towards the 
Cydnus are closed by the road, aud here and there undermine it or wash 
over it.! When the higher and more distant of these streams are left 
behind, the road emerges upon an open and elevated region, 4000 feet 
above the level of the sea.” This space of high land may be considered 
as dividing the whole mountain journey into two parts. For when it is 
passed, the streams are seen to flow in a new direction. Not that we 
have attained the point where the highest land of Asia Minor? turns the 
waters north and south. ‘The torrents which are seen descending to the 
right, are merely the tributaries of the Sarus, another river of Cilicia.’ 
The road is conducted northwards through this new ravine ; and again 
the rocks close in upen it, with steep naked cliffs, among cedars and 
pines, forming “an intricate defile, which a handful of men might con- 
vert into another Thermopyle.”* When the highest peaks of Taurus 
are left hehind, the road to Tyana is continued in the same northerly 


Ainsworth regards this as applying to the Golek Boghaz ; but it may be referred with 
equal propriety to the other narrow defile in the higher part of the pass, and this refer- 
ence is more agreeable to the context. 

1 See the descriptions in Ainsworth and Kinneir. 

7 “The plain, if it may be so called, which occupies the level summit between the 
waters of the Seihun and the river of Tarsus is about an English mile in width, the 
approach to it being uphill and through a broken and woody country.” Ainsw. Trav. 
and Res. p. 75. He then proceeds to describe the Egyptian batteries (this was soon 
after the battle of Nizib), and adds that the height of this east according to hig 
observations. was 3812 feet. 

3 This is the Anti-Taurus, which, though far less striking in appearance ‘than the 
Taurus, is really higher, as is proved by the course of the Sarus and other streams. 

4 See this veryciearly described by Ainsworth in each of his works. “ The road is car- 
ried at first over low undulating ground, the waters of which flow towards the moun- 
tains. It enters them with the rivulets tributary to the Sarus, which have an easterly 
flow, and follows the waters for some distance, amid precipitous cliffs and wooded 
abutments, till they sever the main chain. . . . Beyond this, the road turns cdf to the 
south, up the course of a tributary. .. . An expansive upland here presents itself [see 
n. 2]... .. Beyond this the waters flow no longer to the Sarus, but to the Cydnus.”* 
ravels in the Track, &c., pp. 44, 45. ‘Sixteen miles from Eregli [Cybistra] the 
waters begin to flow eastward, and soon collect in a small rivulet. which finds its way 
through Taurus to the bed of the Seihun [Sarus]. This is a peculiarity in the hydro- 
graphical features of this part of Taurus not hitherto pointed out.” Trav. and Res. 
p. 71. The fact, however, is implied by Captain Kinneir, who says that, after travelling 
some miles from Tyana, he found “ the Sihoun flowing through the valley parallel with 
the road.”’ 

5. These are Ainsworth’s words of the Golek Boghaz (Trav. and Res. Ὁ. 77), but they 
must be true also of this portion of the pass; though he says in his other work that 
three chariots might pass abreast (Trav. in the Track, p. 45). In this part the chief 
Turkish defences were erected (Trav. and Res. p. 72.) 


LYSTRA. 261 


direction ;! while that to Iconium takes a turn to the left, and passes 
among wooded slopes with rocky projections, and over ground compara 
tively level, to the great Lycaonian plain.’ 

The whole journey from Tarsus to Konieh is enough, in modern times, 
to occupy four laborious days ;* and, from the nature of the ground, the 
time required can never have been much less. The road, however, was 
doubtless more carefully maintained in the time of St. Paul than at the 
present day, when it is only needed by Tartar couriers and occasional 
traders. Antioch and Ephesus had a more systematic civilisation than 
Aleppo or Smyrna; and the governors of Cilicia, Cappadocia, and 
Galatia, were more concerned than a modern pacha in keeping up the 
lines of internal communication. At various parts of the journey from 
Tarsus to Iconium traces of the old military way are visible, marks of 
ancient chiseling, substructions, and pavement ; stones that have fallen 
over into the rugged river-bed, and sepulchres hewn out in the cliffs, or 
erected on the level ground.® Some such traces still follow the ancient 
line of road where it enters the plain of Lycaonia, beyond Cybistra,° near 
the spot where we conceive the town of Derbe to have been formerly 
situated.’ 


1 The roads towards Syria and Czesarea in Cappadocia, and Angora in Galatia, both 
mect at Tyana. See the Map. p. 189. The place is worthy of notice as the native city 
of Apollonius, the notorious philosopher and traveller. This is carefully remarked by 
the author of the Jerusalem Itinerary. 

? See Colonel Chesney’s description, and above, p. 199, for the remarks of Leake 
and Hamilton on the neighbourhocd of Karaman (Laranda). Neither of those travel- 
lers passed through the Cilician Gates. For further topographical details, see Kiepert’s 
large Map of Asia Minor. Colonel Chesney’s general map is also useful ; and another 
of his maps, in which a delineation of the southern part of the pass is given. 

3 Mr. Ainsworth, in the month of November, was six days in travelling from Ieconium 
to Adanah. Major Rennell, who enters very fully into all questions relating to dis- 
tances and rates of travelling. says that more than forty hours are taken in crossing 
the Taurus from Eregli to Adanah, though the distance is only 78 miles; and he adds, 
that fourteen more would be done on common ground in the same time. Geog. of 
Western Asia. 

4 Inscriptions in Asia Minor, relating to the repairing of roads by the governors Οἱ 
provinces and other officials, are not infrequent. See those on public works in Gruter, 
p. 149, &c. ; also Boeckh and Texier. 

5 See Ainsworth and Kinneir. 

6 See the Map with the line of Roman road, p. 189. Cybistra (Hregli) was one of 
Cicero’s military stations. Its relation to the Taurus is very clearly pointed out in his 
letters. “Cum exercitu per Cappadocie partem eam, que cum Cilicia continens est, 
iter feci, contraque ad Cybistr:. «ced oppidum est ad montem Taurum, locavi.’’ Ad 
Fam. xv. 2. “In Cappadocia ===2a non longe a Tauro apud eppidum Cybistra 
castra feci, ui et Ciliciam tuerer et Cappadociam tenens,” &c. Ib. 4. At this point 
he was very near Derbe. He had come from Iconium, and afterwards went through 
the pass to Tarsus ; so that his route must have nearly coincided with that of St. Paul. 
The bandit-chief Antipater of Derbe, is one of the personages who plays a considerable 
part in this passage of Cicero’s life. 

τ See above, p. 188, n. 1, and p.198,n.7 Mr. Hamilton (A. M. vol. ii.) gives a de- 


0 a ΤῊΝ LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


As St.Paul emerged from the mountain-passes, and came along the 
lower heights through which the Taurus recedes to the Lycaonian levels, 
the heat, which had been full of affection and anxiety all through the 
journey, would beat more quickly at the sight of the well-known objects 
before him. The thought of his disciples would come with new force 
upon his mind, with a warm thanksgiving that he was at length allowed 
to revisit them, and to ‘“‘see how they fared.”! The recollection of 
friends, from whom we have parted with emotion, is often strongly asso- 
ciated with natural scenery, especially when the scenery is remarkable. 
And here the tender-hearted Apostle was approaching the home of his 
Lycaonian converts. On his first visit, when he came as a stranger, he 
had travelled in the opposite direction ;:? but the same objects were again 
before his eyes, the same wide-spreading plain, the same black summit of 
the Kara-Dagh. In the further reach of the plain, beyond the “ Black 
Mount,” was the city of Iconium ; nearer to its base was Lystra; and 
nearer still to the traveller himself was Derbe,? the last point of his pre- 
vious journey. Here was his first meeting now with the disciples he had 
then been enabled to gather. The incidents of such a meeting,—the 
inquiries after Barnabas,—the welcome given to Silas,—the exhortations, 
instructions, encouragements, warnings, of St. Paul,—may be left to the 
imagination of those who have pleasure in picturing\to themselves the 
features of the Apostolic age, when Christianity was new. 

This is all we can say of Derbe, for we know no details either of the 
former or present visit to the place. But when we come to Lystra, we 
are at once in the midst of all the interest of St. Paul’s public ministry 
and private relations. Here it was that Paul and Barnabas were re- 
garded as heathen divinities;4 that the Jews, who had first cried 
“ Hosarna” and then crucified the Saviour, turned the barbarians from 
homage to insult ;° and that the little church of Christ had been forti- 
fied by the assurance that the kingdom of heaven can only be entered 
through ‘much tribulation.”* Here too it was that the child of Lois 


{{ 


tailed account of his journey in this direction, and of the spots where he saw ruins, 
inscriptions, or tombs. He heard of Divle when he was in a yailah on the mountains, 
but did not visit it in consequence of the want of water. There was none within 
eight hours. See Trans. of Geog. Soc. viii. 154, and compare what is said of the 
drought of Lycaonia by Strabo, as quoted above, p. 180, 

Texier is of opinion that the true site of Derbe is Divle, which he describes as a vil 
lage in a wild valley among the mountains, with Byzantine remains. Asie Mineure, 
ji, 129, 130. The same view seems to be taken by Dr. Bailie, who adduces an inscrip 
tion from “ Devlé or Devré ” in his second Fasciculus of Inscriptions (1847), p. 264 g 

1 See above, p. 250. 

2 Compare Acts xiv. with 2 Tim iii. 10, 11. 

3 See the account of the topography of this district, Ch. VI. pp. 182, ἄς. 

4 Acts xiv. 12-18. pp. 192, &e. 5 Acts xiv. 19, pp. 195, 196 
6 Acts xiv. 22, p. 199. 


KARA-DAGH, NEAR LYSTRA. 


LYSTRA. 263 


and Eunice, taught the Holy Scriptures from his earliest years, had been 
trained to a religious life, and prepared, through the Providence of God, 
by the sight of the Apostle’s sufferings, to be his comfort, support, and 
companion. ! 

Spring and summer had passed over Lystra, since the Apostles had 
preached there. God had continued to “ bless” them, and given them 
“rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling their hearts with food and 
gladness.”* But still “ the living God, who made the heavens, and the 
earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein,” was only recognised 
by afew. The temple of the Lystrian Jupiter still stood before the gate, 
and the priest still offered the people’s sacrifices to the imaginary pro 
tector of the city. Heathenism was invaded, but not yet destroyed. 
Some votaries had been withdrawn from that polytheistic religion, which 
wrote and sculptured in stone its dim ideas of ‘“ present deities ;”+ crowd: 
ing its thoroughfares with statues and altars, ascribing tu the King of 
the Gods the attributes of beneficent protection and the government of 
atmospheric changes,’ and vaguely recognizing Mercury as the dispenser 
of fruitful seasons and the patron of public happiness.7_ But many years 
of difficulty and persecution were yet to elapse before Greeks and 
barbarians fully learnt, that the God whom St. Panl preached was a 
Father everywhere present to his children, and the One Author of every 
“good and periect gift.” 


1 See pp. 197, 198. 

? See the words used in St. Paul's address to the Lystrians, Acts xiv. and the re- 
marks made pp. 193, 195. New emphasis is given to the Apostle’s words, if we re- 
member what Strabo says of the absence of water in the pastures of Lycaonia. Mr. 
Weston found that water was dearer than milk at Bin-bir-Kilisseh, and that there was 
only one spring, high up the Kara-Dagh. 

3 P.190,n.1. LE. 1. Walch, in his Spicilegium Antiquitatum Lystrensium (Diss. 
in Acta Apostolorum, Jena, 1766, vol. iii.), thinks that a statwe of Jupiter, and nota 
temple, is meant. He adduces many inscriptions in illustration of the subject, such ag 
the following: “Jupiter Custos colonize Mutinensis,” “ Serapi conservatori,” ‘ Deo in 
cujus tutela domus est :)) and especially one from Gruter, with JUPITER CUSTOS, 
and the attributes of .Wercury above. The equivalent Greek terms are πολιεοῦχος and 
TPOTVAa °F. 

4 Inscriptions with “ Dis prasentibus,” or the Greek word ETI@ANEIA, were very 
zommon. Caligula wished statues to be erected in his honour, with AlOS ELIbA- 
NOY inscribed ou them. See Walch. Compare the “Prasens Divus” of Mourace, 
Od. mr. v. 2, and see the idea expanded in the fifth ode of the fourth book. 

» See the remarks on Tarsus above, p. 256, and the note. 

6 Jupiter was called ἐπικάρπιος and ὄμβριος ; and such inscriptions as the following 
were frequent,—Jovi O. M. Tempestatum Divinarum potenti. Compare them with 
50. Paul’s words, Acts xiv. 17. See also Walch’s references to Callimachus, Luciaa, 
and Atheneus. 

‘ Mercury 1s sometimes represented with a cornucopie, ears of corn, &c., and the 
words “‘saculo frugifero.” There are also coins with “ ‘elicitas publica ” and the sym 
bols of Mercury. Walch. 


804 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF sT. PAUL. 


Lystra, however, contributed one of the principal agents in the ao 
complishment of this result. We have seen how the seeds of Gospei 
truth were sown in the heart of Timotheus.!. The instruction received in 
childhood,—the sight of St. Paul’s sufferings,—the hearing of his words,— 
the example of the “ unfeigned faith, which first dwelt in his grandmother 
Lois and his mother Eunice,” “—and whatever other influences the Holy 
Spirit had used for his soul’s good,—had resulted in the full conviction 
that Jesus was the Messiah. And if we may draw an obvious inferenee 
from the various passages of Scripture, which describe the subsequent re- 
lation of Paul and Timothy, we may assert that natural qualities of an 
engaging character were combined with the Christian faith of this young 
disciple. The Apostle’s heart seems to have been drawn towards him 
with peculiar tenderness. He singled him out from the other disciples. 
“Him would Paul have to go forth with him.”* This feeling is in harmony 
with all we read, in the Acts and the Epistles, of St. Paul’s affectionate 
and confiding disposition. He had no relative ties which were of service 
in his apostolic work ; his companions were few and changing ; and 
though Silas may well be supposed to have supplied the place of Barna 
bas, it was no weakness to yearn for the society of one who might hecome 
what Mark had once appeared to be, a son in the Gospel Yet how 
could he consistently take an untried youth on so difficult an enterprize ? 

‘How could he receive Timothy into “the glorious company of Apostles” 
when he had rejected Mark ? Such questions might be raised, if we were 
not distinctly told that the highest testimony was given to Timothy's 

1 Pp. 197,198. It is well known that commentators are not agreed whether Lystra 
or Derbe was the birthplace of Timothy. But the former opinion is by far the most 
probable. The latter rests on the view which some critics take of Acts xx. 4. The 
whole aspect of Acts xvi. 1, 2 is in favour of Lystra. St. Luke mentions Lystra after 
Derbe, and then says ἐκεῖ; and again, when referring to the town where Timothy was 
well spoken of, he does not mention Derbe at all, but Lystra first and Iconium next. 
It is quite unnatural, in the other passage, to place the comma after Τώξος with Ols- 
hansen, or to read Τιμόθεύς te Δερβαῖος with Kuinoel, or καὶ A. T. with Heinrichs, 
The only motives for the change appear to be the notion that Timothy’s birthplace 
ought to be specified, as in the case of the others, and the wish to identify Caius with 
the disciple mentioned xix. 29. But to these arguments Meyer and De Wette very 
justly reply, that it was useless to mention Timothy’s birthplace, when it was known 
already ; and that the name Caius was far too common to cause us any difficulty. 
Wieseler (pp. 25, 26) ingeniously suggests that Timothy might be a native of Derbe, 
and yet met with by St. Paul at Lystra. He is unwilling to think that a new Caius can 
be mentioned so soon in company with Aristarchus. But surely we may answer that 
the very word Δερβαῖος may be intended to show that a different person is intended 
from the Caius of xix. 29. 

3.2 imino. 

3 Ἤθεέελησεν, Acts xvi. 3. The wish was spontaneous, not suggested by others. 

4 This is literally what he afterwards said of Timothy: “Ye know that, as a son 


with the father, he has served with me in the Gospel.” Philip. ii 22. Compare alse 
the phrases, “ my sen,” “my own son in the faith”? 1 Tim. i. 2,18, and 2 Tim. ui. 1. 


TIMOTHY. “ὁ 


Christian character, not only αὖ Lystra, but Icomam also. We ‘nfer 
from this, that diligent inquiry was made concerning his fitness for the 
work to which he was willing to devote himself. ‘To omit, at present, all 
notice of the prophetic intimations which sanctioned the appointment of 
Timothy,’ we have the best proof that he united in himself those outward 
and inward qualifications which a careful prudence would require. One 
other point must be alluded to, which was of the utmost moment at that 
particular crisis of the Church.. The meeting of the Council at Jerusalem 
had lately taken place. And, though it had been decided that the Gen- 
tiles were not to be forced into Judaism on embracing Christianity, and 
though St. Paul carried with him? the decree, to be delivered ‘to all the 
churches,”—yet still he was in a delicate and difficult position, The 
Jewish Christians had naturally a great jealousy on the subject of their 
ancient divine law ; and in dealing with the two parties the Apostle had 
need of the utmost caution and discretion. We see, then, that in chovs- 
ing a fellow-worker for his future labours, there was a peculiar fitness 
in selecting one, “ whose mother was a Jewess, while his father was a 
Greek.” 4 

We may be permitted here to take a short retrospect of the clild- 
hood and education of St. Paul’s new associate. The hand of the Apostle 
himself has drawn for us the picture of his early years.2 That picture 
represents to us a mother and a grandmother, full of tenderness and faith, 
piously instructing the young Timotheus in the ancient Scriptures, making 
his memory familiar with that ‘“ cloud of witnesses” which encompassed 
all the history of the chosen people, and training his hopes to expect the 
Messiah of Israel.° It is not allowed to us to trace the previous history 
of these godly women of the dispersion. It is highly probable that they 
may have been connected with those Babylonian Jews whom Antiochus 
settled in Phrygia three centuries before :7 or they may have been con- 
ducted into Lycaonia by some of those mercantile and other cherges 
which affected the movements of so many families at the epoch we are 
writing of ; such, for instance, as those which brought the household of 
the Corinthian Chloe into relations with Ephesus,’ and caused the prose- 

τ Acts xvi. 2. 

3 Τὰς προαγούσας ἐπὶ σὲ προφητείας. 1 Tim.i.18. Seeiv. 14. We ought to add, 
that “the brethren’ who gave testimony in praise of Timothy were the very converts 
of St. Paul himself, and, therefore, witnesses in whom he had good reason to place the 
utmost confidence. 

3 Acts xvi. 4. 4 Acts xvi. 1. δ Ὁ Timi on ellie 10; eee 

6 If it is allowable to allude to an actual picture of a scene of this kind, we may 
mention the drawing of “Jewish Women reading the Scriptures,” in Wilkie’s Oriental 
Sketches. 

7 See Ch. IL p. 38, also Ch. 1, pp.17,18. The authority for tha statement made 


there is Joseph. Ant. xii. 3 4. 
: Cor. i. 11. 


θῦ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tyte Lydia to remove from Thyatira to Philippi.1 There is <ne difficulty 
which, at first sight, seems considerable ; viz. the fact that a religious 
Jewess, like Eunice, should have been married to a Greek. Such a mar 
riage was scarcely in harmony with the stricter spirit of early Judaism, 
and in Palestine itself it could hardly have taken place.? But among the 
Jews cf the dispersion, and especially in remote districts, where but few 
of the scattered people were established, the case was rather different 
Mixed marriages, under such circumstances, were doubtless very frequent. 
We are at liberty to suppose that in this case the husband was a proselyte. 
We hear of no objections raised to the circumcision of Timothy, and we 
may reasonably conclude that the father was himself inclined to Judaism :3 
if, indeed, he were not already deceased, and Eunice a widow. This very 
circumstance, however, of his mixed origin, gave to Timothy an intimate 
connection with both the Jewish and Gentile worlds. Though far re 
moved from the larger colonies of Israelitish families, he was brought up 
in a thoroughly Jewish atmosphere: his heart was at Jerusalem while 
his footsteps were in the level fields near Lystra, or on the volcanic crags 
of the Black Mount: and his mind was stored with the Hebrew or Greek 
words of inspired men of old in the midst of the rude idolaters, whose lan- 
guage was “ the speech of Lycaonia.” And yet he could hardly be called 
a Jewish boy, for he had not been admitted within the pale of God’s an- 
cient covenant by the rite of circumcision, He was in the same position, 
with respect to the Jewish church, as those, with respect to the Christian 
church, who, in various ages, and for various reasons, have deferred their 
baptism to the period of mature life. And “the Jews which were in 
those quarters,”* however much they may have respected him, yet, know- 
ing “that his father was a Greek,” and that he himself was uncircum- 
cised, must have considered him all but an “alien from the commonwealth 
of Israel.” 

Now, for St. Paul to travel among the synagogues with a companion 
in this condition,—and to attempt to convince the Jews that Jesus was 


1 Acts xvi. 14. 

2 Selden’s language is very strong. “Cum Gentili sive libera sive ancilla Ebrei 
sponsalia plane irrita erant, uti et Gentilis aut servi cum Ebrea.” Uxor Ebraica, τι. iv. 
Michaelis, in his Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, takes a very different view, and 
seems to think there was little to hinder such marriages. The cases of Esther and of 
various members of the Herodian family obviously occur to us. 

3 The expression in the original (xvi. 3) is Ελλην ὑπῆρχεν, which means, “he was a 
born Greek. The most natural inference is, that his father was living, and most pro 
bably not a proselyte of righteousness, if a proselyte at all. 

4 We cannot tell how far this family is to be reckoned Hellenistic or Aramaic (sea 
Ch. Il.) But the Hellenistic element would be likely to predominate. In reference 
to this subject, Mr. Grinfield, in his recent work on the Septuagint, p. 53, notices the 
two passages from that version in St. Paul’s letters to Timothy. 1 Tim. τ. 18 
2 Tim. ii. 19. = Acts xvi. 3. 


CIRCUMCISION OF TIMOTHY. 267 


the Messiah, when his associate and assistant in the work was an uncir 
cumcised heathen,—would evidently have been to encumber his progress 
and embarrass his work. We see in the first aspect of the case ἃ com 
piete explanation of what to many has seemed inconsistent, and what 
some have ventured to pronounce as culpable, in the conduct of St. Paul. 
“ He took and circumcised Timotheus.” How could he do otherwise if he 
acted with his usual far-sighted caution and deliberation? Had Timothy 
not been circumcised, a storm would have gathered rownd the Apostle in 
his further progress. The Jews, who were ever ready to persecute him 
from city to city, would have denounced him still more violently in every 
synagogue when they saw in his personal preferences, and in the co-opera- 
tion he most valued, a visible revolt against the law of his forefathers. 
To imagine that they could have overlooked the absence of circumcision in- 
Timothy’s case, as a matter of no essential importance, is to suppose they 
had already become enlightened Christians. ven in the bosom of the 
Church we have seen! the difficulties which had recently been raised by 
scrupulousness and bigotry on this very subject. And the dificulties 
would have been increased tenfold in the untrodden field before him by pro- 
claiming everywhere on his very arrival that circumcision was abolished. 
His fixed line of procedure was to act on the cities through the syna- 
gogues, and to preach the Gospel first to the Jew and then to the Gen- 
tile? He had no intention of abandoning this method, and we know that 
he continued it for many years.3 But such a course would have been im- 
possible had not Timothy been circumcised. He must necessarily have 
been repelled by that people who endeavoured once to murder St. Paul, 
because they imagined he had taken a Greek into the Temple. The very 
intercourse of social life would have been hindered, and made almost im- 
possible, by the presence of a half-heathen companion: for, however fai 
the stricter practice may have been relaxed among the Hellenising Jews 
of the dispersion, the general principle of exclusiveness everywhere re- 
mained, and it was still ‘an abomination” for the circumcised to eat with 
the uncircumcised.® 
Tt may be thought, however, that St. Paul’s conduct in circumcising 
Timothy was inconsistent with the principle and practice he maintained at 
Jerusalem when he refused to circumcise Titus. But the two cases were 
entirely different. Then there was an attempt to enforce circumcision ag 
necessary to salvation: now it was performed asa voluntary act, and 
simply on prudential grounds. Those who insisted on the ceremony in the 
uh. Vile. 
7 Acts xiii. 5, 14. xiv 1 - xvii. 1, 2, 10. xviii. 4, 19. xix. 8, 9; and compare 
Rom. i. 16. ii. 9, 10. 


3 See Acts xxviii. 4 Acts xxi. 29, with xxii. 22. 
5 See p. 205. 6 Gal. ii. 3. See p. 218. 


268 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


case of Titus were Christians, who were endeavouring to burden the 
Gospel with the yoke of the law : those for whose sakes 'limothy became 
obedient to one provision of the law, were Jews, whom it was desirable 
not to provoke, that they might more easily be delivered from bondage. 
By conceding in the present case, prejudice was conciliated and the 
Gospel furthered: the results of yielding in the former case would have 
heen disastrous, and perhaps ruinous, to the cause of pure Christianity. 

If it be said that even in this ease there was danger lest serious resulta 
should follow,—that doubt might be thrown on the freedom of the Gospel, 
and that colour might be given to the Judaizing propensity :—it is enough 
to answer that indifferent actions become right or wrong according to our 
kaowledge their probable consequences,—and that St. Paul was ᾧ hetter 
judge of the consequences likely to follow from Timothy’s circumussion 
than we can possibly be. Are we concerned about the effects likely to 
have been produced on the mind of Timothy himself? There was no risk, 
at least, lest he should think that circumcision was necessary to salvation, 
for he had been publicly recognised as a Christian before he was circum. 
cised ;' and the companion, disciple, and minister of St. Paul was in no 
danger, we should suppose, of becoming a Judaizer. And as for the moral 
results, which might be expected to follow in the minds of the other 
Lycaonian Christians,—it must be remembered that at this very moment 
St. Paul was carrying with him and publishing the decree which announced 
to all Gentiles that they were not to be burdened with a yoke which the 
Jews had never been able to bear, St. Luke notices this circumstance in 
the very next verse after the mention of Timothy’s circumcision, as if to 
call our attention to the contiguity of the two facts. It would seem, in- 
deed, that the very best arrangements were adopted which a divinely 
enlightened prudence could suggest. Paul carried with him the letter of 
the Apcasties and elders, that no Gentile Christian might be enslaved to 
Judaism. He circumcised his minister and companion, that no Jewish 
Christien might have his prejudices shocked. His language was that 
which he always used,— Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is 
nothing. The renovation of the heart in Christ is everything? Let 
every man be persuaded in his own mind.”4 No innocent prejudice was 
ever treated roughly by St. Paul. To the Jew he became a Jew, to the 
Gentile a Gentile: ‘he was all things to all men, if by any means he 
might save some.” > 

Iconium appears to have been the place where Timothy was circum- 
cised. ‘Ike opinion of the Christians at Iconium, as well as these at 

1 Acts xvi. 1-3. 3 See vv. 3, 4. 

3 Gal. v.6. vi.15. St. Paul’s own conduct on the confines of Galatia is a commen 


tary on the words he uses to the Galatians. 
¢ Rom. xiv. 5, 5 1 Cor. ix. 20-22, 


͵ 


TIMOTHY. 269 


Lystra, had been obtained before the Apostle took him as his companivun, 
These towns were separated only by the distance of a few miles ;! and 
eonstant communication must have been going on Between the residents in 
the two places, whether Gentile, Jewish, or Christian. Iconium was by 
far the most populous and important city of the two,—and it was the 
point of intersection of all the great roads in the neighbourhood.’ For 
these reasons we conceive that St. Paul’s stay in Iconium was of greater 
moment than his visits to the smaller towns, such as Lystra. Whether 
the ordination of 'Timothy, as well as his circumcision, took place at this 
particular place and time, is a point not easy to determine. But this view 
is at least as probable as any other that can be suggested : and it gives a 
new and solemn emphasis to this occasion if we consider it as that to 
which reference is made in the tender allusions of the pastoral letters,— 
where St. Paul reminds Timothy of his good confession before ‘“ many 
witnesses,” of the “prophecies” which sanctioned his dedication to 
God’s service,‘ and of the “gifts” received by the laying on of “ the 
hands of the presbyters”*® and the Apostle’s “own hands.” ° Such refer- 
ences to the day of ordination, with all its well-remembered details, not 
only were full of serious admonition to Timothy, but possess the deevest 
interest for us.7 And this interest becomes still greater if we bear im 
mind that the “ witnesses” who stood by were St. Paul’s own converts, 
and the very “ brethren” who gave testimony to Timothy’s high character 
at Lystra and Iconium ;*—that the “ prophecy” which designated him tw 
his office was the same spiritual gift which had attested the commission of 
Barnabas and Saul at Antioch,® and that the College of Presbyters,'!° who, 


1 To what has been said before (pp. 182, 186, &c.), add the following note from a 
MS. journal already quoted. ‘“ Oct. 6.—Left Konieh at 12. Traversed the enormous 
plains for 5% hours, when we reached a small Turcoman village. . . Oct. 7.—At 11.30 
we approached the Kara-Dagh, and in about an hour began to ascend its slopes. We 
were thus about 11 hours crossing the plain from Konich. This, with 2 on the other 
side, made in all 13 hours. We were heartily tired of the plain.” 

* Roads from Iconium to Tarsus in Cilicia, Side in Pamphylia, Ephesus in Asia, 
Angora in Galatia, Cxsarea in Cappadocia, &c., are all mentioned in the ancient 
authorities. : 

2 1 Lim: vi. 12. 41 Tim. i. 18 5 1 Tim. iv. 14. 6 2 Tim. i. 6. 

7 This is equally true, if the ordination is to be considered coincident with the 
“laying on of hands,” by which the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost were iirst 
communicated, as in the case of Cornelius (Acts x. 44), the Samaritans (viii. 17), the 
disciples at Ephesus (xix. 6), and St. Paul himself (ix. 17). See the Essay on the 
Apostolical Office in Stanley’s Sermons and Essays, especially p. 71. These gifts 
doubtless pointed out the offices to which individuals were specially called. Com: 
pare together the three important passages: Rom. xii. 6-8. 1 Cor. xii, 28-30. Eph iv. 
11, 12 5 also 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. 

8 Compare Acts xvi. 2 with Acts xiii. 51—xiy. 22. 

9. Compare 1 Tim. i. 18 with Acts xiii. 1-3. 

‘* Τὸ πρεσβυτέριον. 1 Tim. iv. 14. See 2 Tim. i. 6. 


910 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


in conjunction with the Apostle, ordaincd the new minister of the Gospel, 
consisted of those who had been “ ordained in every church”! at the close 
of that same journey. 

On quitting Iconium St. Paul left the route of his previous journey ; 
unless indeed he went in the first place to Antioch in Pisidia,—a journey 
to which city was necessary in order to complete a full visitation of the 
churches founded on the continent in conjunction with Barnabas. It is 
certainly most in harmony with our first impressions, to believe that this 
city was not unvisited. No mention, however, is made of the place, and 
it is enough to remark that a residence of a few weeks at Iconium as his 
head-quarters would enable the Apostle to see more than once all the 
Christians at Antioch, Lystra, and Derbe.? It is highly probable that he 
did so: for the whole aspect of the departure from Iconium, as it is 
related to us in the Bible, is that of a new missionary enterprise, under- 
taken after the work of visitation was concluded. St. Paul leaves Ico- 
nium, as formerly he left the Syrian Antioch, to evangelize the heathen in 
new countries. Silas is his companion in place of Barnabas, and Timothy 
is with him “ for his minister,” as Mark was with him then. Many roads 
were before him. By travelling westward he would soon cross the frontier 
of the province of Asia,*? and he might descend by the valley of the 
Meander to Ephesus, its metropolis :4 or the roads to the south® might 
have conducted him to Perga and Attaleia, and the other cities on the 
coast of Pamphylia. But neither of these routes was chosen. Guided by 
the ordinary indications of Providence, or consciously taught by the Spirit 
of God, he advanced in a northerly direction, through what is called, in 
the general language of Scripture, ‘‘ Phrygia and the region of Galatia.” 

We have seen® that the term “ Phrygia” had no political significance 


1 Acts xiv. 23. ; 

* It would also be very easy for St. Paul to visit Antioch on his route from Iconium 
through Phrygia and Galatia. See below, p. 271. The fact that Pisidia is not men- 
tioned cannot be used as an argument against a visit to that place. Bottger (§ 18) 
very forcibly says it is highly improbable that St. Paul should pass by his converts 
there, and not communicate to them the letter of the Council. But, again, this docs 
not prove that he is right in including Antioch in Galatia. 

3 It is impossible, as we have seen (pp. 239, 240) to determine the exact frontier. 

4 The great road from Ephesus to the Euphrates ascended the valley of the Mseander 
to the neighbourhoed of Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse [Col. iv. 13-16], and thence 
passed by Apamea te Iconium. See the references to Strabo and Cicero in the next 
note but two. 

5 The Peutinger Table has a direct road from Iconium to Side, on the coast of Pam- 
phylia. Thence another road follows the coast to-Perga, and goes thence across West- 
cern Pisidia to the valley of the Meander. None of the Itineraries mention any direct 
road from Antioch in Pisidia to Perga and Attaleia, corresponding to the journeys of 
Paul and Barnabas. For an allusion to the importance of Side, see p. 23. n. 2. Com 
pare p. 160. 

8 Pp. 236, 239, 240, 243, 250, &e., and the notes. 


JOURNEY THROUGH PHRYGIA. 971 


2 


ii the time of St. Paul. It was merely a geographical expression, de 
noting a debatable country of doubtful extent, diffused over the frontiera 
of the provinces of Asia and Galatia, but mainly belonging to the former 
We believe that this part of the Apostle’s journey might be described 
under various forms of expression, according as the narrator might speak 
politically or popularly. A traveller proceeding from Cologne to Han- 
over might be described as going through Westphalia or through Prussia, 
The course of the railroad would be the best indication of his real path. 
So we imagine that our best guide in conjecturing St. Paul’s path through 
this part of Asia Minor is obtained by examining the direction of the 
ancient and modern roads. We have marked his route in our map along 
the general course of the Roman military way, and the track of Turkish 
caravans, which leads by Laodicea, Philomelium, and Synnada,'— or, to 
use the existing terms, by Ladik, Ak-Sher, and Eski-Karahisser.2 This 
road follows the northern side of that ridge which Strabo describes as 
separating Philomelium‘'and Antioch in Pisidia, and which, as we have 
seen,’ materially assisted Mr. Arundel in discovering the latter city. If 
St. Paul revisited Antioch on his way 4— and we cannot be sure that he 
did not,—he would follow the course of his former journey,’ and then 
regain the road to Synnada by crossing the ridge to Philomelium. We 


1 These are the stages in the great road from Ephesus to Mazaca in the Peutinger 
Table. At Synnada it meets a road from the north. See them laid down approx- 
imately in Colonel Leake’s Map of Asia Minor, and compare Major Rennell’s work on 
Western Asia. This was the route of Cicero, when he travelled from Ephesus to 
Cilicia. Ep. ad Att.v.20. Fam.u1.8. xv.4. Synnada was a place of considerable 
importance as the capital of a Conventus Juridicus. (Plin. v. 29.) Compare Cic. Att. 
y. 21. Livy. xxxviii. 15. xlv. 34. Strabo expressly says, that Laodicea Combusta 
was on the great road from Ephesus to the Euphrates. Phi/omelium is mentioned as 
an intermediate stage both by Cicero and Strabo (1. ¢.). For the modern names of 
these places, and their relation to modern routes, see the next note. 

? For the modern roads, Murray’s Handbook for the East may be consulted: Route 
93 (Scutari, by Nicsea and Konieh, to Tarsus and Baias), and Route 94. (Constanti- 
nople, by the Rhyndacus and Konieh, to Cxsarea and Cappadocia.) Both these routes 
coincide between Ak-Sher and Konieh. This line of road was also traversed by Otter, 
Browne, and Leake (see Leake’s map), and by Hamilton Ainsworth, and the author 
of the MS. journal we have quoted. See, again, the Modern Traveller, p. 311. (Route 
from Konieh to Kiutaya and Broussa.) Ladik is Laodicwa Combusta, situated just 
beyond the hills which bound the plain of Konieh (see ἢ. 182, and especiallly p. 186), 
A%-Sher used to be identified with Antioch in Pisidia, but is now believed to be Philo 
melium (see the next note). Eshki-Karahissar is now identified with Synnada. {ee 
Franz, Funf Inschriften u. Funf Stadten in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1840. It is near {pos 
sibly identical with ?] dfium-Karahissar (so called from its opium plantations), am 
important town half-way between Angora and Smyrna. It is almost certain that 8& 
Paul must have passed more than once_near this place. Mr. Hamilton was there oa 
two journeys, from Angorah to Antioch in Pisidia, and from the valley of the Hermus 
to Iconium. See his Descriptions, 1. xxvi. τι. xii. 

3 See pp. 169, 170. 

4 See above, p. 270, n. 2. 5 Acts xiv 


? 


272 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES QF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


ΕΣ 
must. again repeat that the path marked down here is conjectural We 
have nothing either in St. Luke’s narrative or in St. Paul’s own letters 
to lead us to any place in Phrygia, as certainly visited by him on this 
occasion, and as the home of the converts he then made. One city indeed, 
which is commonly reckoned among the Phrygian cities, has a great place 
in St. Paul’s biography, and it lay on the line of an important Roman 
road.' But it was situated far within the province of Asia, and for 
3everal reasons we think it highly improbable that he visited Colosse 
on this journey, if indeed he ever visited it at all. The most probable 
route is that which lies more to the northwards in the direction of the 
true Galatia. 

The remarks which have keen made on Phrygia must be repeated, with 
some modification, concerning Galatia. It is true that Galatia was a 
province: but we can plainly see that the term is used here in its 
popular sense,—not as denoting the whole territory which was governed 
by the Galatian proconsul, but rather the primitive region of the 
tetrarchs and kings, without including those districts of Phrygia or 
Lycaonia, which wee now politically united with it. There is abso- 
lutely no city in true Galatia which is mentioned by the Sacred Writers 
in connection with the first spread of Christianity. From the peculiar 
form of expression? with which the Christians of this part of Asia 
Minor are addressed by St. Paul in the Epistle which he wrote to them,‘ 
and alluded to in another of his Epistles,;5—we infer that “the churches 
‘of Galatia” were not confined to any one city, but distributed through 
various parts of the country. If we were to mention two cities, which, 
both from their intrinsic importance, and from their connection with the 
leading roads,° are likely to have been visited and revisited by the 


1 Xenophon reckons Colosse in Phrygia. Anab. ii. 1. So Strabo, xii. 8. It was on 
the great road mentioned above, from Iconium to Ephesus. Bottger, who holds “the 
churches of Galatia” to have been merely the churches at Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium, 
supposes St. Paul never to have been in northern Galatia, but to have travelled te 
Colosse, and thence by Sardis to the frontier of Bithynia. Sce the map attached to 
his First Essay. We come here upon a question which we need not anticipate ; viz. 
whether St. Paul was ever at Colosse. For Bottger’s view of Col. ii. 1, see his Third 
Essay. 

* See pp. 246, 247, and the notes. 

3 Taig ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Ταλατίας, in the plural. The occurrence of this term in the 
salutation gives the Epistle to the Galatians the form ofa circular letter. The same 
phrase, in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, conveys the impression that there was 
no great central church in Galatia, like that of Corinth in Achaia, or that of Ephesus 
in Asia. 

4 Gal. i. 2. 5 1 Cor. xvi. 1. 

ὃ The route is conjecturally laid down in the map from Synnada to Pessinus anG@ 
Ancyra. Mr. Hamilton travelled exactly along this line, and describes the bare and 
dreary country at length (1. xxiv.xxvii.). Near Pessinus he found an inscription (No. 
439) relating to the repairing of the Roman road, on a column whieh had probably 


GALATIA. 273 


Apostle, we should be inclined to select Pessinus and Ancyra. The first 
of these cities retained some importance as the former capital of one of 
the Galatian tribes,! and its trade was considerable under the early em 
perors.? Moreover, it had an ancient and wide-spread renown, as the 
seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the Great Mother.’ ‘Though 
her oldest and most sacred image (which, like that of Diana at Ephesus,' 
had “ fallen down from heaven”) had been removed to Rome,—her wor 
ship continued to thrive in Galatia, under the superintendence of her 
effeminate and fanatical priests or Galli,” and Pessinus was the object of 
one of Julian’s pilgrimages, when heathenism was on the decline. Ancyre 
was a place of still greater moment: for it was the capital of the pro- 
vince.’ The time of its highest eminence was not under the Gaulish but 
the Roman government. Augustus built there a magnificent temple of 
marble,® and inscribed there a history of his deeds, almost in the style of 
an Asiatic sovereign.® This city was the meeting-place of all the great 
roads in the north of the peninsula..° And, when we add that Jews had 
been established there from the time of Augustus," and probably earlier, 
we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the Temple and Inscription at 
Angora, which successive travellers have described and copied during the 
last three hundred years, were once seen by the Apostle of the Gentiles. 

However this may have been, we have some information from his own 
pen, concerning his first journey through “the region of Galatia.” We 


been a milestone. Both the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries give the road be 
tween Pessinus and Ancyra, with the intermediate stages. 

1 The Tolistoboii, or Western Galatians. See Strabo and Livy. 

3 Πεσσινοῦς ἐστὶν ἐμπορεῖον τῶν ταύτῃ μεγίστων. Strabo xiii. 5. Its position has 
been established by Texier and Hamilton. See Franz. 

3 See above, p. 246. 

4 Compare Herodian’s expression of the image of Cybele (i. 11), Αὐτὸ τὸ ἄγαλμα 
διοπετὲς, ὡς λέγουσιν, with that in the Acts (xix. 35), πόλιν vewxdpov τοῦ διοπετοῦς. 
The ancients had a notion that Pessinus derived its name ἀπὸ τοῦ πεσεῖν. Forbi- 
Ber, p. 366. 

5 Jerome connects this term with the name of the Galatians. See, however; Smith’s 
Dictionary of Antiquities, under the word. See alse under “ Megalesia.”’ 

6 Ammian. Mare. xxii. 9. 

7 The words ATKYPA MHTPOTIOAIZ appear on its coins at this period. It was 
also called “ Sebaste,”’ from the favour of Augustus. The words ZEBAZTHNQN TEK- 
TOZALOQN appear both on coins and inscriptions. 

8 This temple has been described by a long series of travellers, from Lucas and Tour 
nefort to Hamilton and Texier. 

9 Full comments on this inscription will be found in Boeckh, Texier, and Hamilton, 
and in the Archaologische Zeitung for Feb. 1843. We may compare it with the re- 
eently deciphered record of the victories of Darius Hystaspes on the rok at Behistoun. 
See Vaux’s Nineveh and Persepolis. 

10 Colonel Leake’s map shows at one glance what we learn from the Itineraries: 
We see there the roads radiating from it in every direction. 

"1 See the reference to Josephus, p. 247, n. 4. 


VOL. 1.—18 


914 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


know that he was delayed there by sickness, and we know in what spirit 
the Galatians received him. 

St. Paul affectionately reminds the Galatians’ that it was ‘ bodily 
sickness Which caused him to preach the Glad-tidings to them at the first.” 
The allusion is to his first visit: and the obvious inference is, that he was 
passing through Galatia to some other distnct (possibly Pontus,* where 
we know that many Jews were established), when the state of his bodily 
health arrested his progress. Thus he became, as it were, the Evange- 
list of Galatia against his will. But his zeal to discharge the duty that 
was laid on him, did not allow him to be silent. He was instant “‘in sew 
son and out of season.” ‘‘Woe” was on him if he did not preach the 
Gospel. The same Providence detained him among the Gauls, whick 
would not allow him to enter Asia or Bithynia:* and in the midst of his 
weakness he made the glad-tidings known to all who would listen to him. 
We cannot say what this sickness was, or even confidently identify it with 
that “ thorn in the flesh”> to which he feelingly alludes in his Kpistles, 
as a discipline which God had laid on him. But the remembrance of what 
he suffered in Galatia seems so much to colour all the phrases in this part 
of the Hpistle, that a deep personal interest is connected with the circum- 
stance. Sickness in a foreign country has a peculiarly depressing effeet 
on a sensitive mind. And though doubtless Timotheus watched over the 
Apostle’s weakness with the most affectionate solicitude,— yet those who 
have experienced what fever is in a land of strangers will know how to 
sympathise, even with St. Paul, in this human trial. The climate and the 
prevailing maladies of Asia Minor may have been modified with the lapse 
of centuries: and we are without the guidance of St. Luke’s medical lan- 
guage, which sometimes throws a light on diseases alluded to in Scrip- 
ture: but two Christian sufferers, in widely different ages of the 
Church, occur to the memory as we look on the map of Galatia. We 
could hardly mention any two men more thoroughly imbued with the 
spirit of St. Paul, than John Chrysostom and Henry Martyn.7 And 


1 Gal. iv. 13. 3. See above, pp. 248, 249. 

3 There can be no doubt that the /iteral translation of dv’ ἀσθένειαν τῆς σαρκὸς is, 
“on account of bodily weakness.” See Winer’s Grammatik, ὃ 53. And there seems 
uo good reason why we should translate it differently, though most of the English 
commentators take a different view. See Meyer and De Wette. Bottger, in harmony 
wits his hypothesis that St. Luke’s Galatia means the neighbourhood of Lystra and 
Derbe, thinks that the bodily weakness here alluded to was the result of the stoning at 
Lystra, Acts xiv. 

4 Acts xvi. 6, 7. 5 2 Cor, xii. 7-10. 

6 See the paper alluded to p. 95, n. 1. 

7 There was a great similarity in the last sufferings of these apostolic men; 
the same intolerable pain in the head, the same inclement weather, and she same 
cruelty on the part of those who urged on the journey. We quote the Benedictine life 
of Chrysost¢m. “ Unus 6 militibus illud unum satagens ut mala morte Joannem neca 


8{. PAUL’S RECEPTION IN GALATIA. 275 


when we read how these two saints suffered in their last hours from 
fatigue, pain, rudeness, and cruelty, among the mountains of Asia Minor 
which surround the place! where they rest,—we can well enter into 
the meaning of St. Paul’s expressions of gratitude to those who received 
him kindly in the hour of his weakness, 

The Apostle’s reception among the frank and warm-hearted Gauls was 
peculiarly kind and disinterested. No Church is reminded by the Apos- 
tle so tenderly of the time of their first meeting. The recollection is used 
by him to strengthen his reproaches of their mutability, and to enforce the 
pleading with which he urges them to return to the trae Gospel. That 
Gospel had been received in the first place with the same affection which 
they extended to the Apostle himself. And the subject, the manner, 
and the results of his preaching are not obscurely indicated in the Epistle 
itself. The great topic there, as at Corinth and everywhere, was “ the 
Cross of Christ”—“ Chrost crucified” set forth among them.* The Di- 
vine evidence of the Spirit followed the word, spoken by the mouth of the 
Apostle, and received by “the hearing of the ear.”* Many were con- 
verted, both Greeks and Jews, men and women, free men and slaves.® 
The worship of false divinities, whether connected with the old supersti- 
tion at Pessinus, or the Roman idolatry at Ancyra, was forsaken for that 
of the true and living God. And before St. Paul left the “region of 
Galatia” on his onward progress, various Christian communities? were 
added to those of Cilicia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia. 

In following St. Paul on his departure from Galatia, we come to a 


ret. . . . Cum pluvia vehemens decideret, id nihil curans proficiscebatur 1116 ; ita ut in 
dorso et in pectore aquarum rivi decurrerent. Ingentem rursus solis zstum pro deliciis 
habebat, cum nosset B. Joannis caput, Eliswi instar calvum, estu vexari. ... Unde 
discesserant redire coacti sunt, quod ille «grotaret; capitis enim dolore laborabat, 
quod solis radios ferre non posset. Sic igitur reversus ... appositus est ad patres 
suos et ad Christum transiit.”’ Compare this with the account of H. Martyn’s last hours. 
“ Oct. 2.—In the night Hassan sent to summon me away, but I was quite unable to move. 
. We travelled ail the rest of the day and all night; it rained most of the time. 

Soon after sunset the ague came on again... . My fever increased toa violent degree ; 
the heat in my eyes and forehead was so great that the fire almost made me frantic. 
.. . Oct. 5.—The sleep had refreshed me, but I was feeble and shaken; yet the mer- 
eiless Hassin hurried me off.” ‘The last words in his journal were written the next 
day. He died on the 16th. 

1 It is remarkable that Chrysostom and Martyn are buried in the same place. They 
Soth died on a journey, at Tocat or Comana in Pontks. 

3 The references have been given above in the account of Galatia, p. 243. 

3 Compare Gal. iii. 1, with 1 Cor. i. 13, 17. ii. 2, &e. 

4 Τὸ πνεῦμα ἐλάβετε ἐξ ἀκοῆς πίστεως. Gal. iii. 2. See v.5. So at Thessalonica 
2 Thee. ii. 13. 

5. Gal. iii. 27, 28. 

4 See the remarks above (p. 256) in reference to Tasus. 

7 The plural éxAgevae (Gal, i. 2, and 1 Cor. xvi. 1) implies this. See p. 272. 


276 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OP ST. PAUL. 


passage of acknowledged difficulty in the Acts of the Apostles! Not 
that the words themselves are obscure. The difficulty relates, not to 
grammatical construction, but to geographical details. The statement 
contained in St. Luke’s words is as follows :—After preaching the Gospel 
in Phrygia and Galatia, they were hindered from preaching it in Asia ; 
accordingly, when in Mysia or its neighbourhood, they attempted to pene- 
trate into Bithynia ; and this also being forbidden by the Divine Spirit, 
they passed by Mysia and came down to Troas.* Now everything de 
eends here on the sense we assign to the geographical terms. What is 
meant by the words “ Mysia,” “ Asia,” and “ Bithynia Ὁ) It will be re- 
membered that all these words had a wider and a more restricted sense.3 
They might be used popularly and vaguely ; or they might be taken in 
their exacter political meaning. It seems to us that the whole difficulty 
disappears by understanding them in the former sense, and by believing 
(what is much the more probable, ἃ prior) that St. Luke wrote in the 
usual popular language, without any precise reference to the provincial 
boundaries. We need hardly mention Bithynia ; for, whether we speak 
of it traditionally or politically, it was exclusive both of Asia and Mysia.¢ 
In this place it is evident that DZysza is excluded also from Asia, just as 
Phrygia, is above ;° not because these two districts were not parts of it in 
its political character of a province,® but because they had ἃ history and a 
traditional character of their own, sufficiently independent to give them a 
name in popular usage. As regards Asia, it is simply viewed as the 
western portion of Asia Minor. Its relation to the peninsula has been 
very well described by saying that it occupied the same relative position 

1 Acts xvi. 6, 7. For a similar accumulation of participles, see Acts xxv. 6-8. 

* See Wieseler’s remarks on this passage, p. 31, &c. 

3 See above, p. 237. 

4 Mysia was at one time an apple of discord between the kings of Pergamus and 
Bithynia ; and at one time the latter were masters of a considerable tract on the shore 
of the Propontis. But this was at an end when the Romans began to interfere in the 
affairs of the east. See Livy’s words of the kingdom of Asia: "" Mysiam, quam Prn- 
sias rex ademerat, Eumeni restituerunt ;” and Cicero’s on the province of Asia: “Asia 
vestra constat ex Phrygia, Mysia,” &c., pp. 239, 240, It may be well to add a few 
words on the history of Mysia, which was purposely deferred to this place. See p. 239, 
n. ὃ. Under the Persians this corner of Asia Minor formed the satrapy of Little 
Phrygia: under the Christian emperors it was the province of The Hellespont. In 
the intermediate period we find it called “ Mysia,’”’ and often divided into two parts: 
viz. Little Mysia on the north, called also Mysia on the Hellespont, or Mysia Olym- 
pene, because it lay to the north of Mount Olympus; and Great Mysia, or Mysio 
Pergamene, to the south and east, containing the three districts of Troas, olis, and 
Teuthrania. See Forbiger, p. 110. 

5 Acts xvi. 6. 

6 Bottger,in his First Essay (ὃ 16) says that Little Mysia is meant, and that this 
uistrict was in the province of Bithynia ; and de Wette seems to take the same view. 
But this is rather like cutting the knot; and, after all, there is no knot to be cut 
There appears to be no good proof that Little Mysia was iu Bithynia. 


JOURNEY TO THE ΖΘ ΕΑΝ. 277 


which Portugal ocenpies with regard to Spain.t The comparison woux 
we peculiarly just in the passage before us, For the Mysia of St. Luke is 
to Asia what Gallicia is to Portugal ; and the journey from Galatia and 
Phrygia to the city of Troas has its European parallel in a journey from 
Castile to Vigo. — 

We are evidently destitute of materials for laying down the route of 
St. Paul and his companions. All that relates to Phrygia and Galatia 
must be left vague and blank, like an unexplored country in a map (as in 
fact this region itself is in the maps of Asia Minor),? where we are at 110» 
erty to imagine mountains and plains, rivers and cities, but are unable to 
furnish any proofs. As the path of the Apostle, however, approaches the 
Aigean, it comes out into comparative light: the names of places are 
again mentioned, and the country and the coast have been explored and 
described. The early part of the route then must be left indistinct. Thus 
much, however, we may venture to say,—that since the Apostle usually 
turned his steps towards the large towns, where many Jews were estab- 
lished, it is most likely that Ephesus, Smyrna, or Pergamus was the point 
at which he aimed, when he sought “‘ to preach the word in Asia.” There 
is nothing else to guide our conjectures, except the boundaries of the pro- 
vinces and the direction of the principal roads. If he moved from An- 
gora ‘ in the general direction above pointed out, he would cross the river 
Sangarius near Kiutaya,® which is a great modern thoroughfare, and has 
been mentioned before (Ch. VI. p. 168) in connection with the route 
from Adalia to Constantinople ; and a little further to the west, near Ai- 
zani, he would be about the place where the boundaries of Asia, Bithynia, 
and Mysia meet together, and on the watershed which separates the wa- 
ters flowing northwards to the Propontis, and those which feed the rivers 
of the Aigean. 

Here then we may imagine the Apostle and his three companions to 
pause,—uncertain of their future progress,—on the chalk downs which lie 


1 Paley’s Hore Pauline. 

* See Kiepert’s map. Hardly any region im the peninsula has been less explored 
than Galatia and Northern Phrygia. 

3 The roads in this part of Asia Minor are most effectively laid down in the map 
accompanying Franz’s Funf Stadten, &c. But the bowndaries of Galatia, Phrygia, 
Mysia, &c., there given, are not provincial. 

4 Mr. Ainsworth mentions a hill near Angora in this direction, the Baulos-Dagh, 
which is named after the Apostle. 

5 Kiutaya (the ancient Cotyzeum) is now one of the most important towns in the 
peninsula. See Routes 99 and 100 in Murray’s Handbook. It lies too on the ordinary 
road between Broussa and Konieh. Doryleum (Eski-Sher) seems to have had the same 
relation to the aneient roads. One of those in the Peut. Table strikes off at this point 
into Bithynia, meeting that from Ancyra at Nica. Mr. Ainsworth (τ. 46-62) trav- 
elled from Niczea by Doryleum, Mr. Weston by Broussa and Kiutaya. The twe route 
bicet near Synnada, and coincide as far as Konieh. See p. 271. 


978 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


between the fountains of the Rhyndacus and those of the Hermas,-—ir 
the midst of scenery not very unlike what is familiar to us in England,- 
The long range of the Mysian Olympus to the north is the boundary of 
Bithynia. The summits of the Phrygian Dindymus on the south are on 
the fronticr of Galatia and Asia. The Hermus flows through the pre 
vince of Asia to the islands of the Agean. The Rhyndacus flows to the 
Propontis, and separates Mysia from Bithynia. By following the road 
near the former river they would easily arrive at Smyrna or Pergamus 
By descending the valley of the latter and then crossing Olympus,’ they 
would be in the richest and most prosperous part of Bithynia. In which 
direction shall their footsteps be turned? Some divine intimation, into 
the nature of which we do not presume to inquire, told the Apostles that 
the Gospel was not yet to be preached in the populous cities of Asia.? 
The time was not yet come for Christ to be made known to the Greeks 
and Jews of Ephesus,—and for the churches of Sardis, Pergamus, Phila- 
delphia, Smyrna, Thyatira, and Laodicea, to be admitted to their period 
of privilege and trial, for the warning of future generations. Shall they 
turn, then, in the direction of Bithynia?4 This also is forbidden. St. 
Paul (so far as we know) never crossed the Mysian Olympus, or entered 
the cities of Niczea and Chalcedon, illustrious places in the Christian his- 
tory of a later age. By revelations, which were anticipative of the fuller 
and clearer communication at Troas, the destined path of the Apostolic 


1 See Mr. Hamilton’s account of the course of the Rhyndacus (I. v. vi. viii.) ; his 
comparison of the district of Azanitis to the chalk scenery of England (p. 100) ; and 
his notice of Dindymus (p. 105), which seems to be part of the watershed that crosses 
the country from the Taurus towards Ida, and separates the waters of the Mediterra- 
nean and Aigean from those’ of the Euxine and Propontis. In the course of his pro- 
gress up the Rhydancus he frequently mentions the aspect of Olympus, the summit of 
which could not be reached at the end of March in consequence of the snow. 

3 The ordinary road from Broussa to Kiutayah crosses a part of the range of Olym- 
pus. The Peut. Table has a road joining Broussa with Pergamus. 

3 It will be observed that they were merely forbidden to preach the Gospel (λαλῆσαι 
τὸν λόγον) in Asia. We are not told that they did not enter Asia. Their road lay 
entirely through Asia (politically speaking) from the moment of leaving Galatia till 
their arrival at Troas. On the other hand, they were not allowed to enter Bithynia 
at all (εἰς τὴν B. πορευθῆναι). Meyer’s view of the word “ Asia” in this passage 18 
surprising. He holds it to mean the eastern continent as opposed to “Europe.” 
[See p. 237, &e.] He says that the travellers, being uncertain whether Asia in the 
more limited sense were not intended, made a vain attempt to enter Bithynia, and 
finalty learned at Troas that Europe was their destination. 

4 The route is drawn in the map past Aizani into the valley of the Hermus, and 
then northwards towards Hadriani on the Rhyndacus. This is mereiy an imaginary 
line, to express to the eye the changes of plan which occurred successively to St. Paul, 
The scenery of the Rhyndacus, which is interesting as the frontier river, has been 
fully explorzd and described by Mr. Hamilton, who ascended the river to its source, 
and then crossed over to the fountains of the Hermus and Meander, near which he saw 
en ancient road (p. 104), probably connecting Smyrna and Philadelphia with Angora. 


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=a 
ae 


JOURNEY TO THE ΦΘΕΛΝ. 979 


Company was pointed out through the intermediate country, directly te 
the West. Leaving the greater part of what was popularly called Mysie 
to the right,' they came to the shores of the Aigean, about the place 
where the deep gulf of Adramyttium, over against the island of Lesbos, 
washes the very base of Mount Ida.’ 

At Adramyttium, if not before, St. Paul is on the line of a great Ro 
man road.? We recognise the place as one which is mentioned again in 
the description of the voyage to Rome. (Acts xxvii. 2.) It was a mer- 
cantile town, with important relations both with foreign harbours, and the 
towns of the interior of Asia Minor. From this point the road follows 
the northern shore of the gulf,—crossing a succession of the streams which 
flow from Ida,'—--and alternately descending to the pebbly beach and 
rising among the rocks and evergreen brushwood,—while Lesbos appears 
and reappears through the branches of the rich forest trees,“—till the 
sea is left behind at the city of Assos. This also is a city of St. Paul. 
The nineteen miles of road? which lie between it and Troas is the distance 
which he travelled by land before he rejoined the ship which had brought 
him from Philippi (Acts xx. 13): and the town across the strait, on the 
shore of Lesbos, is Mitylene,* whither the vessel proceeded when the 
Apostle and his companions met on board. 


1 Hence παρελθόντες τὴς Μυσίαν, which need not be pressed too closely. They 
passed along the frontier of Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they passed by 
the whole district, without staying to evangelise it. One MS. (D.) has διελθόντες. It 
is not necessary to suppose, with Bottger and De Wette, that Little Mysia is meant. 
(Above, p. 276, n. 6.) Wieseler’s remark is more just: that they hurried through 
Mysia, because they knew that they were not to preach the Gospel in Asia. 

? Hence it was scmetimes called the Gulf of Ida. Καλοῦσι δ᾽ οἱ μὲν ᾿Ιδαῖον κόλπον, 
οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αδοαμύττηνον. Strabo xiii. 1. 

3 The characteristics of this bay, as seen from the water, will be mentioned hereafter 
when we come to the voyage from Assos to Mitylene, (Acts xx. 14). At present we 
allude only to the roads along the coast. Two roads converge at Adramyttium: one 
which follows the shore from the south, mentioned in the Peutingerian Table; the 
other from Pergamus and the interior, mentioned also in the Antonine Itinerary. 
The united route then proceeds by Assos to Alexandria Troas, and so to the Helles- 
pont. They are marked in our map of the northern part of the Agean. 

4 Plin. H.N. v. 30. xiii. 1. Fellows says that there are no traces of antiquities to 
be found there now, except a few coins. He travelled in the direction just mentioned, 
from Pergamus by Adramyttium and Assos to Alexandria Troas. 

5 Poets of all ages—Homer, Ovid, Tennyson,—have celebrated the streams which 
flew from the “ many-fountained”’ cliffs of Ida. Strabo says: Πολυπίδακον τὴν Ἴδην 
ἰδίως οἴονται λέγεσθαι, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐξ αὐτῆς ῥεόντων ποταμῶν. xiii. 1. 

6. See the description in Fellows. He was two days in travelling from Adramit te 
Assos. He says that the hills are clothed with evergreens to the top, and therefore 
vary little with the season ; and he particularly mentions the flat stones of the shingle, 
and the woods of large trees, especially planes. 

7 This is the distance given in the Antonine Itinerary. 

8 The strait between Assos and Methymna is narrow. Strabo calls it 60 stadia; 
Pliny 7 miles. Mitylene is further to the south. 


280 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


But to return to the present journey. Troas is the namie cither of a 
district or a town. Asa district it had a history of its own. ‘Though 
geographically a part of Mysia, and politically a part of the province of 
Asia, it was yet usually spoken of as distinguished from both.! This 
region,” extending from Mount Ida to the plain watered by the Simois and 
Scamander, was the scene of the Trojan war ;, and it was due to the poe- 
try of Homer that ‘the ancient name of Priam’s kingdom should be re 
tained. ‘This shore has been visited on many memorable occasions by the 
great men of this world. Xerxes passed this way when he undertook to 
conquer Greece. Julius Cesar was here after the battle of Pharsalia.? 
But, above all, we associate the spot with a European conqueror of Asia, 
and an Asiatic conqueror of Europe ; with Alexander of Macedon and Paul 
of Tarsus. For here it was that the enthusiasm of Alexander was kindled 
at the tomb of Achilles, by the memory of his heroic ancestors ; here he 
girded on their armour ; and from this goal he started to overthrow the 
august dynasties of the Kast. And now the great Apostle rests in his 
triumphal progress upon the same poetic shore: here he is armed by 
heavenly visitants with the weapons of a warfare that is not carnal ; and 
hence he is sent forth to subdue all the powers of the West, and bring the 
civilization of the world into captivity to the obedience of Christ. 

Turning now from the district to the city of Troas, we must remember 
that its full and correct name was Alexandria Troas. Sometimes, as in 
the New Testament, it is simply called Troas : 4 sometimes, as by Pliny 
and ‘Strabo, simply Alexandria. It was not, however, one of those cities 
(amounting in number to nearly twenty®) which were built and named 
by the conqueror of Darius. This Alexandria received its population 
and its name under the successors of Alexander. It was an instance of 
that centralisation of small scattered towns into one great mercantile city, 
which was characteristic of the period. Its history was as follows :7— 
Antigonus, who wished to leave a monument of his name on this classical 
ground, brought together the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns to one 
point on the coast, where he erected a city, and called it Antigonia Troas, 
Lysimachus, who succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased 


1 Thus Ptolemy treats it as distinct from Great Mysia and Little Mysia. He calls 
it also by the name of Little Phrygia. See above, p. 239, n.3. For the retreat of the 
Phrygians from the Dardanelles, see Mannert, p. 406, and Scylax as quoted by him. 

5. If we are not needlessly multiplying topographical illustrations, we may compare 
the three principal disizicts of the province of Asia, viz. Phrygia, Lydia, and Mysia, 
to the three Ridings of Yorkshire. Troas will then be in Mysia what Craven is in the 
West Riding, a district which has retained a distinctive name, and has found its owm 
historian. 

3 Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 960. See the notes on Julius Cesar below. 

4 Acts xvi. 8, 11: xx.5. 2 Corii 12.  2'Tim. iv. 13. 

6 Strabo xiii. Plin. H. N. v. 6 Steph. Byz. art. ᾿Αλεξάνδρεια, 

7 It is given at length by Mannert, in. 471-475, 


ALEXANDRIA TROAS. 281 


end adorned the cily, but altered its name, calling it in honour of “ the 
man of Macedonia”! (if we may make this application of a phrase which 
Holy Writ? has associated with the place), Alexandria Troas, This 
name was retained ever afterwards. When the Romans began their east 
ern wars, the Greeks of Troas espoused their cause, and were thence 
forward regarded with favour at Rome. But this willingness to recom: 
pense useful service was combined with other feelings, half-poetical, half- 
political, which about this time took possession of the mind of the Romans 
They fancied they saw a primeval Rome on the Asiatic shore. The story 
of Aieas in Virgil, who relates in twelve books how the glory of Troy 
was transferred to Italy,=—the warning of Horace, who admonishes his 
fellow-citizens that their greatness was gone if they rebuilt the ancient 
walls,—reveal to us the fancies of the past and the future, which were 
popular at Rome. Alexandria 'Troas was a recollection of the city of 
Priam, and a prophecy of the city of Constantine. The Romans regarded 
it in its best days as a “ New Troy:”® and the Turks even now call its 
ruins “ Old Constantinople.”* It is said that Julius Cesar, in his dreams 
of a monarchy which should embrace the East and the West, turned his 
eyes to this city as his intended capital ;7 and there is no doubt that Con- 
stantine, “ before he gave a just preference to the situation of Byzantium, 
had conceived the design of erecting the seat of empire on this celebrated 
spot, from whence the Romans derived their fabulous origin.”* Augus- 
tus brought the town into close and honourable connection with Rome by 


1 Not the Vir Macedo of Horace (Od. 1m. xvi. 14), the ᾿Ανὴρ Μακεδὼν of Demosthenes 
(τί γένοιτ᾽ dv νεώτερον, κ. τ. A. Phil. 1. and Orat. ad Ep. Phil.), but his more eminent 
Bon. 

* See Acts xvi. 9. 2 See especially Book vi. 

4 “Ne nimium pii 
Tecta velint reparare Trojx.’’—Od. m1. iii. 

5 This name applies more strictly to Wew Ilium, which, after many vicissitudes, 
was made a place of some importance by the Romans, and exempted from all imposts. 
The strong feeling cf Julius Cxsar for the people of Ilium, his sympathy with Alexan- 
der, and the influence of the tradition which traced the origin of his nation, and espe- 
cially of his own family, to Troy, are described by Strabo (xiii. 1): Kal’ ἡμᾶς Καῖσαρ 
ὁ θεὸς πολὺ πλέον αὐτῶν προὐνύησε, ζηλώσας, dua καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον. . .. φιλαλέξανδρος 
ὧν, καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιλιὰς συγγενείας γνωριμώτατα ἔχων τεκμήρια, ἐπεῤῥώσθη πρὸς τὴ» 
ἐνεργεσίαν νεανικῶς. κ. τ. A. New Ilium, however, gradually sank into insignificance, 
and Alexandria Troas remained as the representative of the Roman partiality for the 
Troad. 

6 Eski-Stamboul. 

7 “Quin etiam varia fama percrebrnit, migraturum Alexandriam vel Iliam, transla- 
tis simul opibus imperii, exhaustaque Italia delectibus, et procuratione Urbis amicis 
permissa.”” Suet. (85. 79. 

8 Gibbon, ch. xvi. He adds that, “though the undertaking was soon relinquished, 
the stately remains of unfinished walls and towers attracted the notice of all who sailed 
through the Hellespont.’’ The authorities are Zosimus, Sozomen, Theophanes, Nice 
phorus Callistus, and Zonaras. The references are in Gibbon’s note. 


282 ‘HE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


making it a colonia, and assimilated its land to that of Italy by giving it 
the jus Italicum.2 When St. Paul was there, it had not attained its 
utmost growth as a city of the Romans. The great aqueduct was not 
yet built, by which Herodes Atticus brought water from the fountains of 
Ida, and the piers of which are still standing? The enclosure of the 
‘ walls, extending above ἃ mile from east to west, and near a mile from 
north to south, may represent the limits of the city in the age of Claudius.‘ 
The ancient harbour,’ even yet distinctly traceable, and not without a 
certain desolate beauty, when it is the foreground of a picture with the 
hills of Imbres and the higher peak of Samothrace in the distance,’ is 
an object of greater interest than the aqueduct and the walls. All fur- 
ther allusions to the topography of the place may be deferred till we 
describe the Apostle’s subsequent and repeated visits.’ At present he is 
hastening towards Europe. Everything in this part of our narrative 
turns our eyes to the West. 


1 Νῶν δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀποικίαν δέδεκται. Strabo. Troas Antigonia dicta, nun¢ 
Alexandria, colonia Romana. Plin v. 30. The full name on coins of the Antonines is, 
“Col. Alexandria Augusta Troas.” 

2 Deferring the consideration of colonial privileges to its proper place, in connection 
with Philippi (Acts xvi. 12), we may state here the general notion of the Jus Italicum. 
It was a privilege entirely relating to the and. The maxim of the Roman law was: 
“Ager Italicus immunis est: ager provincialis vectigalis est.” The Jus Italicum 
raised provincial land to the same state of immunity from taxation which belonged to 
land in Italy. But this privilege could only be enjoyed by those who were citizens 
Therefore it would have been an idle gift to any community not possessing the civitas ; 
and we never find it given except to a colonia. Conversely, however, all colonies did 
not possess the Jus Italicum. Carthage was a colony for two centuries before it re- 
seived it. See Hoeck’s Romische Geschichte, 1. ii. pp. 238-242. This reference cannot 
pe made without an acknowledgement of the writer’s personal obligations to Professor 
Hoeck, and of the advantages derived from the University Libraty at Gottingen, of 
which he is director. 

3 See Cramer and Clarke. 4 See Pococke, m. 110. 

5 We shall hereafter recur to the descriptions in Pococke’s and Chandler’s Travels, 
in Walpole’s Memoirs, Fellews, &e. At present we quote the following from the Sail- 
ing Directory. “The ancient port is a basin, about 400 feet long and 200 broad, now 
entirely shut out from the sea by a narrow strip of the land. Many vestiges of the 
ancient town remain on and about the shore. Ona hill near it are the ruins of the 
theatre, once a magnificent building, 180 feet from one end of the semicircle to the 
other ; and being on the side of the hill, the highest seats command an extensive view 
cf the sea, Tenedos, Lemnos, and, in clear weather, Mount Athos, 28 leagues distant.” 
ΡΟ 7. 

6 The author of Eothen was much struck by the appearance of Samothrace seen 
aloft over Imbros, when he -recollected how Jupiter is described in the Iliad as 
watching from thence the scene of action before Troy. “Now I knew,” he says, “ that 
Homer had passed along here,—that this vision of Samothrace overtowering the nearer 
island was common to him and to me.” P.64. The same train of thought may be 
extended to our present subject, and we may find a sacred pleasure in looking at any 
view which has been common to St. Paul and to us, 

~ Acts xvi. xx. 2 Cor. ii. 2 Tim. iv. 


ALEXANDKIA TROAS. 283 


HAREOUR OF TROAS.! 


When St. Paul’s eyes were turned towards the West, he saw the view 
which is here delineated. And what were the thoughts in his mind wher 
he looked towards Europe across the Aigean? Though ignorant of the 
precise nature of the supernatural intimations which had guided his recent 
journey, we are led irresistibly to think that he associated his future work 
with the distant prospect of the Macedonian hills. We are reminded of 
another journey, when the Prophetic Spirit gave him partial revelations 
on his departure from Corinth, and on his way to Jerusalem. ‘“ After I 
have been there I must also see Rome’—I have no more place in these 
parts*—J know not what shall befall me, save that the Holy Ghost wit- 
nesseth that bonds and afflictions abide me.” 4 

Such thoughts, it may be, had been in the Apostle’s mind at Troas, 
when the sun set behind Athos and Samothrace,® and the shadows fell on 
Ida and settled dark on Tenedos and the deep. With the view of the 
distant land of Macedonia imprinted on his memory, and the thought of 
Kurope’s miserable heathenism deep in his heart, he was prepared, like 
Peter at Joppa,® to receive the full meaning of the voice which spoke ta 
him ina dream. In the visions of the night, a form appeared to come 
and stand by him;7 and he recognized in the supernatural visitant “a 

1 Engraved froma drawing by the Rev. G. Weston. The view is towards the N.W., 


and includes Tenedos and Imbros, and possibly Samothrace. 

7 Acts xim 21. 

3 Rom. xv. 23. It will be remembered that the Epistle to the Romans was written 
just before this departure from Corinth. 

UAC XX. 22, Zoe 

5 Athos and Samothrace are the highest points in this part of the AAgean. They 
are the conspicuous points from the summit of Ida, along with Imbros, which is nearer, 
(Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 122.) See the notes at the beginning of the next Chapter. 
“Mount Athos is plainly visible from the Asiatic coast at sunset, but not at other 
times. Its distance hence is about 80 miles. Reflecting the red rays of the sun, it 
appears from that coast like a huge mass of burnished gold. ... Mr. Turner. being 
off the N. W. end of Mytilen (Lesbos) 22d June, 1814, says, ‘The evening being clear, 
we plainly saw the immense Mount Athos, which appeared in the form of an equi 
lateral triangle.’’’ Sailing Directory, p. 150. In the same page a sketch is given of 
Mount Athos, N. by W. 14 W., 45 miles. 

¢ See the remarks on St. Peter’s vision, p. 92. See also p. 104, n. 1; and p. 207. 

T’Arjo Μακεδών τις. Acts xvi. 9, 


284 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL 


man of Macedonia,” ! who came to plead the spiritual wants of his coum 
try. It was the voice of the sick inquiring for a physician,—of the ignor: 
ant seeking for wisdom,—the voice which ever since has been calling on. 
the Church to extend the Gospel to Heathendom,—‘ Come over and 
help us.” 

Virgil has described an evening’® and a sunrise* on this coast, before 
and after an eventful night. That night was indeed eventful in which St. 
Paul received his commission to proceed to Macedonia. The commission 
was promptly executed.‘ The morning-star appeared over the cliffs of 
Ida. The sun rose and spread the day over the sea and the islands as far as 
Athos and Samothrace. The men of Troas awoke to their trade and 
their labour. Among those who were busy about the shipping in the 
harbour were the newly arrived Christian travellers, seeking for a passage 
to Europe,— Paul, and Silas, and Timotheus,—and that new companion, 
“Tuke® the beloved Physician,” who, whether by prearrangement, or by 
a providential meeting, or (it may be) even in consequence of the Apos- 
tle’s delicate health,* now joined the mission, of which he afterwards wrote 
the history. God provided a ship for the messengers He had chosen»: 
and (to use the language of a more sacred poetry than that which has 
made these coasts illustrious) 7 ‘‘ He brought the wind out of his trea- 
suries, and by His power He brought in the south wind,” and prospered 
the voyage of His servants. 


1 St. Paul may have known, by his dress, or by his words, or by an immediate intui- 
tion, that he was “a man of Macedonia.” Grotius suggests the notion of a representa- 
tive or guardian angel of Macedonia—angelus Macedoniam curans ; as the “ prince 
of Persia,” &c., in Dan. x. 

? Vertitur interea ccelum, et ruit Oceano nox, 
Inyolvens umbra magna terramque polumque, 
Et jam Argiva phalanx instructis navibus ibat 
A Tenedo, tacitee per amica silentia luna. 
En, 1. 250. 
3 Jamque jugis summez surgebat Lucifer Ide, 
Ducebatque diem.— Ain. τι. 801. 

4 Εὐθέως ἐζητήσαμεν Acts xvi. 10. 

5 We should notice here not only the change of person from the third to the first, 
but the simultaneous transition (asit has been well expressed) from the historical to the 
autoptical style, as shown by the fuller enumeration of details. We shall return te 
this subject again, when we come to the point where St. Luke parts from St. Paul at 
Philippi: meantime we may remark thai it is highly probable that they had already 
met and laboured together at Antioch. 

6 This suggestion is made by Wieseler. 

7 The classical reader will remember that the throne of Neptune in Homer, whence 
‘he looks over Ida and the scene of the Trojan war, is on the peak of Samothrace (II. 
“sam. 10-14), and his cave deep under the water between Imbros and Tenedos (Il. ΧΠῚ 

32-35). 

8 Ps. cxxxv. 7. Ixxviii. 26. For arguments to prove that the wind was literally a 
seuth wind in this case, see the beginning of the next Chapter. 


VOYAGE bY SBAMOTHRACE TO ΝΕΔΡΟΙΒ. 285 


CHAPTER IX. 


Ποόσεσχε τῇ Tpoddi—elre ἐκεῖθεν καταχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν Νεάπολιν, διὰ Φιλίππων rapo 
Sevev Maxedoviav.—Martyrium S. Ignatii. 


‘“‘La religion du Christ ne pouvait demeurer plus long temps circonscrite dant 
VOrient ; bien qu’elle y eit pris naissance, son avenir était ailleurs. Déja 1’Occident 
exercait sur les destinées du monde cette influence qui des-lors a toujours grandi, en 
sorte que le Christianisme devait se faire Européen, pour devenir universel.””—Rilliet 
on the Philippians. 


VOYAGE BY SAMOTHRACE TO NEAPOLIS.—PHILIPPI.—CONSTITUTION OF A COLONY. 
——LYDIA.—THE DEMONIAC SLAVE.—PAUL AND SILAS ARRESTED.—\THE PRISON 
AND THE JAILOR.—THE MAGISTRATES.—DEPARTURE FROM PHILIPPI.—ST 
LUKE.—MACEDONIA DESCRIBED.—iTS CONDITION AS A PROVINCE.—THE VIA 
EGNATIA.—ST. PAUL’S JOURNEY THROUGH AMPHIPOLIS AND APOLLONIA.— 
THESSALONICA.— THE SYNAGOGUE.—SUBJECTS OF ST PAUL’S PREACHING.—— 
PERSECUTION, TUMULT, AND FLIGHT.-—THE JEWS 47 BER@A.—ST. PAUL AGAIN 
PERSECUTED.—PROCEEDS TO ATHENS. 


Ts weather itself was propitious to the voyage from Asia to Europe. It 
is evident that Paul and his companions sailed from Troas with a fair 
wind. On a later occasion we are told that five days were spent on the 
passage from Philippi to Troas.'. On the present occasion the same voyage, 
in the opposite direction, was made in two. If we attend to St. Luke’s 
technical expression,’ which literally means that they ‘sailed before the 
wind,” and take into account that the passage to the west, between Tene- 
dos and Lemnos, is attended with some risk,? we may infer that the wind 


1 Compare Acts xvi. 11, 12, with xx. 6. For the expression, “sailed from Philippi” 
(xx. 6), and the relation of Philippi with its harbour, Neapolis, see below, p. 286, n. 10. 

* Εὐθυδρομέω. It occurs again in Acts xxi. 1, evidently in the same sense. 

3 “ All ships should pass to the eastward of Tenedos..... Ships that go to the 
westward in calms may drift on the shoals of Lemnos, and tte S. E. end of that island 
being very low is not seen above nine miles off. . . . . It is also to be recollected, that 
very dangerous shoals extend from the N. W. and W. ends of Tenedos.” Purdy’s 
Sailing Directory, pp. 158, 189. See again under Tenedos, p. 157, and under Lemnos, 
p. 153; also p. 160. Captain Stewart says (p. 63): “To work up to the Dardanelles, 
I prefer going inside of Tenedos . . . . youcan go by your lead, and during light 
winds, you may anchor any where.. If you go outside of Tenedos, and it falls calm, 
the current sets you towards the shoal off Lemnos.” [The writer has heard this and 
what follows confirmed by those who have had practical experience in the merchant 
service in the Levant.] 


286 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


blew from the southward,’ The southerly winds in this part of tha 
Archipelago do not usually last long, but they often blow with consider: 
able force. Sometimes they are sufficiently strong to counteract the 
current which sets to the southward from the mouth of the Dardanelles. 
τ However this might be on the day when St. Paul passed over these 
waters, the vessel in which he sailed would soon cleave her way turough 
the strait between Tenedos and the main, past the Dardanelles, and 
near the eastern shore of Imbros. On rounding the northern end of this 
island, they would open Samothrace, which had hitherto appeared as a 
higher and more distant summit over the lower mountains of Imbros.3 
The distance between the two islands is about twelve miles. Leaving 
Tmbros, and bearing now a little to the west, and having the wind still 
(as our sailors say) two or three points abaft the beam, the helmsman 
steered for Samothrace ; and, under the shelter of its high shore, they 

anchored for the night.* 
Samothrace is the highest land in the north of the Archipelago, with 
the exception of Mount <Athos.® 
These two eminences have been in 
AX all ages the familiar landmarks of 
the Greek mariners of the A%gean. 
le Even from the neighbourhood of 
= ve, Troas, Mount Athos is seen tower- 
ing over Lemnos, like Samothrace 

COIN OF SAMOTHRACE. 

over Imbros. And what Mount 


1 The same inference may be drawn from the fact of their going to Samotbrace at 
wll. Had the wind blown from the northward or the eastward, they prolably would 
not have done so. Had it blown from the westward, they could not have made the 
passage In two days, especially as the currents are contrary. This consistency in mi- 
nute details should be carefully noticed, as tending to confirm the veracity of the nar- 
vative. 

2 «The current from the Dardanelles begins to run strongly to the southward at 
Tenedos, but there is no difficulty in turning over it with a breeze.” Purdy, p. 159. 
“The current in the Archipelago sets almost continually to the southward, and is in- 
ereased or retarded accoruing to the winds. In lying at Tenedos, near the north of the 
Dardanelles, I have observed a strong southerly wind entirely stop it; but it came 
strong to the southward the moment the gale from that point ceased.” Captain Stew- 
art, ib. p. 62. For the winds, see pp. 63 and 163. 

3 “The island Imbro is separated from Samothraki by a channel twelve miies in 
preadth. It is much longer and larger, but not so high as that island.” Purdy, p. 152. 

4 See the preceding note. 5 Acts xvi. 11. 

6 “Samothraki is the highest land in the Archipelago, except Candia and Monnt 
Athos.” Purdy, p. 152. 

7 From the British Museum. ae 

8 An evening view has been quoted before (p. 283, π. 5). The following is a morn 
ing view. “Joo. 26, 1828, 8 a. m—Morning beautifully clear. Lemnos just opening. 
Mount Athos was at first taken for an island about five leagues distant, the outline 
and shades appearing so perfectly distinct. though nearly fifty miles off The base οἱ Α 


- 


VOYAGE BY SAMOTHRACE TO NEAPOLIS. 287 


Athos is, in another sense, to the superstitious Christian of the Levant, 
‘he peak of Samothrace was, in the days of heathenism, to his Greek 
ancestors in the same seas. It was the “ Monte Santo,” on which the 
Greek mariner looked with awe, as he gazed on it in the distant horizon, 
or caxie to anchor under the shelter of its coast. It was the sanctuary of 
an ancient superstition, which was widely spread over the neighbouring 
continents, and the history of which was vainly investigated by Greek and 
Roman writers.? If St. Paul had staid here cven a few days, we might 
be justified in saying something of the “ Cabiri ;” but we have no reason 
to suppose that he even landed on the island. At present it possesses no 
good harbour, though many places of safe anchorage :* and if the wind 
was from the southward, there would be smooth water anywhere on the 
north shore. The island was, doubtless, better supplied with artificial 
advantages in an age not removed by many centuries from the flourishing 
period of that mercantile empire which the Phenicians founded, and the 
Athenians inherited, in the AXgean Sea. The relations of Samothrace 
With the opposite coast were close and frequent, when the merchants of 
Tyre had their miners at work in Mount Pangeus,t and when Athens 
diffused her citizens as colonists or exiles on all the neighbouring shores.’ 
Nor can those relations have been materially altered when both the 
Pheenician and Greek settlements on the sea were. absorbed in the wider 
and continental dominion of Rome. Ever since the day when Perseus 
fled to Samothrace from the Roman conqueror,’ frequent vessels had been 
passing and repassing between the island and the coasts of Macedonia and 
Thrace. 

The Macedonian harbor at which St. Paul landed was Neapolis. Its 


it was covered with haze, as was the summit soon afterward ; but toward sunset it 
secame clear again. It is immensely high; and, as there is no other mountain like it 
to the northward of Negropont, itis an excellent guide for this part of the coast,’ 
Purdy, p. 150. 

1 See the account of Mount Athos (Monte Santo) in Curzon’s Monasteries of the 
Levani, Pt. 1v., and the view, p. 827. In his sail from the Dardanelles to the moun- 
tain,—the breeze, the shelter and smooth water on the shore of Lemnos, &c.,—there 
are points of resemblance with St. Paul’s voyage. For another account of Mount 
Athos, see the second volume of Urquhart’s Spirit of the Hast. 

* For a mass of references to those who have written concerning Cybele and the 
Cabiri,and the Samothracian mysteries, see Hermann’s Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen 
Alterthumer der Griechen, § 65 (Gott. 1846). 

3 See Purdy, p. 152. 

4 To Πάγγαιον οὗρος, ἐν τῷ yptced τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ἕνι μέταλλα. Herod. vii. 112. 
Thasos was the head-quarters of the Pheenician mining operations in this part of the 
Aigean. Herodotus visited the island, and was much struck with the traces of theis 
work. vi. 47. 

5 It is hardly necessary to refer to the formation of the commercial empire of Athena 
before the Peloponnesian war, to the mines of Scapte Hyle, and the exile of Thueydides 
See Grote’s Greece, ch. xxvi., xlvii., το. 

6 Liv. xlv. 6. 


288 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


"direction from Samothrace is a little to the north of east. Buta southerly 
breeze would still be a fair wind, though they could not literally “run 
before it.” A run of seven or eight hours, notwithstanding the easterly 
eurrent,! would bring the vessel under the lee of the island of Thasos, and 
within a few miles of the coast of Macedonia. The shore of the main 
land in this part is low, but mountains rise to a considerable height 
behind.? To the westward of the channel which separates it from Thasos, 
the coast recedes and forms a bay, within which, on a promontory with a 
port on each side,’ the ancient Neapolis was situated. 

Some difference of opinion has existed concerning the true position of 
this harbour :4 but the traces of paved military roads approaching the 
promontory we have described, in two directions corresponding to those 
indicated in the ancient itineraries ; the Latin inscriptions which have 
been found on the spot ; the remains of a great aqueduct on two tiers of 
Roman arches, and of cisterns like those at Bai near the other Neapolis 
on the Campanian shore,> seem to leave little doubt that the small Turk- 
ish village of Cavallo is the Naples* of Macedonia, the ‘‘ Neapolis” at 
which St. Panl landed, and the sea-port of Philippi, the “first city "1 
which the traveller reached on entering this ‘ part of Macedonia,” and a 
city of no little importance as a Roman military ‘‘ colony.” ὃ 

A ridge of elevated land, which connects the range of Pangzeus with 
the higher mountains in the interior of Thrace, is crossed between Neapolis 
and Philippi? 'The whole distance is about ten miles.!° The ascent of 


! “Tnside of Thasso, and past Samothraki, the current sets to the eastward.’ Purdy, 
p. 62. “The current at times turns by Monte Santo (Athos), from the S.W., strong 
toward the eastward, by Thasso.”’ p. 152. 

2 See Purdy, p. 152, and the accurate delineation of the coast in the Admiralty charts. 

3 Clarke’s Travels, ch. xii. and xiii. For amore exact description of the place as a 
harbour, in its present condition, see Purdy, p. 152. 

4 Cousinéry, in his Voyage dans la Macédoine, identifies Neapolis with Eski-Cavalle, 
a harbour more to the west (perhaps the ancient Galepsus, or isyme), of which he 
gives an interesting description; but his arguments are not satisfactory. Coloncl 
Leake whose opinion is of great weight, though he did not personally visit Philippi 
and Neapolis, agrees with Dr. Clarke, vol. iii. p. 180. 

5 All these remains are mentioned at length in Dr. Clarke’s Travels, at the end of 
ch. xii. and the beginning of ch. xiii. For the mention of the two paved roads (which 
are, in fact, parts of the Via Egnatia), see the extracts quoted below, p. 289, n. 1. 

6 A singular mistake is made by Hoog (De Coetus Christianorum Philippensis Con- 
ditione primeva. Lug. Bat. 1825), who says that this Neapolis was called Parthenopa, 
and erroneously quotes Cellarius. 

~ Acts xvi. 12. 

8 For the meaning of πρώτη πόλις and of κολωνίπ, see p. 290, το. 

9 This is the Mount Symbolum mentioned by Dio Cassius in his account of the battle 
See Leake, pp. 214-225. 

10 Hence it was unnecessary for Meyer to deride Olshausen’s remark, that Philippi 
was the “first city” in Macedonia visited by the Apostle, because Neapolis was its 
parbour. Olshausen was quite right. The distance of Neapolis from Philippi is only 


PHILIPPI. 288 


the ridge is begun immediately from the town, through a defile formed 
by some precipices almost close upon the sea. When the higher ground 
Is attained, an extensive and magnificent sea-view is opened towards the 
south. Samothrace is seen to the east ; Thasos to the south-east ; and, 
more distant and farther to the right, the towering summit of Athos.’ 
When the descent on the opposite side begins and the sea is lost to view, 
another prospect succeeds, less extensive, but not less worthy of our no 
tice. We look down on a plain, which is level as an inland sea, and 
which, if the eye could range over its remoter spaces, would be seen wind- 
ing far within its mountain-enclosure, to the west and the north.’ Its ap- 
pearance is either exuberantly green,—for its fertility has been always 
famous,’—or cold and dreary,—for the streams which water it are often 
diffused into marshes,{—according to the season when we visit this corner 
of Macedonia ; whether it be when the snows are white and chill on the 
summits of the Thracian Hemus,® or when the roses, of which Theophras- 
tus and Pliny speak, are displaying their bloom on the warmer slopes of 
the Pangzean hills.° 

This plain, between Heemus and Pangsus, is the plain of Philippi, 
where the last battle was lost by the republicans of Rome. The whole re 


twice as great as that from the Pireus to Athens, not much greater than that from 
Cenchrezx to Corinth, and less than that from Seleucia to Antioch, or from Ostia te 
Rome. 

1 We may quote here two passages from Dr. Clarke, one describing this approach to 
Neapolis from the neighbourhood, the other his departure in the direction of Constan- 
tinople. ‘“ Ascending the mountainous boundary of the plain on its north-eastern side by 
a broad ancient paved way, we had not daylight enough to enjoy the fine prospect of 
the sea and the town of Cavallo upon a promontory. At some distance lies the isle of 
Thasos, now called Tasso. It was indistinctly discerned by us; but every other object, 
excepting the town, began to disappear as we descended toward Cavallo.”’ Ch. xii. 
“Upon quitting the town, we ascended a part of Mount Pangzeus by a paved road, and 
had a fine view of the bay of Neapolis. The top of the hill, towards the left, was cov- 
ered with ruined walls, and with the ancient aqueduct, which here crosses the road. 
From hence we descended by a paved road as before . . . the isle of Thasos being in 
view towards the S. E. Looking to the E., we saw the high top of Samothrace, whick 
makes such a conspicuous figure from the plains of Troy. To the S., towering above 
a region of clouds, appeared the loftier summit of Mount Athos.” Ch. xiii. 

2 See the very full descriptions of the plain of Serrés, in the various parts of its ex 
tension, given by Leake (ch. xxv.) and Cousinéry. 

3 For its present productiveness, see Leake and Cousinéry as before. 

4 See Leake and Cousinéry. 

> Lucan's view is very winterly :— 

“ Video Pangzea nivosis 
Cana jugis, latosque Hemi sub rupe Philippos.’’—Phars, i. 680. 

6 The “ Rosa centifolia,” which he mentions as cultivated in Campania [compare 
Virgil’s “‘Biferi rosaria Pisti’’] and in Greece, near Philippi. “Pangwus mons in 
vicino fert,’’ he continues, “ numerosis toliis ac parvis ; unde accol transferentes con- 
serunt, ipsaque plantatione proficiunt.” Plin. H. N. xxi. 10. See Theoph. Hist. vi 6. 
Athen. xv. 29. 

vol 1—-19 


200 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


gion around is eloquent of the history of this battle. Among the mountains 
on the right was the difficult path by which the republican army pene 
trated into Macedonia ;' on some part of the very ridge on which we 
stand were the camps of Brutus and Cassius ;? the stream before us is 
the rivcr which passed in front of them ;* below us, “upon the left hard 
of the even ficld,”* is the marsh® by which Antony crossed as he ap- 
proached his antagonist ; directly opposite is the hill of Philippi, where 
Cassius diced ; behind us is the narrow strait of the sea, acress which 
Brutus sent his body to the island of Thasos, lest the army should be dis- 
heartened before the final struggle.® The city of Philippi was itseif a 
monument of the termination of that struggle. It had been founded by 
the father of Alexander, in a place called, from its numerous streams, 
“The Place of Fountains,” to commemorate the addition of a new pro- 
vince to his kingdom, end to protect the frontier against the Thracian 
mountaineers.’ For similar reasons the city of Philip was gifted by Au- 
gustus with the privileges of a coéonia, It thus became at once a border- 
garrison of the province of Macedonia, and a pernetual memorial of his 
victory over Brutus. And now a Jewish Apostle came to the same 
place, to win a greater victory than that of Philippi, and to found a more 
durable empire than that of Augustus. It is a fact of deep significance, 
that the “first city ” at which St. Paul arrived,® on his entrance into Eu- 
rope, should be that “colony,” which was more fit than any other in the 
empire to be considered the representative of Imperiai Rome. 

The characteristic of a colonia was, that it was a miniature resem- 
blance of Rome. Philippi is not the first city of this kind to which we 
have traced the footsteps of St. Paul; Antioch in Pisidia,! and Alexan- 
ria Troas," both possessed the same character : but this is the first place 
where Scripture calls our attention to the distinction; and the events 
which befell the Apostle at Philippi were directly connected with the 

1 See Plutarch’s Life of Brutus, with Mr. Long’s notes, and Leake, p. 215. 

* This is the Mount Symbolum of Dio Cassius. The republicans were so placed as 
to be in communication with the sea. The triremes were at Neapolis. 

3 The Gangas or Gangites. Leake, p. 217. 

¢ Julius Cxsar, Act v. sc. i. The topography of Shakspere is perfectly accurate. In 
this passage Octavius and Antony are looking at the ficld from the opposite side. 

6 The battle took place in autumn, when the plain would probably be inundated, 

85. Plutarch’s Life of Brutus. 7 Diod. Sic. xvi. pp. 511-514, 

8 The full and proper Roman name was Colonia dugusta Julia Philippensis. 
See the coin here engraved, and the inscriptions in Orelli. 

9 Πρώτη τῆς μερίδος τῆς Μακεδονίας πόλις (Acts xvi. 12), which must certainly mean 
the first city in its geographical relation to St. Paul’s journey ; not the first politically 
(“chief city,” Eng. Vers.), either of Macedonia or a part of it. The chief city of the 
province was Thessalonica; and, even if we suppose the subdivisions of Macedonia 
Prima, Secunda, &c., to have subsisted at this time, the chief city of Macedonia Prime 
was not Philippi, but Amphipolis. See Wieseler’s discussion of the subject. 

” See above, p. 171. 1 See pp. 281, 2. 


“ GREEKS” AND BARBARIANS.” 291 


1 


COIN OF PHILIPPI. 


privileges of the place as a Roman colony, ard with his own privileges ag 
a Roman citizen. It will be convenient to consider these two subjects to- 
gether. A glance at some of the differences which subsisted among indi- 
viduals and communities in the provincial system will cnable us to see 
very clearly the position of the czéizen and of the colony. 

We have had occasion (Ch. I. p. 26) to speak of the combination of 
uctual provinces and nominally independent states through which the 
power of the Roman emperor was variously diffused ; and, again (Ch. V. 
p. 142), we have described the division of the provinces by Augustus into 
those of the Senate, and those of the Emperor. Descending now to ex- 
arsine the component population of any one province, and to inquire into 
the political condition of individuals and communities, we find here again 
ἂν complicated system of rules and exceptions. As regards individuals, the 
broad distinction we must notice is that between those who were citizens 
and those who were not citizens. When the Grecks spoke of the inhabi- 
tants of the world, they divided them into ‘‘ Greeks” and ‘ Barbarians,” * 
according as the language in which poets and philosophers had written 
was native to them or foreign. Among the Romans the phrase was dif- 
ferent, The classes into which they divided mankind consisted of those 
who were politically “‘ Romans,”’ and those who had no link (except that 
of subjection) with the city of Rome. The technical words were Caves and 
Peregrini,/— citizens” and “ strangers.’ 'The inhabitants of Italy were 
“ citizens ;” the inhabitants of all other parts of the empire (until Cara- 
calla extended to the provinces* the same privileges which Julius Caesar 

? From the British Museum. - 

? Thus St. Paal, in writing his Greek epistles, uses this distinction. Rom. i. 14. 
Col. iii. 11. Hence also, Acts xxviii. 2,4. 1 Cor. xiy. 11. 

3 The word “ Roman” is always used politically in the New Testament. John xi 
48. Acts xvi. xxii. xxiii. xxviii. 

* “Die EKinwobner der Provinzen waren entweder Romische Burger oder Latinen 
oder Peregriner. Erstere bestanden theils aus den Burgern der Municipien τι. Colonien, 
theils aus den Provinzialen, die einzeln die Civitat erhalten hatten. Sie hatten mit 
aen Italikern die gewohnlichen Burgerrechte gemein, das Connubium, Commercium, 
den Schutz gegen Leibestrafen yor formlichen Urtheils-spruch, und die Provocation 
un den Kaiser wider Strafsentenzen des Magistrats.’’ Walther’s Geschichte des Rom, 
Rechts, Die Provinzen unter den Kaisern, p. 329 (ed. 1840). See Joseph, A. xiv. 10 
11-19. 

® See Milman’s Gibbon. i p. 281 and the note. 


292 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


had granted to the peninsula’) were naturally and essentially “stran 
gers.” Italy was the Holy Land of the kingdom of this world. We may 
carry the parallel further, in order to illustrate the difference which ex: 
isted among the citizens themselves. Those true-born Italians, who were 
diffused in vast numbers through the provinces, might be called Citizens of 
the Dispersion ; while those Strangers who, at various times, and for vari 
ous reasons, had received the gift of citizenship, were in the condition of 
political Proselytes. Such were Paul and Silas,’ in their relation to the 
empire, among their fellow-Romans in the colony of Philippi. Both these 
classes of citizens, however, were in full possession of the same privileges ; 
the most important of which were exemption from scourging, and freedom 
from arrest, except in extreme cases ; and in all cases the right of appeal 
from the magistrate to the emperor.’ 

The remarks which have been made concerning individuals may be 
extended, in some.degree, to communities in the provinces. The city of 
Rome might be transplanted, as it were, into various parts of the empire, 
and reproduced as a colonia ; or an alien city might be adopted, under the 
title of a muwniciprwm,f into a close political communion with Rome. 
Leaving out of view all cities of the latter kind (and indeed they were 
limited entirely to the western provinces), we will confine ourselves to 
what was called a colonma. A Roman colony was very different from any- 
thing which we usually intend by the term. It was no mere mercantile 


1 By the Julia Lex de Civitate (B. c. 90), supplemented by other laws. 

2 We can hardly help inferring, from the narrative of what happened at Philippi, 
tbat Silas was a Roman citizen as well as St. Paul. As to the mode in which he ob- 
tained the citizenship, we are more ignorant than in the case of St. Paul himself, 
whose father was a citizen (Acts xxii. 28). All that we are able to say on this subject 
has been given before, pp. 45, 46. 

3 Two of these privileges will come more particularly before us, when we reach 
the narrative of St. Paul’s arrest at Jerusalem. To the extract given above from 
Walther, add the following :—“Korperliche Zuchtigungen waren unter der Republik 
nicht gegen Burger, und auch spater nur an geringen Leuten erlaubt. Gegen Freie 
wurde dazu der Stock, gegen Knechte die schimpflichere Geissel gebraucht.” P. 848, 
Thus it appears that Paul and Silas were treated with a cruelty which was only justi- 
fiable in the case of a slave, and was not usually allowed in the case of any freeman. 
From pp. 883-885, it would seem, that an accused citizen could only be imprisoned 
before trial for a very heinous offence, or when evidently guilty. Bail was gencrally 
allowed, or retertion in a magistrate’s house was held sufficient. \ 

4 The privilege of a colonia was transplanted citizenship, that of a municipium waa 
engrafted citizenship. The distinction is stated very precisely by Aulus Gellius. 
“Municipia extrinsecus in civitatem (Romanam) veniunt, coloniw ex civitate Romana 
propagate sunt.” N. A. xvi. 13. We have nothing to do, however, with municipia in 
the history of St. Paul. We are more concerned with libere civitates, and we shah 
presently come to one of them in the case of Thessalonica. Probably the best view, in 
« small compass, of the status of the different kinds of cities in the provinces, is that 
given in the 7th chapter of the 5th book of Hoeck’s Romische Geschichte. Free ust 
has been made of the help this chapter aifords. 


CONSTITUTION OF A COLONY. 294 


factory, such as those which the Pheenicians established in Spain,’ or ot 
those very shores of Macedonia with which we are now engaged ; or such 
as modern nations have founded in the Hudson’s Bay territory or on 
the coast of India. Still less was it like those incoherent aggregates of 
human beings which we have thrown, without care or system, on distant 
islands and continents. It did not even go forth, as a young Greek republic 
left its parent state, carrying with it, indeed, the respect of a daughter 
for a mother, bnt entering upon a new and independent existence. The 
Roman colonies were primarily intended as military safeguards of the 
frontiers, and as checks upon insurgent provincials.? Like the military 
roads, they were part of the great system of fortification by which the 
empire was made safe. They served also as convenient possessions for 
rewarding veterans who had served in the wars, and for establishing 
freedmen and other Italians whom it was desirable to remove to a distance 
The colonists went out with all the pride of Roman citizens, to represent 
and reproduce the city in the midst of an alien population. They pro- 
ceeded to their destination like an army with its standards ;? and the 
limits of the new city were marked out by the plough. Their names were 
still enrolled in one of the Roman tribes. Every traveller who passed 
through a colonza saw there the insignia of Rome. He heard the Latin 
language, and was amenable, in the strictest sense, to the Roman law. 
The coinage of the city, even if it were in a Greek province, had Latin 
inscriptions. Cyprian tells us that in his own episcopal city, which once 
had been Rome’s greatest enemy, the Laws of the XII Tables were in- 
scribed on brazen tablets in the market-place.» Though the colonists, in 
additicn to the pell-tax, which they paid as citizens, were compelled to 
pay a ground-tax (for the land on which their city stood was provincial 
land, and therefere tributary, unless it were assimilated to Italy by a spe- 
cial exemption) ;° yet they were entirely free from any intrusion by the 


 Kepevially in the mountains on the coast between Cartagena and Almeria. 
a Colonus, 
Missus ad hoc, pulsis (vetus est ut fama) Sabellis, 
Quo ne per vacuum Romano incurreret hostis.”’ 
Horace, Sat. ii. 1. 

3 See the standards on one of the coins of Antioch in Pisidia, p. 170. The wolf, 
with Romulus and Remus, which will be observed on the other coin, was common on 
colonial money. Philippi was in the strictest sense a military colony, formed by the 
establishment of a cohors pretoria emerita. Plin. H. N. iv. 18 ; Eckhel, τι. 75. 

« This has been noticed before, p. 170. Compare the coin of Philippi with that of 
Thessalonica engraved below. 

5 Speaking of the prevalent sins of Carthage, he says: “ Incise sint licet leges duo 
decim tabulis, et publice wre prafixo jura prascripta sint, inter leges ipsas delinquitur, 
inter jura peccatur.” De Grat, Dei. 10. 

6 Philippi had the Jus Italicum, like Alexandria Troas. This is explained above 
p. 282. 


294 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


governor of the province. Their affairs were regulated by their own magis 
trates. These officers were named Duumviri; and they took a pride in calling 
themselves by the Roman title of Praetors (στρατηγοί).; The primary settlers 
in the colony were, as we have seen, real Italians; but a state of things 
seems to have taken place, in many instances, very similar to what hap- 
pened in the early history of Rome itself. A number of the native pro-. 
vincials grew up in the same city with the governing body ; and thus two 
(or sometimes three)? co-ordinate communities were formed, which ulti- 
mately coalesced into one, like the Patricians and Plebeians. Instances of 
this state of things might be given from Corinth and Carthage, and from 
the colonies of Spain and Gaul; and we have no reason to suppese that 
Philippi was different from the rest. 2 

Whatever the relative proportion of Greeks and Romans at Philippi 
may have been, the number of Jews was small. This is sufficiently 
accounted for, when we remember that it was a military, and not a mer- 
cantile, city. There was no synagogue in Philippi, but only one of those 
buildings called Proseuche, which were ‘distinguished from the regular 
places of worship by being of a more slight and temporary structure, and 
frequently open to the sky. For the sake of greater quietness, and free- 


1 An instance of this is mentioned by Cicero in the case of Capua: “ Cum in ceteris 
coloniis Duwmviri appellentur, hi se Pretores appellari volebant.” Agr. ii. 34. 

2 This was the case at Emporie in Spain. See Hoeck, pp. 227, 228. 

3 See the passage quoted from Epiphanius, p. 184, and another extract from 
the same writer given by Hemsen (note, p. 114): τινὰς δὲ οἴκους ἑαυτοῖς κατ- 
ἀσκευάσαντες, ἢ τύπους πλατεῖς, φόρων δίκην, προσευχὰς ταύτας ἐκάλουν" καὶ ἧσαν 
μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν προσευχῶν τόποι ἔν τε τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἔξω πολέως, καὶ ἐν τοῖς 
Σαμαρείταις. A Proseucha may be considered as ἃ place of prayer, as opposed toa 
synagogue, or a house of prayer. It appears, however. that the words were more or 
less convertible, and Grotius and Vitringa consider them nearly equivalent. Josephus 
(Vit. § 54) describes a Proseucha as μέγιςτον οἴκημα πολὺν ὄχλον ἐψιδέξασθαι duva- 
μενον : and Philo (Leg. ad Cai. p. 1011) mentions, under the same denomination, 
buildings at Alexandria, which were so strong that it was difficult to destroy them. 
Probably, as Winer says, it was the usual name of the meeting-place of Jewish congre- 
gations in Greek cities, 

Other passages in ancient writers, which hear upon the subject, are alluded to in the 
following extract from Biscoe: “The seashore was esteemed by the Jews a place most 
pure, and therefore proper to offer up their prayers and thanksgivings to Almighty 
God. Philo tells us that the Jews of Alexandria, when Flaccus the governor of Egypt, 
who had been their great enemy, was arrested by order of the Emperor Caius, not 
being able to assemble at their synagogues, which had been taken from them, crowded 
out at the gates of the city early in the morning, went to the neighboaring shores, 
and standing in a most pure place, with one accord lifted up their voices in praising 
God. (In Flac. p. 982, p.) Tertullian says, that the Jews in his time, when they kept 
their great fast, left their synagogues, and on every shore sent forth their prayers to 
heaven (De Jejun, c. 16): and in another place, among the ceremonies used by the 
Jews, mentions orationes littorales the prayers they made upen the shores (Adv. Nat. 
i. 13). And long %efore Tertullian’s time there was a decree made at Halicarnassus 
in favour of the Jews, which, among other privileges, allows them to say their prayers 
near the shore, according to the exstom of their country. (Jos. A. xiv. 10-23.) It ie 


LYDIA. 903 


dom tron interruption, this place of prayer was “outside the gate ;” 


and, in consequence of the ablutions! which were connected with tha 
worship, it was “by the river side,” on the bank of the Gaggitas,’ the 
fuuntains of which gave the name to the city before the time of Philip of 
Macedon,’ and which, in the great battle of the Romans, had been pok 
luted by the footsteps and blood of the contending armies.‘ 

The congregation which met here for worship on the Sabbath consisted 
chiefly, if not entirely, of a few women ;* and these were not all of Jew: 
ish birth, and not all residents of Philippi. Lydia, who is mentioned by 
name, was a proselyte ;® and Thyatira, her native place, was a city of 
the province of Asia.7 The business which brought her to Philippi was 
connected with the dyeing trade, which had flourished from a very early 
period, as we learn from Homer,’ in the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and is 
permanently commemorated in inscriptions which relate to the “ guild of 
dyers” in that city, and incidentally give a singular confirmation of the 
veracity of St. Luke in his casual allusions.° 

Tn this unpretending place, and to this congregation of pious women, 
the Gospel was first preached within the limits of Europe.” St. Paul 
and his companions seem to have arrived in the early part of the week, 
for “some days” elapsed before “the Sabbath.” On that day the stran- 
hence abundantly evident, that it was common with the Jews to choose the shore as a 
place highly fitting to offer up their prayers.’”? P. 251. He adds that the words in 
Acts xvi. 13 “may signify nothing more than that the Jews of Philippi were wont to 
go and offer up their prayers at a certain place by the river side, as other Jews, who 
lived near the sea, were accustomed to do upon the sea-shore.” See Acts xxi. 5. 

1 Τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ ϑαλάσσῃ, κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. Joseph. Ant. 
xiv. 10, 23. 

? Both Meyer and De Wette made a mistake here in saying that the river was the 
Strymon. The nearest point on the Strymon was many miles distant. This mistake 
is the more marked when we find that πύλης, and not πόλεως, is probably the right 
reading. No one would describe the Strymon as a stream outside the gate of Philippi. 
We may add that the mention of the gate is an instance of St. Luke’s autoptical style 
in this part of the narrative. It is possible that the Jews worshipped outside the gate 
at Philippi, because the people would not allow them to worship within. Compare 


what Jnvenal says of the Jews by the fountain outside the Porta Capena at Rome 
(iii. 11). 


3 Crenides was the ancient name. 4 See Plutarch’s Brutus, and Appian. 
9. Ταῖς συνελθούσαις γυναιξίν. Acts xvi. 13. 6 Σεβομένη τὸν Θεόν. Acts xvi. 14 
7 See Rev. i. 11. 8 1], iv. 141. 


® Several of the inscriptions will be found in Roeckh. Some were first published by 
Spon and Wheler. We may observe that the communication at this period between 
Thyatira and Philippi was very easy, cither directly from the harbour of Pergamus, ΟΣ 
by the road mentioned in the last chapter, which led through Adramyttium to Troas. 

10 At least this is the first historical account of the preaching of an apostle ix 
Europe. The traditions concerning St. Peter rest on no real proof. We do not bere 
inquire into the knowledge of Christianity which may have spread, even to Rome, 
through those who returned from Pentecost (Acts ii.), or those who were dispersed 
'y Stephen’s persecution (Acts viii.), or other travellers from Syria to the West. 


296 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUs. 


gers went and joined the little company of worshippers at their 
prayer by the river side. Assuming at once the attitude of teachers, they 
“sat down,”! and spoke to the women who were assembled together 
The Lord, who had summoned his servants from Troas to preach the 
Gospel in Macedonia,’ now vouchsafed to them the signs of His presence, 
by giving divine energy to the words which they spoke in His name. 
Lydia ‘was one of the listeners,” * and the Lord ‘“ opened her heart, that 
she took heed to the things that were spoken of Paul.” 4 

Lydia, being convinced that Jesus was the Messiah, and having made 
a profession of her faith, was forthwith baptized. The place of her bap- 
tism was doubtless the stream which flowed by the proseucha. The 
waters of Europe were “sanctified to the mystical washing away of sin.” 
With the baptism of Lydia that of her ‘‘household” was associated. 
Whether we are to understand by this term her children, her slaves, or 
the workpeople engaged in the manual employment connected with her 
trade, or all these collectively, cannot easily be decided. But we may 
observe that it is the first passage in the life of St. Paul where we have 
an example of that family religion to which he often alludes in his 
Epistles. The ‘‘connexions of Chloe”® the ‘‘ household of Stephanas,”’ 
the “Church in the house” of Aquila and Priscilla,® are parallel cases, te 
which we shall come in the course of the narrative. It may also be 
rightly added, that we have here the first example of that Christias 
hospitality which was so emphatically enjoined,? and so lovingly practised, 
in the Apostolic Church. The frequent mention of the “ hosts,” who gave 
shelter to the Apostles,’ reminds us that they led a life of hardship and 
poverty, and were the followers of Him “for whom there was no room in 
the inn.’ The Lord had said to His Apostles, that, when they entered 


1 Καθίσαντες. Acts xvi. 18. Compare ἐκάθισαν, Acts xiii. 14; and ἐκάθισε, Luke 
iy. 20. 

Biv. 10. 

3 Ἤκουεν. Acts xvi. 14. From the words ἐλαλοῦμεν and τοῖς λαλουμένοις we infer 
that Lydia was listening to conversation rather than preaching. The whole narrative 
gives us the impression of the utmost modesty and simplicity in Lydia’s character. 

Another point should be noticed, which exemplifies St. Luke’s abnegtion of self, and 
harmonizes with the rest of the Acts; viz. that, after saying “we spake” (vy. 13), 
he sinks his own person, and says that Lydia took heed “to what was spoken by 
Paul” (vy. 14). Paul was the chief speaker. The phrase and the inference are the 
same at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 45), when Barnabas was with St. Paul. See p. 
L795.) 1. 

4ν. 14. 

5. Meyer thinks they were female assistants in the business connected with her trade. 
It is well known that this is one of the passages often adduced in the controversy con 
cerning infant baptism. We need not urge this view of it: for belief that infant bap- 
tism is “ most agreeable with the institution of Christ” does not rest on this text. 

6 1 Cor. i. 11. TAKCorede 10. xvi 15. 8. Rom. xvi. 5. Compare Philem 2 

9 Heb. xiii. 2. 1 Tim. v. 10, &e. 10 Rom. xvi. 23, &e. 


MACEDONIA. 297 


into a vity, they were to seck out “those who were worthy,” and with 
them to abide. The search at Philippi was not difficult. Lydia voiunta 
rily presented herself to her spiritual benefactors, and said to them, 
earnestly and humbly,' that, ‘since they had regarded her as a believer 
on the Lord,” her house should be their home. She admitted of no refusal 
to her request, and “ their peace was on that house.” ? 

Thus the Gospel had obtained a home in Europe. It is true that the 
family with whom the Apostles lodged was Asiatic rather than European ; 
and the direct influence of Lydia may be supposed to have contributed 
more to the establishment of the church of Thyatira, addressed by St. 
John,’ than to that of Philippi, which received the letter of St. Paul. 
But still the doctrine and practice of Christianity were established in 
Europe ; and nothing could be more calm and tranquil than its first begin 
nings on the shore of that continent, which it has long overspread. The 
scenes by the river-side, and in the house of Lydia, are beautiful prophe- 
cies of the holy influence which women,‘ elevated by Christianity to their 
true position, and enabled by divine grace to wear ‘“‘the ornament of a 
meek and quiet spirit,” have now for centuries exerted over domestic hap- 
piness and the growth of piety and peace. If we wish to see this in a 
forcible light, we may contrast the picture which is drawn for us by St. 
Luke—with another representation of women in the same neighbourhood 
given by the heathen poets, who tell us of the frantic excitement of the 
Edonian matrons, wandering, under the name of religion, with dishevelled 
hair and violent cries, on the banks of the Strymon.* 

Thus far all was peaceful and hopeful in the work of preaching the 
Gospel to Macedonia: the congregation met in the house or by the river- 
side ; souls were converted and instructed ; and a Church, consisting both 
of men and women,® was gradually built up. This continued for “ many 
days.” It was difficult to foresee the storm which was to overcast so fair 
a prospect. A bitter persecution, however, was unexpectedly provoked : 
and the Apostles were brought into collision with heathen superstition in 
one of its worst forms, and with the rough violence of the colonial 
authorities. As if to show that the work of divine grace is advanced by 
difficulties and discouragements, rather than by ease and prosperity, the 


1 See above, p. 296, n. 3. * Matt. x. 13; 3 Rev. ii. 

* Observe the frequent mention of women in the salutations in St. Paul’s epistles, 
and more particularly in that to the Philippians.  Rilliet, in his Commentary, makes a 
iust remark on the peculiar importance of female agency in the then state of society :— 
“organisation de la société civile faisait des femmes un intermédiaire nécessaire pout 
que la prédication de l’Evangile parvint jusqu’aux personnes de leur sexe.” 

6 Hor. Od. π΄. vii. 27, &c. 

* This is almost necessarily implied in “the brethren” (τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς, v. 40) whom 
Paul and Silas visited and exhorted in the house of Lydia, after their release from 
prison. 


298 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUz. 


Apostles, who had been supernaturally summoned to a new field of labour 
and who were patiently cultivating it with good success, were suddenly 
called away from it, silenced, and imprisoned, 

In tracing the life of St. Paul we have not as yet seen Christianity 
directly brought into conflict witn heathenism. The sorcerer who had 
obtained influence over Sergius Paulus in Cyprus was a Jew, like the 
Apostle himself.!. The first impulse of the idolaters of Lystra was to worship 
Paul and Barnabas ; and it was only after the Jews had perverted their 
minds, that they began to persecute them.? Butas we travel further from 
the East, and especially through countries where the Israelites were thinly 
scattered, we must expect to find Pagan creeds in immediate antagonism 
with the Gospel ; and not merely Pagan creeds, but the evil powers 
themselves which give Paganism its supremacy over the minds of men, 
The questions which relate to evil spirits, false divinities, and demoniacal 
possessions, are far too difficult and extensive to be entered on here. We 
are content to express our belief, that in the demoniacs of the New Testa- 
ment allusion is really made to personal spirits who exercised power for 
evil purposes on the human will. The unregenerate world is representc 
to us in Scripture as a realm of darkness, in which the invisible agents of 
wickedness are permitted to hold sway under conditions and limitations 
which we are not able to define. The degrees and modes in which their 
presence is made visibly apparent may vary widely in different countries 
and in different ages.‘ In the time of Jesus Curisr and His Apostles, 
we are justified in saying that their workings in one particular mode were 
made peculiarly manifest. As it was in the life of our Great Master, so 

2 Ch. V. p. 147. 2 Ch. VI. pp. 192, &c. 

3 The arguments on the two sides of this question—one party contending’ that the 
demoniacs of Scripture were men afflicted with insanity, melancholy, and epilepsy, and 
that the language used of them is merely an accommodation to popular belief; the 
other, that these unhappy sufferers were really possessed by evil spirits—may be seen 
in a series of pamphlets (partly anonymous) published in London in 1737 and 1738. 
For a candid statement of both views, see the article on “ Demoniacs” in Dr. Kitto’s 
Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature, Compare that on the word “ Besessene,” in Winer’s 
Real-Worterbuch ; and, above all, Professor Trench’s profound remarks in his work on 
the Miracles, pp. 150, &c. 

4 For some suggestions as to the probable reasons why demoniacal possession is sel- 
dom witnessed now, see Trench, p. 162. 

5 Trench says, that “if there was any thing that marked the period of the Lord’s 
coming in the flesh, and that immediately succeeding, it was the wreck and confusion 
of men’s spiritual life...... the sense of utter disharmony. ..... . The whole 
period was the hour and power of darkness; of a darkness which then, immediately 
before the dawn of a new day, was the thickest. It was exactly the crisis for such 
soul-maladies as these, in which the spiritual and bodily should be thus strangely inter- 
linked ; and it is nothing wonderful that they should have abounded at that time.” 
P.162. Neander and Trench, however, both refer to modern missionary accounts ΟἹ 
something like the same possession among heathen nations, and of their cessation on 
conversion to Christianity. 


DZMONS. 29S 


it was in that of His immediate followers. The demons recognised Jesus 
as “the Holy One of God ;” and they recognised His Apostles as the 
“bondsmen of the Most High God, who preach the way of salvation.” 
Jesus ‘‘ cast out demons ;” and, by virtue of the power which he gave, 
the Apostles were able to do in His name what He did in His own, 

If in any region of heathendom the evil spirits had pre-eminent sway, 
it was in the mythological system of Greece, which, with all its beautiful 
imagery and all its ministrations to poetry and art, left man powerless 
against his passions, and only amused him while it helped him to be un- 
holy. In the lively imagination of the Greeks, the whole visible and 
invisible world was peopled with spiritual powers or demons.!. The same 
terms were often used on this subject by Pagans and by Christians. But 
in the language of the Pagan the demon might be either a beneficent or 
malignant power ;7 in the language of the Christian it always denoted 
what was evils When the Athenians said‘ that St. Paul was introducing 
“ new demons” among them, they did not necessarily mean that he was 
in league with evil spirits ; but when St. Paul told the Corinthians ὅ that 
though “idols” in themselves were nothing, yet the sacrifices offered to 
them were, in reality, offered to ‘‘ daemons,” he spoke of those false 
divinities which were the enemies of the True.° 

Again, the language concerning physical changes, especially in the 
human frame, is very similar in the sacred and profane writers. Some 
times it contents itself with stating merely the facts and symptoms of dis- 
ease ; sometimes it refers the facts and symptoms to invisible personal 

1 For the classical use of the word δαιμὼν, Trench refers to a chapter in Creuzer’s 
Symbolik. See the note, p. 155. 

3 Compare, for instance, δαίμονα δέξιον (Callim. Hymn. vi.) with δαίμονα κακὸν 
(Hom. Od. xx. 64). 

3 Thus Augustine says: “Nos autem, sicut S. Scriptura loquitur, secundum quam 
Christiani sumus, 4rgelos quidem partim bonos, partim malos, nunquam vero bonos 
Demones legimus. Sed ubicunque illarum literarum hoc nomen positum reperitur, 
sive damones sive demonia dicantur, non nisi maligni significantur, spiritus.”’ De Civ. 
Dei, ix. 19. So Origen: Τὸ τῶν δαιμόνων ὄνομα ob μέσον ἐστὶν, ὡς τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, 
ἐν οἷς τινες μὲν ἀστεῖοι, τινὲς δὲ φαῦλοι ciciv...... ἀεὶ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν φαύλων ἔξω τοῦ 
παχυτέρου δώματος δυνάμεως τάσσεται τὸ τῶυ δαιμόνων ὄνομα, πλανώντων καὶ περισ- 
πώντων τοὺς ἀνθώπους καὶ καθελκόντων ἀπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ, kK. τ. Δ. For more examples 
of the use in the Fathers, see Suicer’s Thesaurus. Josephus takes the same view: Τὰ 
yap καλούμενα δαιμόνια, ταῦτα δὲ πονηρῶν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων πνεύματα, τοῖς ζῶσιν εἰσδυό- 
uzva καὶ κτείνοντα τοὺς βοηθείας μὴ τυγχάνοντας. B. J. vii. 0, 3, where he is speak- 
ing of a plant alleged to cure those who are thus affected. 

4 Acts xvii. 18. 

8 1 Cor. x. 2U. 

€ It is very important to distinguish the word Διάβολος (‘ Devil’’) from δαίμων or 
δαιμόνιον (“demon”). The former word is used, for instance, in Matt. xxv.41. John 
viii, 44. Acts xili. 10. 1 Pet. ν. 8, &c.; the latter in John vii. 20, Lukex.17. 1 


Tim. iv. 1. Rev. ix. 20, also James iii. 15. For further remarks 2n this subject sea 
pelow on Acts xvii. 18. 


800 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΥ. PAUL. 


agency.! One class of phenomena, affecting the mind as well as the body, 
was more particularly referred to preternatural agency. These were the 
prophetic states of mind, showing themselves in stated oracles or in 
more irregular manifestations, and accompanied with convulsions and vio- 
lent excitement, which are described or alluded to by almost all heathen 
authors. Here again we are brought to a subject which is surrounded 
with difficulties. How far, in such cases, imposture was combined with 
real possession ; how we may disentangle the one from the other ; how 
far the supreme will of God made use of these prophetic powers and over- 
ruled them to good ends; such questions inevitably suggest themselves, 
but we are not concerned to answer them here. It is enough to say that 
we see no reason to blame the opinion of those writers, who believe that a 
wicked spiritual agency was really exerted in the prophetic sanctuaries 
and prophetic personages of the heathen world. 'The heathens themselves 
attributed these phenomena to the agency of Apollo,’ the deity of Pythonic 
spirits ; and such phenomena were of very frequent occurrence, and dis- 
played themselves under many varieties of place and circumstance. Some. 
times those who were possessed were of the highest condition ; sometimes 
they went about the streets like insane impostors of the lowest rank. It 
was usual for the prophetic spirit to make itself known by an internal 
muttering of ventriloquism.? We read of persons in this miserable condi- 
tion used by others for the purpose of gain. Frequently they were 
siaves ;¢ and there were cases of joint proprietorship in these unhappy 
ministers of public superstition. 

Τὴ the case before us it was a “female slave” ® who was possessed 


' jhis will be observed in the Gospels, if we carefully compare the different accounts 
of Our Lord’s miracles. Among heathen writers we may allude particularly to Hip- 
pocrates, since he wrote against those who treated epilepsy as the result of supernatu- 
ral possession. Some symptoms, he says, were popularly attributed to Apollo, some to 
the Mother of the Gods, some to Neptune, ἄο. Alya μιμῶνται κἢν βρύχωνται κῆἢν τὰ 
δεξιὰ σπῶνται, Μητῆρα ϑεῶν φασὶν αἰτίην εἷναι" ἢν δὲ ὀξύτερον Kal εὐτονώτερον 
φθέγγηται, ἵππῳ εἰκάζουσι, καὶ φασὶ Ποσειδῶνα αἴτιον εἶναι... ἣν δὲ λεπτότερον καὶ 
πυκνότερον οἷον ὄρνιθες, ᾿Απόλλων Νόμιος. Hippoc. de Morbo Sacro. 

? Πύθων is the name of Apollo in his oracular character. Hence πυθωνικός and 
πυθολήπτος. 

3 They were the ἐγγαστρίμυθοι who spoke with the mouth closed, and who were 
called Πύθωνες (the very word used here by St. Luke, Acts xvi. 16). Τοὺς ἐγγαστρι- 
μύθους vuvt ΠΤύθωνας προσαγορευομένους. Plut. de Def. Orac. p. 414. See Galen and 
the Scholiast on Aristoph. Vesp. 1014, as referred to by Wetstein. Augustine calls this 
girl “ ventriloqua foemina” (De Civ. Dei, ii. 23) ; but Walch thinks from her articulate 
exclamations, that this was not the case. 

4 Walch refers to Arr. iy. 13. 

5 Many details on these subjects are brought together by Walch, in his Essays “ De 
Servis Fatidicis,” at the end of his Dissertationes in Acta Apostolorum, Jena, 1766 
The book is very scarce, and we have not had ar opportunity of reading these essaya 
with care. 

© Παιόδίσκη. Acts xvi. 16, ag in xii. 13 


THE DEMONIAC SLAVE. 30] 


with ‘'a spirit of divination ;”! and she was the property of more than 
gne master, who kept her for the purpose of practising on the credulity of 
the Philippians, and realised ‘‘much profit” in this way. We all know 
the kind of sacredness with which the ravings of common insanity are apt 
to be invested by the ignorant ; and we can easily understand the ποίο- 
riety which the gestures and words of this demoniac would obtain in Phi- 
lippi.? It was far from a matter of indifference, when she met the mem 
bers of the Christian congregation on the road to the proseucha, and _be- 
wan to follow St. Paul, and to exclaim (either because the words she had 
overheard mingled with her diseased imaginations, or because the evil 
spirit in her was compelled? to speak the truth): ‘These men are the 
bondsmen of the Most High God, who are come to announce unto you the 
way of salvation.” This was continued for ‘ several days,” and the whole 
city must soon have been familiar with her words. Paul was well aware 
of this ; and he could not bear the thought that the credit even of the 
Gospel should be enhanced by such unholy means. Possibly one reason 
why our Blessed Lord Himself forbade the demoniacs to make Him 
known, was, that His Holy cause would be polluted by resting on such 
evidence. And another of our Saviour’s feelings must have found an 
imitation in St. Paul’s breast,—that of deep compassion for the poor vic- 
tim ef demoniac power. At length he could bear this Satanic interrup- 
tion no longer, and, “‘ being grieved, he commanded the evil spirit to come 
out of her.” It would be profaneness to suppose that the Apostle spoke 
in mere irritation, as it would be ridiculous to imagine that divine help 
would have been vouchsafed to gratify such a feeling. No doubt there 
was grief and indignation, but the grief and indignation of an Apostle 
may be the impulses of divine inspiration. He spoke, not in his own 
name, but in that of Jesus Christ, and power from above attended his 
words. ‘The prophecy and command of Jesus concerning his Apostles 

1*Eyouca πνεῦμα πύθωνος (like “Pythia mente incitata.”’ Cic. de Div. ii. 87). 
Some of the Uncial MSS. read πνεῦμα πύθωνα, which is adopted by Lachmann and 
Tischendorf. The reading is immaterial to the meaning of the passage. Πύθων is not 
exactly synonymous with Apollo, but rather, as it is explained in Suidas and Hesychius, 
δαιμόνιον μαντικόν. See the quotation in De Wette: Τάς τε πνεύματι πύθωνος évOov- 
σιώσας, καὶ φαντασίαν μυήσεως παρεχομένας τῇ τοῦ δαιμονίου περιφορᾷ ἠξίου τὸ 
ἐσόμενον παραγορεῦσαι" οἱ δὲ τῶν δαιμόνων κάτοχοι ἔφασκον, τὴν νίκην Μήδοις παρέ- 
σεσθαι. : 

* See what Trench says on the demoniacs in the country of the Gadarenes. “ We 
find in the demoniac the sense of a misery in which he does not acquiesce, the deep 
feeling of inward discord, of the true life utterly shattered, of an alien power which 
has mastered him wholly, and now is cruelly lording over him, and ever drawing fur- 
ther away from him in whom only any created intelligence can find rest and peace. 
His state is, in the truest sense, “a possession ;” another is ruling in the high places ΟἹ 
iis soul, and has cast down the rightful lord from his seat; and he knows this: and 


out of his consciousness of it there goes forth from him a ery for redemption, so soor 
as ever a glimpse of hope is afforded, an unlooked-for Redeemer draws near” P. 159 


802 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


were fulfilled: that ‘in His name they should cast out demons.” It waa 
as it had been at Jericho and by the sea of Gennesareth. The demoniae 
at Philippi was restored “to her right mind.” Her natural powers re 
sumed their course ; and the gains of her masters were gone. 

Violent rage on the part of these men was the immedia‘e result, 
They saw that their influence with the people, and with it “all hope” ! of 
any future gain, was at end. They proceeded therefore to take a sum: 
mary revenge. Laying violent hold’ of Paul and Silas (for Timotheus 
and Luke were not so evidently concerned in what had happened), they 
dragged them into the forum? before the city authorities. The case was 
brought before the Preetors (so we may venture to call them, since this 
was the title which colonial Duumviri were fond of assuming) ;‘ but the 
complainants must have felt some difficulty in stating their grievance. 
The slave that had lately been a lucrative possession had suddenly become 
valueless ; but the law had no remedy for property depreciated by exor- 
cism. The true state of the case was therefore concealed, and an accusa- 
tion was laid before the preetors in the following form. ‘‘ These men are 
throwing the whole city into confusion ; moreover they are Jews ;* and 
they are attempting to introduce new religious observances,® which we, 
being Roman citizens, cannot legally receive and adopt.” The accusation 
was partly true and partly false. It was quite false that Paul and Silas 
were disturbing the colony, for nothi.¢g could have been more calm and 
orderly than their worship and teaching at the house of Lydia, or in the 
synagogue by the water side. In the other part of the indictment there 
was a certain amount of truth. The letter ef the Roman law, even under 
the republic,” was opposed to the introduction of foreign religions ; and 
though exceptions were allowed, as in the case of the Jews themselves 
yet the spirit of the law entirely condemned such changes in worship as 
were likely to unsettle the minds of the citizens, or to produce any tumult- 
uous uproar ;° and the advice given to Augustus, which both he and his 

1 "Ἐ ξῆλθεν ἡ ἐλπὶς τῆς ἐργασίας αὐτῶν. ν. 19. 

2 ᾿Επιλαβύόμενοι εἵλκυσαν. Compare “ obtorto collo rapere ad pretorem,” in Terence. 
The Greek word ἐπιλάβεσθαι does not necessarily denote violence. It is used ina 
friendly sense, ix. 27. 

3 Wi¢ τὴν dyopav ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας, ν. 19. The word ἄρχοντες is a general term. 

4 See above, p. 294, n.1. The word στρατηγὸς is the usual Greek translation οἱ 
praetor. It is, however, often used generally for the supreme magistrates of Greek 
towns. Wetstein tells us that the mayor in Messina was in his time still called stradiga. 

5 Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες (Υ. 20), “ being Jews to begin with,’ as Mr. Humphry very 
well translates it. Compare Ιουδαῖος ὑπάρχων, “ being born a Jew,” in Gal. ii. 14, p 
225. 

6 Ἔθη. The word is similarly used Acts vi. 14. xxvi. 3. xxviii. 17. 

7 “Quoties hoc patrum evorumque tate negotium est magistratibus datum, ut sacra 
externa fieri vetarent, sacrificulos vatesque foro, circo, urbe prohiberent. . omnem dis- 


ciplinam sacrificandi praeterquam more Romano, abolerent.”” Liv. xxxix. 16. 
® “Qui novas et usu vel ratione incognitas religiones inducunt, ex quibus aniny 


PAUL AND SILAS IN PRISON. 803 


successors had studiously followed, was, to check religious innovations as 
promptly as possible, lest in the end they should undermine the monarchy.' 
Thus Paul and Silas had undoubtedly been doing what in some degree ex: 
posed them to legal penalties ; and were beginning a change which tendea 
to bring down, and which ultimately did bring down, the whole weight of 
the Roman law on the martyrs of Christianity.2 The force of another 
part of the accusation, which was adroitly introduced, namely, that the 
men were “Jews to begin with,” will be fully apprehended, if we re- 
member, not only that the Jews were generally hated, suspected, and 
despised,? but that they had lately been driven out of Rome in conse- 
quence of an uproar,‘ and that it was incumbent on Philippi, as a colony, 
to copy the indignation of the mother city. 

Thus we can enter into the feelings which caused the mob to rise 
against Paul and Silas,’ and tempted the praetors to dispense with legal 
formalities and consign the offenders to immediate punishment. The mere 
loss of the slave’s prophetic powers, so far as it was generally known, 
was enough to cause a violent agitation ; for mobs are always more fond 
of excitement and wonder than of truth and holiness. The Philippians 
had been willing to pay money for the demoniac’s revelations, and now 
strangers had come and deprived them of that which gratified their 
superstitious curiosity. And when they learned, moreover, that these 
strangers were Jews, and were breaking the laws of Rome, their discon- 
tent became fanatical. It seems that the preetors had no time to hesitate, 
if they would retain their popularity. The rough words were spoken : ‘ 


hominum moyeantur, honestiores deportantur, humiliores capite puniuntur.’’ Paulus, 
Sentent. v. 21, 2, quoted by Rosenmuller. 

1 Dio Cassius tells us that Macenas gave the following advice to Augustus :—To 
μὲν ϑεῖον πάντη πάντως αὐτός τε σέβου κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, Kal τοὺς ἅλλους τιμᾶν ἀνάγ- 
kale* τοὺς δὲ ξενίζοντάς τι περὶ αὐτὸ καὶ μίσει καὶ κόλαζε ; and the reason is given, Viz. 
that such innovations lead to secret associations, conspiracies, and cabals, ἅπερ ἥκιστα 
μοναρχίᾳ συμφέρει. 

? See the account of the martyrs of Gaul in Eusebius, ν. 1. The governor, learning 
that Attalus was a Roman citizen, ordered him to be remanded to prison till he should 
learn the emperor’s commands. Those who had the citizenship were beheaded. The 
rest were sent to the wild beasts. 

3 Cicero calls them “suspiciosa ac maledica civitas.” Flacc. 28. See the passages 
quoted p. 19, n. 1. 

4 Acts xviii. 2; which is probably the same occurrence as that which is alluded to 
by Suetonius, Claud. 25 :—“Judos impulsore Christo assidue tumultuantes Rema 
expulit.” 

> Kal συνεπέστη ὁ ὄχλος Kar’ αὐτῶν. ν. 22. 

6 The official order is given by Seneca :—“ Summove, lictor, despolia, ver bera, * 
Bee again Livy: “Consules spoliari hominem et virgas expediri jussit 57) and Dion 
Halic.: Τοῖς ῥαβδούχοις ἐκέλευσαν τὸν ἐσθῆτά τε περικαταῤῥῆξαι καὶ ταῖς ῥάβδοις τὸ 
σῶμα ξαΐνειν, quoted by Grotius. Some commentators suppose that the duumviri tore 
off the garments of Paul and Silas with their own hands; but this supposition is unne 


804 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


“ Go, lictors: strip off their garments: let them be scourged.” 'The orde. 
was promptly obeyed, and the heavy blows descended. It is happy for 
us that few modern countries know, by the example of a similar punish 
ment, what the severity of a Roman scourging was. The Apostles received 
“many stripes ;” and when they were consigned to prison, bleeding and 
faint from the rod, the jailor received a strict injunction “to keep them 
safe.” Well might St. Paul, when at Corinth, look back to this day of 
cruelty, and remind the Thessalonians how he and Silas had “ suffered 
before, and were shamefully treated, at Philippi.”? 

The jailor fulfilled the directions of the magistrates with rigorous and 
ronscientious cruelty.2 Not content with placing the Apostles among the 
other offenders against the law who were in custody at Philippi, he 
‘‘ thrust them into the inner prison,”* and then forced their limbs, lacer- 
ated as they were, and bleeding from the scourge, into a painfnl and con- 
strained posture, by means of an instrument employed to confine and 
torture the bodies of the worst malefactors.« Though we are ignorant of 
the exact relation of the outer and inner prisons,’ and of the connexion 
of the jailor’s “house” with both, we are not without very good notions 
of the misery endured in the Roman places of captivity. We must pic- 
ture to ourselves something very different from the austere comfort of an 
English jail. It is only since that Christianity for which the Apostles 
bled has had influence on the hearts of men, that the treatment of felons 
has been a distinct subject of philanthropic inquiry, and that we have 
learnt to pray “for all prisoners and captives.” The inner prisons of 
which we read in the ancient world were like that “ dungeon in the court 
of the prison” into which Jeremiah was let down with cords, and where 
cessary. It is quite a mistake to imagine that they rent their own garments, like the 
high-priest at Jerusalem, 

1 1 Thess. ii. 2. 

2 As in the Captivi of Plautus (iii. 70), quoted by Mr. Humphry. “A. Ne tu istunn 
hominem perduis. B. Curabitur nam noctu nervo vinctus custodibitur.” 

3 *EBadov αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἐσωτέραν φυλακήν. ν. 24. 

4 The ξύλον was what the Romans called nervus (Ησφαλίσατό, φησιν, εἰς τὸ ξύλον, 
ὡς dy εἴποι τις, εἰς τὸ νέρβον. Chrys, in 100.). Isidore describes it (Orig. ix.) as 
“vinculum ferreum, quo pedes vel cervices impediuntur.”’ Plautus calls it “ lignea 
custodia ;” which, as Dr. Bloomfield justly says, is exactly the “ wooden Bastille” of 
Hudibras. Ree. Synopt. See the note in the Pictorial Bible on Job xiii. 27, and the 
woodcut of stocks used in India from Roberts’s Oriental Illustrations. 

5 One of Walch’s dissertations is written De Vinculis Apostoli Pauli. He saya 
that in a Roman prison there were usually three distinct parts: (1) the communiora, 
where the prisoners had light and fresh air; (2) the interiora, shut off by iron gatea 
with strong bars and locks; (3) the Tullianum, or dungeon. If this was the case at 
Philippi, Paul and Silas were perhaps in the second, and the other prisoners in the 
first part. The third was rather a place of execution than imprisonment. Walch saya 
that in the provinces the prisons were not so systematically divided intc three parts 


He adds that the jailor or commentariensis had usually optiones to assist him. In 
Acts xvi. only one jailor is mentioned. 


PAUL AND SILAS IN PRISON. 303 


“he sank in the mire.”’ They were pestilential cells, damp and cold, 
from which the light was excluded, and where the chains rusted on the 
limbs of the prisoners. One such place may be seen to this day on 
the slope of the Capitol at Rome.’ It is known to the readers of Cicero 
and Sallust as the place where certain notorious conspirators were exe 
cuted. The Twllanwm (for so it was called) is a type of the dungeons 
in the provinces ; and we find the very name applied, in one instance, to 
a dungeon in the province of Macedonia.? What kind of torture was 
inflicted by the ‘ stocks,” in which the arms and legs, and even the necks, 
of offenders were confined and stretched, we are sufficiently informed by 
the allusions to the punishment of slaves in the Greek and Roman writers ;+ 
and to show how far the cruelty of heathen persecution, which may be 
said to have begun at Philippi, was afterwards carried in this peculiar 
kind of torture, we may refer to the sufferings “‘ which Origen endured 
under an iron collar, and in the deepest recesses of the prison, when, for 
many days, he was extended and stretched to the distance of fowr holes on 
the rack.” ὃ 

A few hours had made a serious change from the quiet scene by the 
water side to the interior of a stifling aqungeon. But Paul and Silas had 
learnt, “‘in whatever state they were, therewith to be content.”° They 
were even able to “rejoice” that they were “counted worthy to suffer” 
for the name of Christ.7_ And if some thoughts of discouragement came 
over their minds, not for their own sufferings, but for the cause of their 
Master ; and if it seemed “‘a strange thing” that a work to which they 
had been beckoned by God should be arrested in its very beginning ; yet 
they had faith to believe that His arm would be revealed at the appointed 
time. Joseph’s feet, too, had been “ hurt in the stocks,”* and he became 
a prince in Egypt. Daniel had been cast into the lions’ den, and he 

1 “Then took they Jeremiah and cast him into the dungeon of Malchiah, the son of 
Hammelech, which was in the court of the prison ; and they let down Jeremiah with 
cords. And in the dungeon there was no water, but mire ; so Jeremiah sunk in the 
mire.” Jer, xxxviii. 6. See the note in the Pictorial Bible. 

* For an account of it, see Rich’s Companion to the Latin Dictionary. 

3 “Statimque vinctos in Tullianum compingunt.” Apul. Met. ix. 183, where the 
allusion is to Thessaly. 

4 Especially in Plautus. 

5 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 39. See also what he says of the martyrs in Gaul. Ta 
κατὼ τὴν εἰρκὴν ἐν τῷ σκότει Kal TO χαλεπωτάτῳ γωρίῳ συγκλείσεις, Kai τὰς ἐν τῷ 
ξύλῳ διατάσεις τῶν ποδῶν ἐπὶ πέμπτον διατεινομένων τρύπημα. ν. 1. Other extracts 
from Christian writers are given in Suicer’s Thesaurus. Compare the word πεντε- 
σύριγγος in the Schol. on Aristoph. Eq. 1046. 

δ. Philsivep lle 7 Acts ν. 41. 

8 Ps. cv. 18, Prayer-Book Version. Philo, writing on the history of Joseph (Gen. 
xxxix. 21), has some striking remarks on the cruel character of jailors, who live among 
thieves, robbers, and murderers, and never see anything that is good. They are 
yuoted by Wetstein. 

Ni τς 1.—20 


806 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


was made ruler of Babylon. Thus Paul and Silas remembered witl. joy 
the “Lord our Maker, who giveth songs in the night.”' Racked as, they 
were with pain, sleepless and weary, they were heard “ about midnight,” 
from the depth of their prison-house, “ praying and singing hymns te 
God.”? What it was that they sang, we know not ; but the Psalms of 
David have ever been dear to those who suffer ; they have instructed both 
Jew and Christian in the language of-prayerand praise. And the psalms 
abound in such sentences as these : — “ The Lord looketh down from His 
sanctuary: out of heaven the Lord beholdeth the earth: that’ He might 
hear the mournings of such as are in captivity, and deliver the childrer 
appointed unto death.” — “ O let the sorrowful sighing of the prisoners 
come before thee: according to the greatness of thy power, preserve thou 
those that are appointed to die.” — “‘ The Lord helpeth them to right that 
suffer wrong: the Lord looseth men out of prison: the Lord helpeth 
them that are fallen: the Lord careth for the righteous.”* Such sounds 
as these were new ina Roman dungeon. Whoever the other pisoners 
might be, whether they were the victims of oppression, or were suffering the 
punishment of guilt,——debtors, slaves, robbers, or murderers,—they listened 
with surprise to the voices of those who filled the midnight of the prison 
with sounds of cheerfulness and joy. Still the Apostles continued their 
praises, and the prisoners listened. “They that sit in darkness, and in 
the shadow of death: being fast bound in misery and iron; when they 
eried unto the Lord in their trouble, He delivered them out of their 
distress. For He brought them out of darkness, and out of the shadow 
of death: and brake their bonds in sunder O that men would therefore 
praise the Lord for ILis goodness, and declare the wonders that He doeth 
for the children of men: for He hath broke the gates of brass, and 
smitten the bars of iron in sunder.”® When suddenly, as if in direct 
answer to the prayer of His servants, an earthquake shook the very foun- 
dations of the prison,® the gates were broken, the bars smitten asunder, 
and the bands of the prisoners loosed. Withoat striving to draw a line 
between the natural and supernatural in this occurrence, and still less 
endeavoring to resolve what was evidently miraculous into the results of 


1 Job xxxv. 10. 

3 Προσευχόμενοι ὕμνουν τὸν Θεον. Acts xvi. 25. For ὕμνειν, see Matt. xxvi. 30. 
Mark xiv. 26. The psalms sung on that occasion are believed. to be Ps. exiii.-exviii. 
The word ὕμνος is found Eph. v. 19. Col. iii. 16. Compare Heb. ii. 12. 

3 Ps. cii. 19, 20. Ixxix. 12. cxlvi. 6-8. See also Ps. cxlii. 8,9. Ixix. 84. exvi 
14, Ixviii. 6. 

4 The imperfects ὕμνουν and ἐπηκροῶντο imply continuance. The Apostles were 
singing, and the prisoners were listening, when the earthquake came. 

5 Ps. cvii. 10-16. 

® "Adu δὲ σειτωὸς ἐγένετο μέγας, ὥστε σαλευθῆναι τὰ ϑεμέλια τοὺ δεσμωτηριδε, 
v. 26, 


THE PRISON AND THE JAILOP. 3801 


wrdina1y causes, we turn again to the thought suggested by that single 
but expressive phrase of Scripture, ‘the prisoners were listening.” } 
When we reflect on their knowledge of the Apostles’ sufferings (for they 
were doubtless aware of the manner in which they had been brought ix 
and thrust into the dungeon),? and on the wonder they must have expe 
rienced on hearing sounds of joy from those who were in pain, and on the 
awe which must have overpowered them when they felt the prison shaken 
and the chains fall from their limbs; and when to all this we add the 
effect produced on their minds by all that happened on the following day, 
and especially the fact that the jailor himself became a Christian ; we 
can hardly avoid the conclusion that the hearts of many of those unhappy 
bondsmen were prepared that night to receive the Gospel, that the tidings 
of spiritual liberty came to those whom, but for the captivity of the 
Apostles, it would never have reached, and that the jailor himself was 
their evangelist and teacher. 

The effect produced by that night on the jailor’s own mind has been 
fully related to us. Awakened in a moment by the earthquake, his first 
thought was of his prisoners: * and in the shock of surprise and alarm,— 
“seeing the doors of the prison open, and supposing that the prisoners 
were fled,”—aware that inevitable death awaited him,‘ with the stern and 
desperate resignation of a Roman official, he resolved that suicide was 
better than disgrace, and “ drew his sword.” 

Philippi is famous in the annals of suicide. Here Cassius, unable to 
survive defeat, covered his face in the empty tent, and ordered his freed- 
man to strike the blow.’ His messenger Titinius held it to be “ἃ Ro- 
man’s part”® to follow the stern example. Here Brutus bade adieu to 
his friends, exclaiming, “ Certainly we must fly, yet not with the feet, but 
with the hands ;”7 and many, whose names have never reached us, ended 
their last struggle for the republic by self-inflicted death.s Here, too, an- 
other despairing man would have committed the same crime, had not his 
band been arrested by an Apostle’s voice. Instead of a sudden and hope- 
less death, the jailor received at the hands of his prisoner the gift both of 
temporal and spiritual life. 

The loud exclamation? of St. Paul, ‘ Do thyself no harm: for we are 


1 See above, note on ἐπηκροῶντο. 

? See above, on the form of ancient prisons. 

3 "Esumvoc γενόμενος... καὶ ἰδών. kK. τ. A. V. 27. 

4 By the Roman law, the jailor was to undergo the same punishment which the male- 
factors who escaped by his negligence were to have suffered. Biscoe (p. 330), who 
refers to the law, L. 4 De Custod. Reor. 

8 Plut. Brutus, 43. 6 Julius Cexsar, Act v. Se. iii. 7 Plut. Brutus, 52. 

8 “The majority of the proscribed who survived the battles of Philippi put an end 
to their own lives, as they despaired of being pardoned.’’ Niebulir’s Lectures, ii, 118 

9 ᾿φώνησε δὲ φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ὁ. 1]. ν. 28. 


508 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. | 


all here,” gave immediate reassurance to the terrified jailor. ile laia 
aside his sword, and called for a light, and rushed 1 to the “ inner prison,” 
where Paul and Silas were confined. But now a new fear of a higher 
zind took possession of his soul. The recollection of all he had heard be- 
fore concerning these prisoners and all that he had observed of their de 
meanour when he brought them into the dungeon, the shuddering thought 
οἵ the earthquake, the burst of his gratitude towards them as the pre 
servers of his life, and the consciousness that even in the darkness of 
midnight they had seen his intention of suicide,—all these mingling and 
conflicting emotions made him feel that he was in the presence of a higher 
power. He fell down before them, and brought them out, as men whom 
he had deeply injured and insulted, to a place of greater freedom and 
comfort ;? and then he asked them,,with earnest anxiety, what he must 
do to he saved. We see the Apostle here self-possessed in the earth- 
quake, as afterwards in the storm at sea,? able to overawe and control 
those who were placed over him, and calmly turning the occasion to a 
spiritual end. It is surely, however, a mistake to imagine that the jailor’s 
inquiry had reference merely to temporal and immediate danger. The 
awakening of his conscience, the presence of the unseen world, the miracu- 
lous visitation, the nearness of death,—coupled perhaps with some confused 
recollection of the ‘‘ way of salvation” which these strangers were said to 
have been proclaiming,—were enough to suggest that inquiry which is the 
most momentous that any human soul can make: “ What must I do to be 
saved?” 4 Their answer was that of faithful Apostles. They preached 
“not themselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord.”® ‘ Believe, not in us, but 
iz the Lord Jesus, and thow shalt be saved; and not only thou, but the like 
faith shall bring salvation to all thy house.” From this last expression, 
and the words which follow, we infer that the members of the jailor’s 
family had crowded round him and the Apostles. No time was lost in 
making known to them ‘the word of the Lord.” All thought of bodily 


1 The word is εἰσπηδήσας, which, as well as dvaydywy below, seems to imply that 

the dungeon was subterraneous, 
Wither the outer prison or the space about the entrance to the jailor’s dwelling, if 

indeed they were not identical, 

» Acts xxvii. 20-25. 

© pe δεῖ ποιεῖν iva σωθῶ. v.30. The word σωθῶ should be.compared with ddd» 
σωτηρίαι, v.17. These words must have been frequently in the mouth of St. Paul. 
ft is probable that the demoniac, and possible that the jailor, might have heard them. 
Ree p. 301. 5 2 Cor. iv. 5. 

€ The preaching of the Gospel to the jailor and his family (row ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ), 
seems to have taken place immediately on coming out of the prison (vy. 30-32); then 
he baptism of the converts, and the washing of the Apostles’ stripes (v. 33) ; and 
finally the going up into the house {εἰς τὸν οἶκον), and the hospitable refreshment there 
afforded. It does not appear certain that they returned from the jailor’s house inte 
the dungeon before they were taken out of custody ( ἐν τῆς φυλακῆς. v.40). 


THE MAGISTRATES. 308 


vomfort and repose was postponed to the work of ‘saving the soui. The 
meaning of “faith in Jesus” was explained, and the Gospel was preachec 
to the jailor’s family at midnight, while the prisoners were silent around, 
and the light was thrown on anxious faces and the dungeon-wall. 

And now we have an instance of that sympathetic care, that inter 
change of temporal and spiritual service, which has ever attended the stepa 
vf true Christianity. As it was in the miracles of our Lord and Saviour, 
where the soul and the body were regarded together, so has it always 
been in His Church. “In the same hour of the night”! the jailor took 
the Apostles to the well or fountain of water which was within or 
near the precincts of the prison, and there he washed their wounds, and 
there also he and his household were baptized. He did what he could to 
assuage the bodily pain of Paul and Silas, and they admitted him and his, 
by the “ laver of regeneration,” * to the spiritual citizenship of the king- 
dom of God. ‘The prisoners of the jailor were now become his guests. 
His cruelty was changed into hospitality and love. ‘‘ He took them up? 
into his house,” and, placing them in a posture of repose, set food before 
them,‘ and refreshed their exhausted strength. It was a night of happi- 
ness for all. They praised God that His power had been made effectual 
in their weakness ; and the jailor’s family had their first expericnce of that 
joy which is the fruit of believing in God. 

At length morning broke on the eventful night. In the course of that 
night the greatest of all changes had been wrought in the jailor’s relations 
to this world and the next. From being the ignorant slave of a heathen 
magistracy he had become the religious head of a Christian family. A 
change, also, in the same interval of time, had come over the minds of the 
magistrates themselves. Either from reflecting that they had acted more 
harshly than the case had warranted, or from hearing a more accurate 
statement of facts, or through alarm caused by the earthquake, or through 
that vague misgiving which sometimes, as in the case of Pilate and his wife,* 
haunts the minds of those who have no distinct religious convictions, they 
sent new orders in the morning to the jailor. The message conveyed by 
the lictors was expressed in a somewhat contemptuous form, “Let those men 
go.”® But the jailor received it with the utmost joy. He felt his infinite 
ee Παραλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τὴς νυκτός. ν 33. The word παραλαβὼν 
implies a change of place, as again ἀναγαγὼν below. 

3 Tit. ili. 5. 

3 V.34. The word ἀναγαγὼν implies at least that the house was higher than tae 
prison. See p. 308, n. 1. 

4 Παρέθηκεν τραπέφαν. y. 34. The custom of Greek and Roman meals must be 
borne in mind. Guests were placed on couches, and tables, with the different courses 
of food, were brought and removed in succession. 


5 Matt. xxvii. 19. 


6 Or, as it might be translated, “Let those fellows go :"--᾿Απόλυσον τοὺς dvbpwn ove 
ἐνείνους. V. 3d. 


$10 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUD. 


debt <f sratitude to the Apostles, not only for his preservation from a 
violent death, but for the tidings they had given him of eternal lize. Ue 
would willingly have seen them freed from their bondage; but ie was Ge- 
pendent on the will of the magistrates, and could do nothing without their 
sanction. When, therefore, the lictors brought the order, he went with 
them? to announce the intelligence to the prisoners, and joyfully told them 
#0 leave their dungeon and “ go in peace.” 

But Paul, not from any fanatical love of braving the authorities, but 
calmly looking to the ends of justice and the establishment of Christianity, 
refused to accept his liberty without some public acknowledgement of ‘che 
wrong he had suffered. He now proclaimed a fact which had hitherte 
been unknown,—that he and Silas were Roman citizens. Two Roman 
laws had been violated by the magistrates of the colony in the scourging 
inflicted the day before.? And this, too, with signal aggravations. They 
were “uncondemned.” There had been no form of trial, without which, 
in the case of a citizen, even a slighter punishment would have been ille- 
gal.2 And it had been done “ publicly.” In the face of a colonial popu- 
lation, an outrage had been committed on the majesty of the name in 
which they boasted, and Rome had been insulted in her citizens. ‘ No,” 
said St. Paul; ‘“ they have oppressed the innocent and violated the law. 
Do they seek to satisfy justice by conniving at a secret escape? Let 
them come themselves and take us out of prison. They have publicly 
treated us as guilty ; let them publicly declare that we are innocent.” ἢ 

“How often,” says Cicero,’ “has this exclamation, J am a Roman 
atizen, brought aid and safety even among barbarians in the remotest 
parts of the earth.”—The lictors returned to the preetors, and the preetors 
were alarmed. They felt that they had committed an act which, if di- 
vulged at Rome, would place them in the utmost jeopardy. They had 
good reason to fear even for their authority in the colony ; for the people 
of Philippi, “ being Romans,” might be expected to resent such a viola- 


1 It is evident from v. 37 that they came into the prison with the jailor, or found 
them in the jailor’s house (p. 308, n. 6), for St. Paul spoke “to them” (πρὸς αὐτοὺς) ; 
on which they went and told the magistrates (v. 38). 

* The Lex Vaicria (B. c. 508) and the Lex Porcia (8. c. 300). See Liv. x. 9. Com- 
pare Cicero in the Verrine Orations. ‘“Czsdebatur virgis in medio foro Messanz civis 
Romanus, judices ; cum interea nullus gemitus, nulla vox alia istius miseri inter dole 
rem, crepitumque piagarum audiebatur, nisi hec, Civis Romanus sum. Hac se com- 
memoratione civitatis omnia verbera depulsurum, cruciatumque a corpore dejecturum 
arbitrabatur.” v.62. “ Facinus est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari, prope 
parricidium necari.” ν. 66. 

3 “Causa cognita multi possunt absolvi [compare Acts xxvi. 32], incognita quidem 
nemo condemnari potest.” Verr.i.9. “ Inauditi atque indefensi tanquam innocentes 
perierant. Tac. H. i. 6. 4 VY. 37. 

5 “Tla Vox et imploratio Civis Romanus sum, que sepe multis in ultimis terrie 
opem inter barbaros et salutem tulit.” Cic. Verr. v. 57 


DEPARTURE FROM PHILIEPI. 911 


tion of the law. They hastened, therefore, immediately to the prisoners, 
and became the suppliants of those whom they had persecuted. They 
brought them at once out of the dungeon, and earnestly ‘‘ besought them 
to depart from the city.” ! 

The whole narrative of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Philippi sets before 
us in striking colours his clear judgment and presence of mind. He might 
have escaped by help of the earthquake and under the shelter of the dark- 
ness ; but this would have been to depart as a runaway slave. He would 
not do secretly what he knew he ought to be allowed to do openly. By 
such a course his own character and that of the Gospel would have been 
disgraced, the jailor would have been cruelly left to destruction, and all 
religious influence over the other prisoners would have been gone. As 
regards these prisoners, his influence over them was like the sway he 
obtained over the crew in the sinking vessel.2 It was so great, that not 
one of them attempted to escape. And not only in the prison, but in the 
whole town of Philippi, Christianity was placed on a high vantage-ground 
by the Apostle’s conduct that night. It now appeared that these perse- 
cuted Jews were themselves sharers in the vaunted Roman privilege. 
Those very laws had been violated in their treatment, which they them- 
selves had been accused of violating. That no appeal was made against 
this treatment, might be set down to the generous forbearance of the 
Apostles. Their cause was now, for a time at least, under the protection of 
the law, and they themselves were felt to have a claim on general sympathy 
and respect. 

They complied with the request of the magistrates. Yet, even in their 
departure, they were not unmindful of the dignity and self-possession which 
ought always to be maintained by innocent men in a righteous cause. 
They did not retire in any hasty or precipitate flight, but proceeded ‘“ from 
the prison to the house of Lydia ;”3 and there they met the Christian 
brethren, who were assembled to hear their farewell words of exhortation ; 
and so they departed from the city. It was not, however, deemed sufii- 
cient that this infant church at Philippi should be left alone with the mere 
remembrance of words of exhortation. Two of the Apostolic company 
remained behind: Timotheus, of whom the Philippians “learned the 
proof” that he honestly cared for their state, that he was truly like- 
minded with St. Paul, “serving him in the Gospel as a son serves his 
father ;”* and “Luke the Evangelist, whose praise is in the Gospel,” 
though he never praises himself, or relates his own labours, and though 
we only trace his movements in connexion with St. Paul by the change of 
ἃ pronoun,’ or the unconscious variation of his style. 


- Vv. 28, 39. * Acts xxvii. 3 Acts xvi. 40. 4 Phil. ii.19-25 
* Jn ch. xvii. the narrative is again in the third person; and the pronoun is not 


812 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


Timotheus seems to have rejoined Panl and Silas, if not at Thessalo 
nica, at least at Berea.! But we do not see St. Luke again in the 
Apostle’s company till the third missionary journey and the second visit te 
Macedon‘a. At this exact point of separation, we observe that he drops 
the style of an eye-witness and resumes that of a historian, until the second 
time of mecting, after which he writes as an eye-witness till the arrival at 
Rome and the very close of the Acts. ΤῸ explain and justify the remark 
here made, we need only ask the reader to contrast the detailed narrative 
of events at Philippi with the more general account of what happened at 
Thessalonica.? It might be inferred that the writer of the Acts was an 
eye-witness in the former city and not in the latter, even if the pronoun 
did not show us when he was present and when he was absent. We shall 
trace him again, in the same manner, when he rejoins St. Paul in the same 
neighbourhood. He appears again on a voyage from Philippi to Troas 
(Acts xx. 56), as now he has appeared on a voyage from Troas to Phi- 
lippi. It is not an improbable conjecture that his vocation as a physician 
may have brought him into connection with these contiguous coasts of 
Asia and Europe. It has even been imagined, on reasonable grounds,’ 
that he may have been in the habit of exercising his professional skill as a 
surgeon at sea. However this may have been, we have no reason to 
question the ancient opinion, stated by Eusebius and Jerome,’ that St. 
Luke was a native of Antioch. Such a city was a likely place for the 
education of a physician.?. It is also natural to suppose that he may have 
met with St. Paul there, and been converted at an earlier period of the 


changed again till we come to xx. 5. The modesty with which St. Luke leaves out all 
mention of his own labours need hardly be pointed out. 

1 Acts xvii. 14. He is not mentioned in the journey to Thessalonica, nor in the 
account of what happened there. 

2 Acts xx. 4-6. 

3 Observe, for instance, his mention of running before the wind, and staying for the 
night at Samothrace. Again he says that Philippi was the first city they came to, and 
that it wasa colony. He tells us that the place of prayer was outside the gate and 
near ariver-side. There is no such particularity in the account of what took place at 
Thessalonica. See above, p. 284, n.5. Similar remarks might be made on the other 
autoptie passages of the Acts, and we shall return to the subject again. A carefut 
attention to this difference of style is enough to refute a theory lately advanced (Dr. 
Kitto’s Biblical Review, Sept. 1850) that Silas was the author of the Acts. Silas was 
at Thessalonica as well as Philippi. Why did he write so differently concerning the 
two places? 

4 See Tate’s Continuous History. 

5 This suggestion is made by Mr. Smith in his work on the Shipwreck, &e., p. & 
It is justly remarked, that the ancient ships were often so large that they may reason- 
gbly be supposed to have sometimes had surgeons on board. 

6 Euseb. iii. 4, Hieron. de Sc. Ee. 7. 

7 Alexandria was famous for the education of physicians, and Antioch was in many 
respects a second Alexandria. 


ΒΤ. LUKE. 918 


history of the Church. His medical calling, or his zeal for Christianity, 
or both combined (and the combination has ever been beneficial to the 
cause of the Gospel), may account for his visits to the North of the Archi- 
pelago:? or St. Paul may himself have directed his movements, as he 
afterwards directed those of Timothy and Titus. All these suggestions, 
though more or less conjectural, are worthy of our thoughts, when we re- 
member the debt of gratitude which the Church owes to this Evangelist, 
not only as the historian of the Acts of the Apostles, but as an example 
of long continued devotion to the truth, and of unshaken constancy to that 
one Apostle, who said with sorrow, in’ his latest trial, that cthers had for- 
saken him, and that “only Luke” was with him. 

Leaving their first Macedonian converts to the care of Timotheus and 
Luke, aided by the co-operation of godly men and women raised up among 
the Philippians themselves,> Paul and Silas set forth on their journey. 
Before we follow them to Thessalonica, we may pause to take a general 
survey of the condition and extent of Macedonia, in the sense in which the 
term was understood in the language of the day. It has been well said 
that the Acts of the Apostles have made Macedonia a kind of Holy 
Land ;° and it is satisfactory that the places there visited and revisited 
by St. Paul and his companions are so well known, that we have no diffi- 
culty in representing to the mind their position and their relation to the 
surrounding country. 

Macedonia, in its popular sense, may be described as a region bounded 
by a great semicircle of mountains, beyond which the streams flow west- 
ward to the Adriatic, or northward and eastward to the Danube and the 
Euxine.? This mountain barrier sends down branches to the sea on the 


! The conjecture that Lucius of Cyrene (Acts xiii. 1) was the Evangelist, has been 
mentioned above, p. 132, n. 3. 

* Compare the case of Democedes in Herodotus, who was established first in Adgina, 
then in Athens, and finally in Samos. For an account of Greek physicians, see the 
Appendix to Becker’s Charicles. Physicians at Rome were less highly esteemed, and 
were frequently slaves. Ata period even later than St. Luke, Galen speaks of the 
medical schools of Cos and Cnidus, of Rhodes and of Asia. The passage is quoted in 
§ 38 of the Third Part of Hermann’s Lehrbuch der gr. Antiquitaten (1850). 

31Tim.i.3,. 2 Tim.iv. 9,21. Tit.i.5. iii. 12. See above, p. 284. 

42Tim.iv.11. See the Christian Year: St. Luke’s Day. 

5 The Christian women at Philippi have been alluded to before. P 297. See espe- 
' cially Phil. iv. 2, 3 and Rilliet’s note. We cannot well doubt that presbyters also wera 
appointed, as at Thessalonica. See below. Compare Phil. i. 1. 

ὁ “The whole of Macedonia, and in particular the route from Berea to Thessalonica 
and Philippi, being so remarkably distinguished by St. Paul’s sufferings and adven- 
tures, becomes as a portion of Holy Land.” Clarke’s Travels, ch. xi. 

7 The mountains on the north, under the names of Scomi‘us, Scordus, &c., are con 
nected with the Hemus or Balkan. Those on the west run in a southerly direction 
nod are continuous witk the chain of Pindus. 


814 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


eastern or Thracian frontier, over against Thasos and Samothrace;! and 
on the south shuts out the plain of Thessaly, and rises near the shore te 
the high summits of Pelion, Ossa, and the snowy Olympus.? The space 
thus enclosed’ is intersected by two great rivers. One of these is Homer’s 
“ wide-flowing Axius,”* which directs its course past Pella, the ancient 
metropolis of the Macedonian kings, and the birthplace of Alexander, to 
the low levels in the neighbourhood of Thessalonica, where other rivers4 
flow near it into the Thermaic gulf. The other is the Strymon, which 
brings the produce of the great inland level of Serres* by Lake Cercinus to 
the sea at Amphipolis, and beyond which was Philippi, the military out- 
post that commemorated the successful conquests of Alexander’s father. 
Between the mouths of these two rivers a remarkable tract of country, 
which is insular, rather than continental,® projects into the Archipelago, 
and divides itself into three points, on the furthest point of which Mount 
Athos rises nearly into the region of perpetual snow.? Part of St. Paul’s 
path between Philippi and Berga lay across the neck of this peninsula 
The whole of his route was over historical ground. At Philippi he was 
close to the confines of Thracian barbarism, and on the spot where th 
last battle was fought in defence of the republic. At Bercea he came 
near the mountains, beyond which is the region of Classical Greece, and 
close to the spot where the battle was fought which reduced Macedonia 
to a province.’ 

If we wish to view Macedonia as a province, some modifications must 


1 These are the mountains near the river Nestus, which, after the time of Philip, 
was considered the boundary of Macedonia and Thrace. 

2 The natural boundary between Macedonia and Thessaly is formed by the Cambu- 
nian hills, running in an easterly direction from the central chain of Pindus. The 
Cambunian range is vividly described in the following view from the “ giddy height”’ 
of Qlympus, which rises near the coast. “I seemed to stand perpendicularly over the 
sea, at the height of 10,000 feet. Salonica was quite distinguishable, lying North- 
East. Larissa [in Thessaly] appeared under my very feet. The whole horizon from 
North to South-West was occupied by mountains, hanging on, as it were, to Clympus. 
This is the range that runs Westward along the North of Thessaly, ending in Pindus.” 
Urquhart’s Spirit of the East, vol. i. p. 429. 

3 ’ASiod εὐρὺ ῥέοντος, 
Αξιοῦ, οὗ κάλλιστον ὕδωρ ἐπικίδναται uin.—ll. ii. 849. 

4 The Haliacmon, which flows near Bercea, is the most important of them. 

3 This is the great inland plain at one extremity of which Philippi was situated, anu 
which has heen mentioned above (p. 289). Its principal town at present is Serres, the 
residence of the governor of the whole district, and a place of considerable importance, 
often mentioned by Cousinéry, Leake, and other travellers. 

6 The peninsula anciently called Chalcidice. 

7 The elevation of Mount Athos is between 4000 and 5000 feet. The writer has 
heard English sailors say that there is almost always snow on Athos and Olympus, and 
that, though the land generally is high in this part of the Augean, these mountains are 
by far the most conspicuous. 

% Pydna is within a few miles of Bercea, on the other side of the Haiiacmon. 


ROMAN MACEDONIA. 3815 


COIN OF ROMAN MACEDONIA, 


be introduced into the preceding description. It applies, indeed, with suffi 
cient exactness to the country on its first conquest by the Romans.* The 
rivers already alluded to, define the four districts into which it was divided. 
Macedonia Prima was the region east of the Strymon, of which Amphi- 
polis was the capital ;3 Macedonia Secunda lay between the Strymon and 
the Axius, and Thessalonica was its metropolis; and the other two re- 
gions were situated to the south towards Thessaly, and on the mountains 
to the west.‘ This was the division adopted by Paulus Mmilius after the 
battle of Pydna. But the arrangement was only temporary. The whole 
of Macedonia, along with some adjacent territories, was made one pre 
vince,® and centralised under the jurisdiction of a proconsu!,* who residec 
at Thessalonica. This province included Thessaly,? and extended over 
the mountain chain which had been the western boundary of ancient Ma- 
cedonia, so as to embrace a sea-board of considerable length on the shore 
of the Adriatic.s The provincial limits, in this part of the empire, are 
far more easily discriminated than those with which we have been lately 
occupied (Ch. VIII.). Three provinces divided the whole surface which 


1 From the British Museum. This coin has been seleeted in consequence of the sin- 
gular union of Greek and Roman letters. Probably it was struck just before the 
subdivision, and the letters LEG commemorate the victory of some legion, which ig 
further symbolised by a hand holding a palm-branch. The Diana and the club appeer 
similarly on the coins of Macedonia Prima, which are found in great numbers in 
Wallachia and Transylvania; a fact sufficiently accounted for by the mines which have 
been mentioned. See Eckhel. 

3. See Liv. xlv. 29. 3 See above. 

4 Macedonia Tertia was between the Axius and Peneus, with Pella for its capital 
Pelagonia was the capital of Macedonia Quarta. It is remarkable that no coins of the 
third division have been found, but only of the first, second, and fourth. 

5 By Metellus. 

6 At first it was one of the emperor’s provinces, but afterwards it was placed under 
the senate. 

7 Thessaly was subject to Macedonia when the Roman wars began. At the close of 
the first war, under Flaminius, it was declared free ; but ultimately it was incorporated 
with the province. See Plin. H. N. and Ptol. 

8 Sigonius refers to Dio, Pliny, and Ptolemy. We find Piso the proconsul of Mace- 
fonia, who is made notorious by Cicero, having the command of Dyrrhachium on this 
ceast. The same speech informs us that he he!d pars of Thrace also. 


316 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


extends from the basin of the Danube to Cape Matapan. AI! of them 
are familiar to us in the writings of St. Paul. The extent cf J/acedonia 
has just been defined. Its relations with the other provinces were as 
follows. On the north-west it was contiguous to Jilyricum,' which was 
spread down the shore of the Adriatic nearly to the same point to which 
the Austrian territory now extends, fringing the Mahometan empire with 
a Christian border. A hundred miles to the southward, at the Acrocer- 
aunian promontory, it touched Achaza, the boundary of which province 
ran thence in an irregular line to the bay of Thermopyle and the north’ 
of Hubcea, including Epirus, and excluding Thessaly.* Achaia and Ma- 
cedonia were traversed many times by the Apostle ;4 and he could say, 
when he was hoping to travel to Rome, that he had preached the Gospel 
“round about unto Illyricum.” ® 

When we allude to Rome, and think of the relation of the City to the 
provinces, we are inevitably reminded of the military roads ; and here, 
across the breadth of Macedonia, was one of the greatest roads of tne 
Empire. It is evident that, after Constantinople was founded, a line of 
communication between the Eastern and Western capitals was of the 
utmost moment ; but the Via Egnatia® was constructed long before this 
period Strabo, in the reign of Augustus, informs us that it was regularly 
made and marked out by milestones, from Dyrrhachium on the Adriatic, 
to Cypselus on the Hebrus, in Thrace ;7 and even before the close of the 
republie, we find Cicero speaking, in one of his speeches, of “ that military 
way of ours, which connects us with the Hellespont.”* Certain districts 


1 At first the wars of Rome with the people of this coast merely led to mercantile 
treaties for the free navigation of the Adriatic. Julius Caesar and Augustus concluded 
the series of wars which gradually reduced it to a province. 

2 The border town was Lissus, the modern Alessio, not far from Scutari. 

3 Except in the western portion, the boundary nearly coincided with that of the 
modern kingdom of Greece. The provincial arrangements of Achaia will be alluded 
to more particularly hereafter. 

4 Observe how these provinces are mentioned together, Rom. xy. 26. 2 Cor. ix. 2 
xi. 9. 10, also 1 Thess. i. 7, 8. 

5 Rom. xv. 19. Dalmatia (2 Tim iv. 10) was a district in this province. Nicopolis 
(Tit. iii, 12) was in Epirus, which, as we have seen, was a district in the province of 
Achaia, but it was connected by a branch road with the Via Egnatia from Dyrrhachium, 
which is mentioned below. 

6 All the details of the Via Egnatia have been carefully elaborated by Tafel in nis 
work on the subject, in two parts. Tubingen, 1841-4. 

7 Polybius, in the viith book of Strabo. 

8 “Via illa nostra, que per Macedoniam est usque ad Hellespontum, militaris.” 
De Proy. Cons. ii. Compare the letters to Atticus, written on the journey from Rome 
to his province : “ Nobis iter est in Asiam, maxime Cyzicum. Dat. xiv. Kal. Mai. de 
Tarentino”? iii. 6. “Aut accedemus in Epirum aut tarde per Candaviam ibimua, 
Dat. prid. Kal. Mai. Brundisii”” iii. 7. “ Quum Dyrrachii essemus, dud nuntii. . . 
Pella mihi presto fuit Phaetho. . . . Thessalonicam a. ἃ. x. Kal. Jun. venimus. Dat 
iiii. Kal. Quint. Thessalonice.” iii. 8. 


THE VIA EGNATIA. 911 


gn the European side of the Hellespont had been part of the legacy of 
King Attalus,' and the simultaneous possession of Macedonia, Asia, and 
Bithynia, with the prospect of further conquests in the Hast, made this 
line of communication absolutely necessary. When St. Paul was on the 
Roman road at Troas* or Philippi, he was on a road which led to the 
gates of Rome. It was the same pavement which he afterwards trod at 
Appii Forum and the Three Taverns. The nearest parallel which the 
world has seen of the imperial roads is the present Huropean raiiway 
system. The Hellespont and the Bosphorus, in the reign of Claudius, 
were what the Straits of Dover and Holyhead are now; and even the 
passage from Brundusium in Italy, to Dyrrhachium and Apollonia‘ in 
Macedonia, was only a tempestuous ferry,—only one of those difficulties 
of nature which the Romans would have overcome if they could, and 
which the boldest of the Romans dared to defy. From Dyrrhachium and 
Apollonia, the Via Egnatia, strictly so called, extended a distance of 
five hundred miles, to the Hebrus, in Thrace.* Thessalonica was about 
half way between these remote points,’ and Philippi was the last’ im- 
portant town in the province of Macedonia. Our concern is only with 
that part of the Via Egnatia which lay between the two last-mentioned 
cities. 

The intermediate stages mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles are 
Amphipolis and Apollonia. The distances laid down in the Itineraries 
are as follows :—Philippi to Amphipolis, thirty-three miles; Amphipolis to 


1 See the preceding Chapter, under “ Asia.” 

2 See what is said of the road between Troas and Pergamus, &ce., p. 278. 

3 Acts xxviii. 15. For notices of the Via Appia, where it approaches the Adriatic, 
in the neighbourhood of Egnatia (‘ Gnatia lymphis iratis extructa’’), whence the 
Macedonian continuation received its name, see Horace’s journey, Sat. 1. v. Dean Mil- 
man’s Horace contains an expressive representation of Brundusium, the harbour on the 
Italian side of the water. 

4 7. ce. Apollonia on the Adriatic, which must be carefully distinguished from the 
other town of the same name, and on the same road, between Thessalonica and Amphi 
polis (Acts xvii. 1). 

& See the anecdotes of Cxsar’s bold proceedings between Brundusium and the oppo 
site side of the sea in Plutarch, 37, 38. The same writer tells us that Cicero, when 
departing on his exile, was driven back by a storm into Brundusium. See below, p. 
322,n.9. The great landing place on the Macedonian side was Dyrrhachium, the 
ancient Epidamnus, called by Catullus “ Adria Taberne.”’ 

6 The roads from Dyrrhachium and Apollonia met together at a place called Ch 
diana, and thence the Via Egnatia passed over the mountains to Heraclea in Macedonia 
It entered the plain at Edessa (see below), and thence passed by Pella to Thessalonica, 
The stations, as given by the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries and the Peutinger 
Table, will be found in Cramer’s Ancient Greece, v. i. pp. 81-84. 

7 Tafel. Thus Cicero, in the passage above quoted (De Prov Cons.), speaks of the 
Thessalonicenses as “ positi in gremio imperii nostri.” 

δ. See above, p. 288, n. 10, and p. 290, n. 9 


818 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Apollonia, thrty miles; Apollonia to Thessalonica, thirty-seven mes. 
These distances are evidently such as might have been traversed cach in 
one day ; and since nothing is said of any delay on the road, but every 
thing to imply that the journey was rapid, we conclude (unless, indeed, 
their recent sufferings made rapid travelling impossible) that Paul and 
Silas rested one night at each of the intermediate places, and thus our 
notice of their journey is divided into three parts. 

From Philippi to Amphipolis, the Roman way passed across the plain 
co the north of Mount Pangzeus. <A traveller, going direct from Neapolis 
to the mouth of the Strymon, might make his way through an opening in 
the mountains’ nearer the coast. This is the route by which Xerxes 
brought his army,? and by which modern journeys are usually made.‘ 
But Philippi was not built in the time of the Persian War, and now, 
under the Turks, it is a ruined village. Under the Roman emperors, the 
position of this colony determined the direction of the road. The very 
productiveness of the soil,®° and its liability to inundations, must have 


COINS OF AMPHIPOLIS ° 


1 The following is the form in which the distances are given in the Antonine Itine. 
rary, between Edessa and Neapolis:—PELLA. M. P. XXVIII. THESSALONICA. 
M. P. XXVII. MELLISURGIN. M. P. XX. APOLLONIA. M. P. XVII. AMPHI- 
POLI. M.P. XXX. PHILIPPIS. M.P. XXXII. NEAPOLI.M. P. XII. (For Nea- 
polis, see above.) In the other authorities there is a slight difference: the Peutinger 
Table and the Jerusalem Itinerary give the distance between Thessalonica and Apollo 
nia as thirty-eight miles, and Mellisurgis is not mentioned. See Wesseling. The 
road, in the Peutinger Table, from Pella by Bercea into Thessaly will be mentioned 
hereafter. 

? This opening is the Pieric valley. See Leake, p. 180. ‘Though the modern 
route from Cavalla to Orphano and Saloniki, leading by Pravista through the Pierio 
valley along the southern side of Mount Pangzum, exactly in the line of that of 
Xerxes, is the most direct, it does not coincide with the Roman road or the Via Lgnatia, 
which passed along the northern base of that mountain, prohably for the sake of con- 
necting both these important cities, the former of which was a Roman colony.” 

3 Herod. vii. 

4 Dr. Clarke and Cousinéry both took this route. It is described in the Modern 
Traveller and Murray’s Handbook. Leake was at the western opening of the valley 
when at Orphano. 

5 From the British Museum. One coin bears the name of Claudius; the other 
belongs to the reign of Trajan, though it bears the name of Hadrian, who was Cesar 
when Trajan was emperor. 

6 “The plain is very fertile, and besides yielding abundant harvests of cotton, 
wheat, barley, and maize, contains extensive pastures peopled with oxen, horses, and 


AMPHIPOLIS. 319 


caused this road to be carefully constructed ;' for the surface of the plain, 
which is intersected with multitudes of streams, 1s coverea with planta- 
ions of cotton and fields of Indian corn,? and the villages are so numer- 
gus that, when seen from the summits of the neighbouring mountains, 
they appear to form one continued town.? Not far from the coast, the 
Strymon spreads out into a lake as large as Windermere ;4 and between 
the lower end cf this lake and the inner reach. of the Strymonic gulf, 
where the mountains leave a narrow opening, Amphipolis was situated on 
a bend of the river. 

“The position of Amphipolis is one of the most important in Greece. 
It stands in a pass which traverses the mountains bordering the Strymo- 
nic gulf, and it commands the only easy communication from the coast of 
that gulf into the great Macedonian plains, which extend, for sixty miles, 
from beyond Meleniko to Philippi.”* The ancient name of the place was 
“Nine Ways,” from the great number of Thracian and Macedonian roads 
which met at this point.6 The Athenians saw the importance ef the posi- 
tion, and established a colony there, which they called Amphipolis, be- 
cause the river surrounded it.? Some of the deepest interest in the his- 
tory of Thucydides, not only as regards military and political movements,‘ 
but in reference to the personal experience of the historian himself, is 


sheep. No part of the land is neglected ; and the district, in its general appearance, 
is not inferior to any part of Europe.” p. 201. 

1 See Leake. 

2 “ Des plantes de coton, des riziéres immenses, de grandes plantations de tabac, des 
vignes entrecoupées de terres ἃ blé, formaient sous nos yeux le plus agréable spec- 
ISTE gg! aid Les produits de cette plaine seraient immenses, si l’activité et l’industrie 
des habitans répondaient ἃ la liberalité de la nature.’? Cousinéry, 1. 4, 5. 

3 Clarke, ch. xii. At the head of the chapter is a view of the plain_as seen from the 
hills on the south. 

4 The lake Cercinitis. Arr. Alex.i. It is about 18 miles long and 6 broad. See 
TO λιμνῶδες τοῦ Στρυμόνος. Thuc. vy. 7. There is a view of this lake from the north 
in Cousinéry. Vol. u.p.3. St. Basil, in writing to his friend Gregory (Hp. 19), de- 
scribes the Strymon as σχολαιοτέρῳ ῥεύματι περιλιμνάζων. This river was celebrated 
for its eels (Στουμὼν μεγίστας ἐγχέλεις κεκτημένος. Athen. vii. 56). Colonel Leake 
says that “40,000 brace of large eeis are caught here annually, besides the smaller 
ones, and other fish.” p. 185. 

® Leake. For other notices of the importance of this position, see Bp. Thirlwall’s 
Greece, iii. 284, and especially Mr. Grote’s Greece, vi. 554-562, and 625-647. 

6 See Herod, vii. 114. Here Xerxes crossed the Strymon, and offered a sacrifize of 
white horses to the river, and buried alive nine youths and maidens. 

7 Thue. i. 100. iv. 102. 

8 See especially all that relates to Cleon and Brasidas in the fourth and fifth books. 

Ὁ It was his failure in an expedition against Amphipolis that caused the exile of 
Thucydides. He had the most intimate personal knowledge of the whole neighbours 
hood, and yet there is some doubt respecting the topographical details. Ste the plan 
in Leake, p. 191, and the Admiralty Chart. But consult especially the memoir and 
plan at the end of the second volume of Dr. Arnold’s Thueydides, and the plan, d&e. in 
Mr. Grote’s sixth volume. 


ed 


20 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


concentrated on this spot. And again, Amphipolis appears in the 
apeeches of Demosthenes as a great stake in the latter strugele between 
Philip of Macedon and the citizens of Athens: It was also the scene 
of one striking passage in the history of Roman conquest: here Paulus 
Hmilius, after the battle of Pydna, publicly proclaimed that the Macedo 
nians should be free;* and now another Paulus was here, whose message 
to the Macedonians was an honest proclamation of a better liberty, with- 
out conditions and without reserve. 

St. Paul’s next stage was to the city of Apollonia. After leaving 
Amphipolis, the road passes along the edge of the Strymonic gulf, first 
between cliffs and the sea, and then across a well-wooded maritime plain, 
whence the peak of Athos is seen far across the bay to the left. We 
quit the sea-shore at the narrow gorge of Aulon, or Arethusa,‘ and there 
enter the valley which crosses the neck of the Chalcidic peninsula. Up 
to this point we have frequent historical land-marks reminding us of 
Athens. Thucydides has just been mentioned in connection with Amphi- 
polis and the Strymon. As we leave the sea, we have before us on the 
opposite coast, Stagirus,> the birth-place of Aristotle ; and in the pass, 
where the mountains close on the road, is the tomb of Euripides.° Thus 
the steps of our progress, as we leave the East and begin to draw near 
_ «athens, are already among her historians, philosophers, and poets. 

Apollonia is somewhere in the inland part of the journey, where the 
Via Eegnatia crosses from the gulf of the Strymon to that of ‘thessalo- 
nica ; but its exact position has not been ascertained. We will, there 
fore, merely allude to the scenery through which the traveller moves, in 
going from sea to sea. The pass of Arethusa is beautiful and pictur- 
esque. A river flows through it in a sinuous course, and abundant oaks 


1 See the passages in the speeches which relate to Philip’s encroachment on the 
Athenian power in the North of the Aigean. 

2 Livy’s words (xly. 30) show that the Romans fully appreciated the impertance of 
the position. “Pars prima habet opportunitatem Amphipoleos ; que objecta claudit 
omnes ab oriente sole in Macedoniam aditus.” 

3 Dr. Clarke. 

4 This is the place mentioned by Thucydides on the march of Brasidas. ᾿Αφικόμενος 
περὶ δείλην ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αυλῶνα Kai Βρομίσκον, ἡ ἡ Βόλβη λίμνη ἐξίησιν ἐς ϑώλισσαν. iv. 
103. Aulon is identified with Arethusa by comparing the following passage from 
Ammianus Marcellinus: “‘ Bromiscus, cui proxima Arecthusa convallis et statio «st, in 
qua visitur Euripidis sepulchrum.” xxvii. 4. Dr. Clarke, ch. xii, devotes several 
vages to this tomb. The Jerusalem Itinerary, besides another intermediate station at 
Pennana, mentions that at the tomb of Euripides. Colonel Leake passed this spot on 
his way from Stavros to Orphano; and he says, “ The opening being in the great pest 
road from Saloniki to Constantinople, and in a country which has often been infested 
with robbers, there is a guard-house in the pass, kept by a few soldiers.” p. 170. 

5 Leake identifies Stagirus with Stavros, a little to the south of Aulon, p. 167. 

6 See the last note buf one. 


“SITOdIHAIWV 


APOLLONIA. 921] 


and plane trees are on the rocks around.! Presently this stream is seen 
co emerge from an inland lake, whose promontories and villages, with the 
high mountains rising to the south-west, have reminded travellers of Swit 
verland.” As we journey towards the west, we come to a second lake 
Between the two is the modern post-station of Klisali, which may possi 
bly be Apollonia,® though it is generally believed to be on the mountain 
‘slope to the south of the easternmost lake. The whole region of these 
two lakes is a long valley, or rather a succession of plains, where the 
level spaces are richly wooded with forest trees, and the nearer hills are 
covered to their summity with olives. Beyond the second lake, the road 
passes over some rising ground, and presently, after passing through a 
narrow glen, we obtain a sight of the sea once more, the eye ranges freely 
over the plain of the Axius, and the city of Thessalonica is immediately 
before us. 

Once arrived in this city, St. Paul no longer follows the course of the 
Via Egnatia. He may have done so at a later period, when he says that 
he had preached the Gospel “ round about unto Ilyricum.”? But at pre 
sent he had reached the point most favourable for the glad proclamation. 
The direction of the Roman road was of course determined by important 
geographical positions ; and along the whole line from Dyrrhachium to 
the Hebrus, no city was so large and influential as Thessalonica.’ 


1 See Dr. Clarke. Cousinéry writes with great enthusiasm concerning this glen. 
Ge is travelling eastwards towards Amphipolis, like Dr. Clarke, and writes thus: 
“On se trouve bientot auprés du grand ruisseau, qui, en sortant du lac, va se jeter dans 
Ja mer par une vallée étroite. Ses riants ombrages font oublier ’apreté de la route 
yu’on vient de parcourir. Ce ruisseau, qui n’a que deux lieux d’étendue, serpente entre 
la Chalcidique et la Bisaltique : ces deux previnces semblent se séparer au milieu d’une 
épaisse forét, pour ouvrir aux voyageurs un chemin qui, de temps immémorial, a con- 
duit de la Macédoine dans la Thrace, a travers des pelouses et des fleurs.”” p. 116. 

7 See Dr. Clarke. Both he and Cousinéry make mention of the two villages, the 
Little Bechik and Great Bechik, on its north bank, along which the modern road 
passes. 

3 This is Tafel’s opinion: but Leake and Cousinéry both agree in placing it to the 
south of Lake Bolbe. Cousinéry, looking from the modern road, which passes on the 
north side of the lake, says that Polina was one of the villages which he saw on the 
opposite hills. 1115. [He makes a curious mistake in what follows : “Ou nous retrou- 
vons les restes de l’ancienne ville d’Apollonie, que traversait la vote Appienne.’’] 
Colonel Leake also says that the ruins are to be seen at the right distances from Thes- 
salonica and Amphipolis, but he does not seem to have visited them. See the passage 
where he points out the difference between the Mygdonian and the Chaleidic Apollonia 
pp. 457, 458. We ought to add, that the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries appear 
to give two distinct roads between Apollonia aud Thegssalonica. See Leake, p. 46. 

4 See Clarke’s Travels. 

5 See above, p. 316 and the notes. This expression, however, might be used if 
nothing more were meant than a progress to the very frontier of Ilyricum. 

6 The great work on Thessalonica is that by Tafel, the first part of which was pub 
lished at Tubingen in 1835. This was afterwards reprinted as “ Prolegomena”’ to tha 
Dissertatio de Thessalonica ejusque agro Geographica, Berlin, 1839. 

VOL. 1.—21 


3929 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἾΤ. PAUL. 


The Apostolic city at which we are now arrived was known in the 
aarliest periods of its history under various names.'| Under that of Ther 
ma’ it is assuciated with some interesting recollections. It was the 
resting-place of Xerxes on his march ;* it is not unmentioned in the Pelo- 
pounesian war ;4 and it was a frequent subject of debate in the last inde- 
pendent assemblies of Athens.» When the Macedonian power began 
to overshadow all th® countries where Greek was spoken, this city re- 
ceived its new name, and began a new and more distinguished period of 
its history. A sister of Alexander the Great was called Thessalonica, 
and her name was given to the city of Therma when rebuilt and, embel- 
lished by her husband, Cassander, the son of Antipater.¢ This name, 
under a form slightly modified, has continued to the present day. The 
Salneck of the early German poets has become the Saloniki of the modern 
Levant.? Its history can be followed as continuously as its name. When 
Macedonia was partitioned into four provincial divisions by Paulus Aumi- 
lius, Thessalonica was the capital of that which lay between the Axius 
and the Strymon.s When the four regions were united into one Roman 
province, this city was chosen as the metropolis of the whole. Its name 
appears more than ence in the annals of the civil wars. It was the scene 
of the exile of Cicero ;% and one of the stages of his journey between 
Rome and his province in the Hast..° Antony and Octavius were here. 
after the battle of Philippi:!! and coins are still extant which allude to 
the “ freedom” granted by the victorious leaders to the city of the Ther- 


1 Emathia and Halia were two of its early names. A good outline of the history is 
given by Koch in the Einleitung to his Commentar uber den ersten Brief des Ap. P. an 
die Thess. Berlin, 1849. 

2 Hence the gulf continued to be called the Thermaic Gulf. See two of the accentual 
lines quoted by Tafel from a poem of the middle ages: 

Καὶ μέχρι viv τὸ πέλαγος τὸ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης, 
Θερμαῖος κόλπος λέγεται, ἀπὸ τῆς Θέομης κώμης. 

3 Herod. vii. 4 See Thue. i. 61. 

5 Asch. Fals. Leg. p. 211. Reiske. 

6 The first author in which the new name occurs is Polybius. Some say that 
the name was given by Philip in honour of his daughter, and others that it directly 
commemorated a victory over the Thessalians. “But the opinion stated above appears 
the most probable. See Koch, p. 2. Philip’s daughter was called Thessalonica, in 
commemoration of a victory obtained by her father on the day when he heard of her 
birth. Cousinéry sees an allusion to this in the Victory on the coins of the city. See 
below. 

7 See the references to early German poems in Koch’s Ninleitung, p. 3. 

8 See above, p. 315. 

® Both in going out and returning he crossed the Adriatic, between Brundusium and 
Dyrrhackicm. Sce p. 317, n.5. In travelling through Macedonia he would follow 
the Via Egnatia. Dyrrachium was a “free city,” like Thessalonica, “ Dyrrachium 
veni, quod et libera civitas est, et in me officiosa.” Ep. Pam. xiv. 1. 

10 Several of his letters were written fram Thessalonica on this journey. 

41 Cousinéry. 


] 
all i a 


wil ". 


THESSALONICA FROM THE SEA. 


THESSALONICA. 8238 


maic Gulf! Strabo, in the first century, speaks of Thessalonica as ths 
most populous town in Macedonia.* Lucian, in the second century, uses 
similar language. Before the founding of Constantinople, it was virtually 
the capital of Greece and Ilyricum, as well as of Macedonia,‘ and shared 
the trade of the Adgean with Ephesus and Corinth. Even after the east- 
ern Rome was built and reigned over the Levant, we find both Pagan and 
Christian writers speaking of Thessalonica as the met®opolis of Macedonia,’ 
und a place of great magnitude.© Through the Micdle Ages it never 
ceased to be important ; and it is, at the present day, the second city in 
Exropean Turkey.? The reason of this continued pre-eminence is to be 
found in its geographical position. Situated on the inner bend of the 
Thermaie Gulf,—hali-way between the Adriatic and the Hellespont,*— 
on the sea-margin of a vast plain watered by several rivers,’—and at the 
entrance of the pass" which commands the approach to the other vreat 
Macedonian level,—it was evidently destined for a mercantile emporium 
Its relation with the inland trade of Macedonia was as close as that of 
Amphipolis ; and its maritime advantages were perhaps even greater. 
Thus, while Amphipolis decayed under the Byzantine emperors, Thes- 
salonica continued to prosper. There probably never was ἃ time, 
from the day when it first received its name, that this city, as viewed 
from the sea, has not had the aspect of a busy commercial town. We see 
at once how appropriate a place it was for one of the starting points of 
tae Gospel in Europe ; and we can appreciate the force of the expression 
used by St. Paul within a few months of his departure from the Thessa- 
lonians,'* when he says, that “from them the Word of the Lord had 


1 Tafel and Cousinéry. 

3. Θεσσαλονικείας, Διακεδονικῆς πόλξως, ἣ νῦν μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων εὐανδρεῖ. Vii, 
7, 4. Ile seems to be the only writer who uses this form of the name. 

3 Πύλεως τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τῆς μεγίστης Θεσσαλονίτης. Asinus Aureus, 46. 

4 Tafel. 

5 He calls it μητρόπολις Μακεδονίας. Sec Tafel. 

ὃ Θεσσαλονίκη πόλις ἐστὶ μεγίστη. καὶ πολυάνθρωπος. Hist. Eccl. v. 17 

7 For a very full account of its modern condition, see Dr. Holland’s Travels. - 

8. Medio flexu litoris sinus Thermaici. Plin. H. N. iv. 10. Εἰς τὸν Θερμαῖον διήκων 
μυχὸν. Strabo viii. 1, 3. 

9 See above, p. 314. 

* The chief of these are the Axius and Haliaemon. The whole region near the sea 
consists of low, alluvial soil. See below, on the journey from Thessalonica to Bereea. 

1 This is the pass mentioned above, through which the road to Amphipolis passed, 
and in which Apollonia was situated. 

1? Notices of its mercantile relations in the middle ages are given by Tafel. For an 
recount of its modern trade, and the way in which it was affected by the last war, see 
Holland’s Travels. 

3 1 Thess. i. 8. The Mpistle was written from Corinth very soon after the depa) ture 
from. Thessalonica. See Ch. XI. 


324 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕΤ. PAUL. 


sounded forth like a trumpet,’ not only in Macedonia and Achaia, but tt 
every place.” 

No city, which we have had occasion to describe, has had so distin 
guished a Christian history, with the single exception of the Syrian An. 
tioch ; and the Christian glory of the Patriarchal city gradually faded 
befere that of the Macedonian metropolis. The heroic age of Thessa- 
lonica was the third century.” It was the bulwark of Constantinople in 
the shock of the barbarians ; and ἐν held up the torch of the truth to the 
successive tribes who overspread the country between the Danube and the 
#ivean,—the Goths and the Sclaves, the Bulgarians of the Greek Church, 
aud the Wallachians,? whose language still seems to connect them with 
Philippi and the Roman colonies. Thus, in the medieval chroniclers, it 
has deserved the name of “the Orthodox City.”4 The remaius of its 
Hippodrome, which is for ever associated with the history of Theodosius 
and Ambrose,’ can yet be traced among the Turkish houses. Its bishops 
have sat in great councils. The writings of its great preacher and scholar 
Eustathius’ are still preserved to us. It is true that the Christianity of 
Thessalonica, both medieval and modern, has been debased by huuiliating 


1 ’Egjynra, as Chrysostom says, δηλῶν ὅτι ὥσπερ σάλπιγγος λαμπρον ἡχούσης ὁ 
πλήσιον ἅπας πληροῦται τόπος, ὕυτω τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀνδρείας ἡ φήμη καθώπερ ἐκείνη σαλ- 
πίζουσα ἱκανὴ τὴν οἰκου μένην ἐμπλῆσαι. 

2 Tafel traces the history of Thessalonica, in great detail, through the middle ages ; 
and shows how, after the invasion of the Goths, it was the means of converting the 
Sclaves, and through them the Bulgarians, to the Christian faith. The peasant popu- 
lation to the east of Thessalonica is Bulgarian, to the west it is Greek (Cousinéry, p. 
52). Both belong to the Greek Church. 

3 See what Cousinéry says (ch. i.) of the Wallachians, who are intermixea among 
the other tribes of modern Macedonia. They speak a corrupt Latin, and he thinks 
they are descended from the ancient colonies. They are a ‘icrce and bold race, living 
chiefly in the mountains; and when trading caravans have to go through dangerous 
places they are posted in the front. 

4 See the work of Joh. Cameniata, “ De Excidio Thessalonicensi,”’ in the Boun Edi 
tion of the Byzantine writers. The city is described in this account of its being tuken 
by the Arabs in 904. The history of Cameniata is curious. He was crozier-bearer to 
the archbishop, and was carried off by the Arabs, and landed at Tarsus, where he wrote 
his book. The narrative of another storming of the city (by the Romans) is alluded 
to below. There is a third narrative (of its sack by the Turks under Amurath IL., in 
1430) by M. Anagnostes. 

5 Some accounts say that 15,000 persons were involved in the massacre, for which 
the archbishop of Milan exacted penance from the emperor. See Gibbon, ch. xxvii, 
For some notice of the remains of the Hippodrome, which still retains its name. see 
Cousinéry, ch. ii. 

ὁ We find the Bishop of Thessalonica in the Council of Sardis, a. p. 347 ; and a 
decree of the Council relates to the place. 

7 Eustathius preached and wrote there in the twelfth century. He was highly 
esteemed by the Comneni, and is held to have been “beyond all dispute the most 
learned man of his age.” Tafel has recently published some of his minor works, 
among which is an account of the taking of Thessalonica by the Normans in 1185 
The sack by the Arabs in 904 is alluded to above, n. 4. 


. 


'THESSALONICA. 328 


superstition. The glory of its patron saint, Demetrius,' has eclipsed that 
of St. Paul, the founder of its Church. But the same Divine Provideuce 
which causes us to be thankful for the past, commands us to be hopefui 
for the future ; and we may look forward to the time when a new harvest 
of the “work of faith and labour of love and patience of hope,” * shall 
spring up from the seeds of Divine Truth, which were first sown on the 
shore of the Thermaic Gulf by the Apostle of the Gentiles. 

If Thessalonica can boast of a series of Christian annals, unbroken 
since the day of St. Paul’s arrival, its relations with the Jewish people 
have continued for a still longer period. In our own day it contains a 
multitude of Jews? commanding an influential position, many of whom 
are occupied (not very differently from St. Paul himself) in the manufac- 
ture of cloth. A considerable number of them are refugees from Spain, 
and speak the Spanish language. There are materials for tracing similar 
settlements of the same scattered and persecuted people in this city, at 
intervals, during the Middle Ages ;4 and even before the destruction of 
Jerusalem we find them here, numerous and influential, as at Antioch and 
Iconium. Here, doubtless, was the chief colony of those Jews of Mace- 
donia of whom Philo speaks ;* for while there was only a proseucha at 
Philippi, and while Amphipolis and Apollonia had no Israelite communi- 
ties to detain the Apostles, “the synagogue” 8 of the neighbourhood was 
at Thessalonica. 


1 See many allusions to him in Tafel’s quotations. Cameniata enumerates Paul first 
and Demetrius second among the glorious saints of Thessalonica. De Excidio, &e., 3. 

ὙΠ ΠΡ 655: 1 Ὁ. 

3 Paul Lueas, in his later journey, says :—“ Les Chrétiens y sont environ au nombre 
de 10,000. On y compte 30,000 Juifs, qui y ont 22 synagogues, et ce sont eux qui y 
font tout le commerce. Comme ils sont fort industrieux, deux grand vizirs se sont mis 
successivement en téte de les faire travailler aux manufactures du draps de France, 
pour mettre la Turquie en état de se passer des étrangers; mais ils n’ont jamais pa 
réussir: cependant ils vendent assez bien leurs gros draps au grand seigneur, qui en 
fait habiiler ses troupes.’ P.37. Hadji Chalfa’s Bosna and Rumeli (translated from 
the Turkish by Von Hammer, and quoted by Tafel,) speaks of the Jews at Thessalo- 
nica, in the 17th century, as carpet and cloth makers, of their liberality to the poor, 
and of their schools, with more than 1000 children. Cousinéry reckons them at 20,000, 
many of them from Spain. He adds: “ Chaque synagogue a Salonique porte le nom 
de la province d’ou sont originaires les familles qui la composent.” P.19. In the 
“ Jewish Intelligence ” for 1849 (vol. xv. pp. 374-377), the Jews at Salonica are reck- 
oned at 35,000, being half the whole population, and having the chief trade in their 
Lands. They are said to have thirty-six synagogues, “none of them remarkable for 
their neatness or elegance of style.” 

4 They are alluded to in the 7th century, and 19ain in considerable numbers in the 
12th. See Tafel. 

5 See Ch. 1. p. 18. 

6 Ἢ συναγωγη,, with the article. “ Articulus additus significat Philippis, Amphipols 
et Apollonix nullas fuisse synagogas, sed si qui ibi essent Judi, eos synagogain adiissa 
Thessalonicensem.” Grotius. There was another synagogue at Berea. Acts xvii. 19, 


820 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


The first scene to which we are introduced in this city is entirely Jew 
ish. It is not a small meeting of prosclyte women by the river side, but 
a crowded assembly of true born Jews, intent on their religious worship, 
among whom Paul and Silas now make their appearance. If the traces 
of their recent hardships were manifest in their very aspect, and if they 
related to their Israelitish brethren how they had ‘suffered before and 
been cruelly treated at Philippi” (1 Thess. ii. 2), their entrance in among 
them must have created a strong impression of indignation and syinpathy, 
which explains the allusion in St. Paul’s Epistle. He spoke, however, to 
the Thessalonian Jews with the earnestness of a man who has no time to 
lose and no thought to waste on his own sufferings. He preached not 
himself but Christ crucified. The Jewish scriptures were the ground of his | 
argument. He recurred to the same subject again and again. On 
three successive Sabbaths! he argued with them : and the whole body of 
Jews resident in Thessalonica were interested and excited with the new 
doctrine, and were preparing either to adopt or oppose it. 

The three points on which he insisted were these :—that He who was 
foretold in prophecy was to be a suffering Messiah,—that after death He 
was to rise again,—-and that the crucified Jesus of Nazareth was indeed 
the Messiah who was to come. Such is the distinct and concise statement 
in the Acts of the Apostles (xvii. 3): and the same topics of teaching 
are implied in the first Epistle, where the Thessalonians are appealed to 
as men who had been taught to ‘believe that Jesus had really died and 
risen again” (iv. 14), and who had turned to serve the true God, and to 
wait for His Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead, even Jesus” 
(i. 10). Of the mode in which these subjects would be presented to 
his hearers we can form some idea from what was said at Antioch is Pisi- 
dia. The very aspect of the worshippers was the same ;* proselytes were 
equally attached to the congregations in Pisidia and Macedonia,’ and the 
“devout and honourable women” in one city found their parallel in the 
“chief women” in the other. The impression, too, produced by the 
address was not very different here from what it had been there. At first 


Some MSS. omit the article (see Lachmann). If authority preponderated against it, 
still the phrase would imply that there was no synagogue in the towns recently passed 
through. 

ι Ἐπὶ σάββατα ~pia διελέγετο (imperf.). Acts xvii. 2. 

2 See the account of the synagogue-worship,—the desk, the ark, the manuscripts, 
the prayers, the Scripture-reading, the Tallith, d&c..—given in pp. 172-174. 

3 Compare οἱ φοβούμενοι τὸν Θεόν (Acts xiii. 16, 26) with τῶν σεβομένων Ἑλλήνων 
(Acts xvii. 4). Some MSS. introduce καὶ between the two latter words. See Lach 
mani ; aud Paley on 1 Thess. 

4 Compare τὰς σεβομένας γυναῖκας καὶ τὰς εὐσχήμονας (Acts xiii. 50) with yur τίκων 
τῶν πρώτων οὐκ ὀλίγαι (Acts xvii. 4). It will be remembered that the women’s placa 
in the synagogues was in a separate gallery or behind a lattice. P. 172. 


SUBJECTS OF ST. PAUL’S PREACHING. 825 


it was Savourably received,’ the interest of novelty having more influcnes 
than the seriousness of conviction. Even from the first some of the topies 
must have contained matter for perplexity or cavilling. Many would be 
indisposed to believe the fact of Christ’s resurrection: and many more 
who, in their exile from Jerusalem, were looking intently for the restora. 
tion of an earthly kingdom,? must have heard incredulously and unwil: 
lingly of the humiliation of Messiah. 

That St. Paul did speak of Messiah’s glorious kingdom, the kingdom 
foretold in the Prophetic Scriptures themselves, may be gathered by com- 
paring together the Acts and the Hpistles to the Thessalonians. The 
accusation brought against him (Acts xvii. 7) was, that he was proclaiming 
another A¢ng, and virtually rebelling against the emperor. And in strict 
conformity to this the Thessalonians are reminded of the exhortations and 
entreaties he gave them, when among them, that they would ‘“ walk 
worthily of the God who had called them to His dangdom and glory” (1 
Thess. ii. 12), and addressed as those who had “ suffered afiliction for the 
sake of that dingdom” (2 Thess. i. 5). Indeed, the royal state of Christ’s 
second advent was one chief topic which was urgently enforced, and deeply 
impressed, on the minds of the Thessalonian converts. This subject tinges 
the whole atmosphere through which the aspect of this church is presented 
to us. It may be said that in each of the primitive churches, which are 
depicted in the apostolic epistles, there is some peculiar feature wlich 
gives it an individual character. In Corinth it is the spirit of party,? in 
Galatia the rapid declension into Judaism,‘ in Philippi it is a steady and 
self-denying generosity.» And if we were asked for the distinguishing 
characteristic of the first Christians of Thessalonica, we should point tc 
their overwhelming sense of the nearness of the second advent, accom- 
panied with melancholy ὁ thoughts concerning those who might die before 
it, and with gloomy and unpractical views of the shortness of life, and the 
vanity of the world. Hach chapter in the first Epistle to the Thessalo- 
nians ends with an allusion to this subject ; and it was evidently the topie 
of frequent conversations, when the Apostle was in Macedonia. But St. 
Paul never spoke or wrote of the future as though the present was to be 
forgotten. When the Thessalonians were admonished of Christ’s advent, 


1 Acts xvii. 4 compared with xiii. 42-44. 2? Acts i. 6. 

3 1 Cor. i, 10, &e. 4 Gal. i. 6, &e, > Phil. iv. 10-16. 

6 See Traatmann’s Apost. Kirche (Leips. 1848). “ Der Apostel hatte in Thessalonich, 
wie es scheint, sein Lieblingsthema, die Herrlichkeit der letzten hevorstehenden 
Erscheinung Jesu Christi (was damals vielleicht ihn selbst sehr beschaftigen mochte} 
und was dieser vorhergehn werde, ausfubrlich und tiefer eingehend behandelt (vergl. 
2 Thess. ii. 5). Diese geheimnissvolle und dunkle Parthie des christlichen Glaubens 
und Hoffens hatten denn die Thessalonicher in einer Weise sufgefasst, welche dey 
Giundcharakter dieser Gemeinde offenbar als sinnig und mel :cholisch Carstellt.” 
[5 1.8. 


328 THE LIFE AND EPISYLES OF ST. PAUL. 


he told them also of other coming events, full of practical warning to all 
ages, though to our eyes still they are shrouded in mystery,—of “ the 
falling away,” and of “the man of sin.”! ‘These awful revelations,” he 
said, “must precede the revelation of the Son of God. Do you not 
remember,” he adds with emphasis in his letter, that when I was stul with 
you 1 often® told you this. You know, therefore, the hindrance why he is 
not revealed, as he will be in his own season.” He told them, in the 
words of Christ himself, that “the times and the seasons” of the coming 
revelations were known only to God :3 and he warned them, as the first 
disciples had been warned in Judwa, that the great day would come sud- 
denly on men unprepared, ‘‘as the pangs of travail on her whose time is 
full,” and ‘‘as a thief in the night ;” and he showed them, both by pre- 
cept and example, that, though it be true that life is short and the world 
is vanity, yet God’s work must be done diligently and to the last. 

The whole demeanour of St. Paul among the Thessalonians may be 
traced by means of these Hpistles, with singular minuteness. We see, 
there, not only what success he had on his first entrance among them,‘ 
not only how the Gospel came “ with power and full conviction of its 
truth,”® but also “ what manner of man he was among them for their 
sakes.”* We see him proclaiming the truth with unflinching courage,’ 
endeavouring to win no converts by flattering words,’ but warning his 
hearers of all the danger of the sins and pollution to which they were 
tempted ;° manifestly showing that his work was not intended to gratify 
any desire of self-advancement,'® but scrupulously maintaining an honour- 

1 2 Thess. ii. 2 Ἔλεγον (imperf.). 

3 “But of the times and seasons, brethren, when these things shall be you need no 
warning. For yourselves know perfectly that the day of the Lord will come asa 
thief in the night ; and while men say, Peace and safety, destruction shall come upon 
them in a moment, as the pangs of travail on her whose time is full.’ 1 Thess. 
v. 1-3. See Actsi.7. Matt. xxiv. 43. Luke xii. 39. 2 Pet. iii. 10. 

4“ You know yourselves, brethren, that my coming amongst you was not fruitless,” 
1 Thess. ii. 1. 

5 1 Thess. i. 5. 

6 “ You know the manner in which I behaved myself among you,” &c. 1 Thess. 
i.5. (“What manner of men we were.” Eng. Vers.) Though the words are in the 
plural, the allusion is to himself only. See the notes on the Epistle itself. 

7 “ After I had borne suffering and outrage, as you know, at Philippi, I boldly de- 
clared (ἐπαῤῥησιασάμεθα λαλῆσαι) to you God's glad-tiding, though its adversaries 
coutended mightily against me.” 1 Thess. ii. 2. 

8 “ Never did J use flattering words, as you know.” 1 Thess. ii. 5. 

+ “That you should be consecrated to Him in holiness, and should keep yourselves 
from fornication . . . . not in lustful passion, like the heathen, who know not God. 
.... All such the Lord will punish, as [have forwarned you by my solemn testi- 
mony.” 1 Thess, iv. 4-6. It is needless to add that such temptations must have 
abounded ina city like Thessalonica. We know from the Asinus of Lucian that the 
place had a bad character. 

10 1 Thess. ii. 5. 


ST. PAUL AT THESSALONICA. 329 


able and unblamable character.!. We see him rebuking and admonishing 
his converts with all the faithfulness of a father to his children,* and cher- 
ishing them with all the affection of a mother for the infant of her bosom. 
We see in this Apostle at Thessalonica all the devotion of a friend who is 
ready to devote his life for those whom he loves,‘ all the watchfulness of 
the faithful pastor, to whom ‘each one” of his flock is the separate 
object of individual care.° 

And from these Epistles we obtain further some information concern- 
ing what may be called the outward incidents of St. Paul’s residence in 
this city. He might when there, consistently with the Lord’s institution ¢ 
and with the practice of the other Apostles,? have been ‘“‘ burdensome” to 
those whom he taught, so as to receive from them the means of his tem 
poral support. But that he might place his disinterestedness above all 
suspicion, and that he might set an example to those who were too much 
inclined to live by the labour of others, he declined to avail himself of that 
which was an undoubted right. He was enabled to maintain this inde- 
pendent position partly by the liberality of his friends at Philippi, who 
once and again, on this first visit to Macedonia, sent relief to his necessi- 
ties (Phil. iv. 15,16). And the journeys of those pious men who followed 
the footsteps of the persecuted Apostles along the Via Hgnatia by Am- 
phipolis and Apollonia, bringing the alms which had been collected at 
Philippi, are among the most touching incidents of the Apostolic history. 
And not less touching is that description which the Apostle himself gives 
us of that other means of support—“ his own labour night and day, that 
he might not be burdensome to any of them” (1 Thess. ii. 9). He did 
not merely ‘‘rob other churches,” 8 that he might do the Thessalonians 
service, but the trade he had learnt when a boy in Cilicia? justitied the 
old Jewish maxim ;"° “he was like a vineyard that is fenced ;” and he 
was able to show an example, not only to the “disorderly busybodies ” of 


1“ You are yourselves witnesses how holy, and just, and unblamable, were my 
dealings towards you.” 1 Thess, ii. 10. 

* “ You know how earnestly, as a father his own children (ὡς πατὴρ τέκνα ἑαυτοῦ), 
I exhorted, and intreated, and adjured,” &c. 1 Thess. ii. 11. 

3.61 behaved myself among you with mildness and forbearance ; and as a nurse 
cherishes her own children (τὰ ἑαυτῆς τέκνα) so,” &e, 1 Thess. ii. 7. The authorised 
version is defective. St. Paul compares himself to a mother who is nursing her own 
ebild. 

4 “Tt was my joy to give you, not only the Gospel of Christ, but my own life 4159. 
because ye were dear unto me.” 1 Thess. ii. 8. 

5 “ You know how I exhorted each one (ἕνα ἕκαστον) among you to walk worthy ef 
God.” 1 Thess. ii. 11. 

6 Matt. x. 10. Lukex.7. See 1 Tim. v. 18. 

7 1 Cor. ix. 4, &e. 8 2 Cor. xi. 8, 9 Ch. II. p. 47. 

0 “ We that hath a trade in his hand, to what is he like? 2 is like a vineyard thai 
% fenced.” IJhbid. 


330 ‘THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 851. PAUL. 


Thessalonica (1 Thess. iv. 11), but 40 all, in every age of the Church, whe 
are apt to neglect their proper business (2 Thess. iii. 11), and ready te 
eat other men’s bread for nought (2 Thess. iii. 8). Late at night, when 
the sun had long set on the incessant spiritual labours of the day, the 
Apostle might be seen by lamp-light labouring at the rough hair-cloth,! 
“that he might be chargeable to none.” It was an emphatic enforee- 
ment of the ‘‘ commands”? which he found it necessary to give when he 
was among them, that they should ‘“‘ study to be quiet and to work with 
their own hands” (1 Thess. iv. 11), and the stern principle he laid down, 
that “if a man will not work, neither should he eat.” (2 Thess. iii. 10.) 
In these same Epistles, St. Paul speaks of his work at Thessalonica as 
having been encompassed with afflictions,? and of the Gospel as having ad- 
vanced by a painful struggle. What these afflictions and struggles were, 
we can gather from the slight notices of events which are contained in the 
Acts. The Apostle’s success among the Gentiles roused the enmity of the 
Jews. ven in the synagogue the proselytes attached themselves to him 
more readily than the Jews.* But he did not merely obtain an influence 
over the Gentile mind by the indirect means of his disputations on the 
Sabbath in the synagogue, and through the medium of the proselytes ; 
but on the intermediate days*® he was doubtless in frequent and dircet 
communication with the heathen. We need not be surprised at the re, 
sults, even if his stay was limited to the period corresponding to three Sab- 
\baths. No one can say what effects might follow from three weeks of an 
Apostle’s teaching. But we are by no means forced to adopt the suppo- 
sition that the time was limited to three weeks. It is highly probable 
that St. Paul remained at Thessalonica for a longer period.? At other 
cities,* when he was repelled by the Jews, he became the evangelist of the 
Gentiles, and remained till he was compelled to depart. The Thessalo- 
nian Letters throw great light on the rupture which certainly took place 


1 See Note, p. 47. 

* Note the phrases,—“‘as I commanded you,” aud “even when I was with you 1 
&2ve you this precept.” 

3 1 Thess, i. 6. 4 Thess. ii. 2. 

5 “ Some of them [the Jews] believed and consorted with Paul and Silas; and of 
the devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief women not a few.” Acts xvii. 4 

6 Asat Athens. Acts xvii. 17. 

7 The chief writers on the two sides of this question are enumerated by Anger in a 
note, p. 69, n.z. Paley, among others, argues for a longer resideuce than three weeks. 
Hore Pauline, on 1 Thess. No. vi. Koch, in his recently published commentary, con- 
tends, against Schott, &c., that the tumult which caused St. Paul’s departure must have 
taken place immediately after the third Sabbath. Jinleitung, pp. 8,9. Benson argues 
that the coming of repeated contributions from Philippi implies a longer residence at 
Thessalonica than three weeks. To this Anger replies, that they might have coma 
within this time, if they were sent by different contributors 

8 Acts xiii. xviii. xix., &e. 


PERSECUTION. 591 


with the Jews on this occasion, and which is implied in that one word 1 
the Acts which speaks of their jealousy ' against the Geutiles. The whole 
aspect of the Letter shows that the main body of the Thessalonian Church 
was not Jewish, but Gentile. The Jews are spoken of as an extrancous 
body, as the enemies of Christianity and of all men, not as the elements 
out of which the Church was composed.* The ancient Jewish Scriptures 
are not once quoted in either of these Epistles.» The converts are ad- 
dressed as those who had turned, not from Hebrew fables and traditions, 
but from the practices of heathen idolatry.«| How new and how comfort- 
iug to them must have been the doctrine of the resurrection from the 
dead. What a contrast must this revelation of “life and immortality ” 
have been to the hopeless lamentations of their own pagan funerals, and 
to the dismal teaching which we can still read in the sepulchral inscrip- 
tions*® of heathen Thessalonica,—such as told the bystander that after 
death there is no revival, after the grave no meeting of those who have 
loved each other on earth. How ought the truth taught by the Apostle 
to have comforted the new disciples at the thought of inevitable, though 
only temporary, separation from their Christian brethren. And yet how 
difficult was the truth to realise, when they saw those brethren sink into 
lifeless forms, and after they had committed them to the earth which had 
received all their heathen ancestors. How eagerly can we imagine them 
to have read the new assurances of comfort which came in the letter from 
Corinth, and which told them ‘not to sorrow as the rest that have no 
hope.” § 

But we are anticipating the events which occurred between the Apos- 
tle’s departure from Thessalonica and the time when he wrote the letter 
from Corinth. We must return to the persecution that led him to under- 
take that journey, which brought him from the capital of Macedonia to 
that of Achaia. 

Vhen the Jews saw proselytes and Gentiles, and many of the lead. 
ing women? of the city, convinced by St. Paul’s teaching, they must 
have felt that his influence was silently undermining tueirs. In propor- 

1 ZyAwcavrec. Acts xvii. 5. 

3 “ You have suffered the like persecution from your own countrymen which they 
{the Churches in Judea] endured from the Jews, who killed both our Lord Jesus and 
their own prophets . . . a people displeasing to God, and enemies to all mankind ; whe 
would hinder me from speaking to the Gentiles,” &c. 1 Thess. ii. Contrast Rom. ix. 

3 The Epistles to Titus and Philemon, if we mistake not, are the only other instances, 

4 1 Thess. i. 9. 

6 Some of these inscriptions may be seen in Boeckh, e. g. No. 1973, where the de. 
ceased is described as τέρμ’ ἐσιδὼν βιότου ἀλύτοις ὑπὸ νάμασι Μοιρῶν. See also 1933. 
In 1988 there is a hint of immortality; but the general feeling of the Greek world 
concerning the dead is expressed in that one line of Aischylus :—"Araf ϑανόντας obra 


ἐστ’ ἀνάστασις. 
® | Thess iv. 13. 7 Acts xvii. 4. See above. 


832 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


tion to his suecess in spreading Christianity, their power of spreading Ju 
daism declined. Their sensitiveness would be increased in consequence of 
the peculiar dislike with which they were viewed at this time by the Ro 
man power.! Thus they adopted the tactics which had been used with 
some success before at Iconium and Lystra,* and turned against St. Paul 
and his companions those weapons which are the readiest instruments of 
vulgar bigotry. They excited the mob of Thessalonica, gathering to- 
gether a multitude of those worthless idlers about the markets and landing- 
places* which abound in every such city, and are always ready for any 
evil work. With this multitude they assaulted the house of Jason (per- 
haps some Hellenistic Jew,> whose name had been moulded into Gentile 
form, and possibly one of St. Paul’s relations, who is menticned in the 
Epistle to the Romans),* with whom Paul! and Silas seem to have been 
lodging. Their wish was to bring Paul and Silas out to the demus, or as- 
sembly of the people. But they were absent from the house ; and Jason and 
some other Christians were dragged before the city magistrates. The ac- 
cusation vociferously brought against them was to the following effect : 
“These Christians, who are setting the whole world in confusion, are 
come hither at last; and Jason has received them into his house ; and 
they are all acting in the face of the emperor’s decrees, for they assert 
that there is another king, whom they call Jesus.” We have seen? how 
some of the parts of St. Paul’s teaching at Thessalonica may have given 
occasion to the latter phrase in this indictment ; and we obtain a deeper 
insight into the cause why the whole indictment was brought forward with 
so much vehemence, and why it was so likely to produce an effect on 
the magistrates, if we bear in mind the circumstance alluded to in refer- 
ence to Philippi,* that the Jews were under the ban of the Roman autho- 
rities about this time, for having raised a tumult in the metropolis, at the 
instigation (as was alleged) of one Chrestus, or Christus ;° and that they 


1 See above, p. 303. 

* Acts xiv. See pp. 185, 195, &ec.; also pp. 180, 181. 

8 ᾿Αγοραῖοι, like the Lazzaroni at Naples,—“innati triviis ac pane forenses."” Hor. 
A. P. 245. Such men as are called by Cicero “subrostrani ’”’ (Ep. Fam. viii. 1), and 
by Plautus “ subbasilicani” (Capt. 4, 2, 35). See Casaubon on Theophr. Char. 65 
or the Archbishop of Thessalonica (p. 348) may explain to us how the word is used, 
᾿Αγοραῖος ἀνὴρ ἢ ὄχλος ἐπὶ σκώμματος λέγεται. Eustath. ad Iliad. 11. 143. 

4 Such men are often πονηροί. Compare Aristoph. Eq. 181, πονηρὸς κἀξ ἀγόρας; 
and Senec. de Benef. 7,—‘ Huic homini ma/o, quem invenire in quolibet foro possum.” 

5 Jason is the form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken. See p. 
151,n.11. It occurs 1 Mac. viii.17. 2 Mac. ii. 28 ; alsoin Josephus, referred to p. 151, 
n. 5. 

6 Rom, xvi.21. Tradition says that he became Bishop of Tarsus. For some remarka 
on St. Paul’s kinsmen, see p. 46. 

7 Above, p. 304. 8 P. 303. 

® The words of Suetonius are quoted p. 363, n. 4. We shal} return to them again 


CONSTITUTION OF A FREE CITY. 333 


must have been glad, in the provincial cities, to be able to show their loy 
alty and gratify their malice, by throwing the odium off themselves upon a 
sect whose very name might be interpreted to imply a rebellion against 
che emperor. 


COIN OF THESSALONICA. 


Such were the circumstances under which Jason and his companions 
were brought before the politarchs. We use the Greek the term ad- 
visedly ; for it illustrates the political constitution of Thessalonica, and its 
contrast with that of Philippi, which has lately been noticed. Thessalo- 
nica was not a colony, like Philippi, Troas, or the Pisidian Antioch, but a 
free city? (Urbs lbera), like the Syrian Antioch, or like Tarsus * and 
Athens. The privilege of what was technically called “freedom” was 
given to certain cities of the empire for good service in the civil wars, or 
as a tribute of respect to the old celebrity of the place, or for other 
reasons of convenient policy. There were few such cities in the western 
provinces,‘ as there were no municipia in the eastern. The free towns 
were most numerous in those parts of the empire, where the Greek lan-, 
guage had long prevailed ; and we are generally able to trace the reasons 
why this privilege was bestowed upon them. At Athens, it was the fame 
of its ancient eminence, and the evident policy of paying a compliment to 
the Greeks. At Thessalonica it was the part which its inhabitants had 
prudently taken in the great struggle of Augustus and Antony against 
Brutus and Cassius.’ When the decisive battle had been fought, Philippi 
was made a military colony, and Thessalonica became free. 


when we come to Acts xviii. 2. At present we need only point out their probable 
connection with the word “ Christian.” See pp. 119, 120, and the notes. We should 
observe, that St. Paul had proclaimed at Thessalonica that Jesus was the Christ (ὁ 
χριστύός). Acts xvii. 3. 

1 From the British Museum. Fora long series of coins of this character, see Mionnet 
and the Supplement. 

® For an account of the privileges of bere civitates, see Hoeck’s Romische Gesch- 
ichte, 1. ii. pp. 242-250. 

3 See p. 45. 

4 There were a few in Gaul and Spain, none in Sardinia. On the other hand, they 
were very numerous in Greece, the Greek islands, and Asia Minor. Hoeck, p. 249. 
Such complimentary privileges would have had little meaning if bestowed on a rude 
people, which had no ancient traditions. 

5 See the coins alluded to above, p. 322. Some have the word ἘΛΕΥΘΕΡΊΑΣ with 
tbe head of Octavia. | 


854 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


The privilege of such a city consisted in this,—that it was entircly self 
governed in all its internal affairs, within the territory that might be 
assigned to it. The governor of the province had no right, under ordinary 
circumstances, to interfere with these affairs The local magistrates had 
the power of life and death over the citizens of the place. No stationary 
garrison of Roman soldiers was quartered within its territory.? No im 
signia of Roman office were displayed in its streets. An instance of the 
care with which this rule was observed is recorded by Tacitus, who tells 
us, that Germanicus, whose progress was usually distinguished by the 
presence of twelve lictors, declined to enter Athens attended with more 
than ones There is no doubt that the magistracies of such cities would 
be very careful to show their loyalty to the emperor on all suitable occa- 
sions, and to avoid every disorder which might compromise their valued 
dignity, and cause it to be withdrawn. And on the other hand, the 
Roman State did wisely to rely on the Greek love of empty distinction ; 
and it secured its dominion as effectually in the East by means of these 
privileged towns, as by the stricter political annexation of the municipia 
in the West. The form of government in the free cities was very various.‘ 
In some cases the old magistracies and customs were continued without 
any material modification. In others, a senate, or an assembly, were 
allowed to exist where none had existed before. Here, at Thessalonica, 
we find an assembly of the people (Demus,? Acts xvii. 5) and supreme 
magistrates, who are called politarchs (Acts xvii. 8). It becomes ap 


1 He might, however, have his residence there, as at Antioch and Tarsus. We find, 
under the republic, the governor of Asia directed to administer justice to free com- 
munities (Cic. pro Font. 32); but usually he did not interfere with the local magis- 
trates. Even his financial officers did not enter the territory to collect the taxes, but 
the imposts were sent to Rome in some other way. We may add that a free city might 
have libertas cum immwumnitate (Senec. de Benef. v. 16), 7. e. freedom from taxation, 
as a Colonia might have the Jus Italicum. See these and other details in Hoeck. 

3 Hence such cities were called ἀφρούρητοι. Plut. Flam. 10. App. Mac. 2. See 
Liv. xlv. 26. 

3 Tacitus says of Germanicus, that, after a bad voyage across the Adriatic, and after 
visiting the scene of the battle of Actium, “ ventum Athenas, foederique socie et vetustz 
urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur.”” Ann. ii.53. And yet he was a member of the 
imperial family. So it is said of Tiberius, during his residence among the Greeks at 
Rhodes: “genus vite civile ad modum instituit, sine ictore aut viatore gymnasia 
interdum obambulans, mutwaque cum Greculis officia usurpans, prope ex @quo.” 
Suct. Tib. 11. Very severe language is used by Cicero of Piso, governor of Mace- 
donia, for daring to exercise “jurisdictio in libera civitate contra leges senatusque con- 
sulta.” De Prov. Cons. 3. 

4 The degree of libertas was various also. It was settled by a distinct concordat 
(fedus). Hoeck, p. 242. The granting and withdrawing of this privilege, as well as 
its amount, was capricious and irregular under the republic, and especially during the 
civil wars. See Cic. in Pison. 56. Under the emperors it became more regulated, 
like all the other details of provincial administration. 

5 Tafel seems to think it had also a senate (βουλή). 


τη) MAGISTRACY OF THESSALONICA. 9 


interesting inquiry, whether the existence of this title of the Thessalonian 
magistracy can be traced in any other source of information. This ques 
tion is immediately answered in the affirmative, by one of those passages 
of monumental history which we have made it our business to cite as 
cften as possible in the course of this biograply. An inscription which is 
still legible on an archway in Thessalonica gives this title to the magis- 
trates of the place, informs ‘us of their number, and mentions the very 
names of some who bore the office not long before the day of St. Paul. 

A long street intersects the city from east to west.! his is doubtless 
the very direction which the ancient road took in its course from the 
Adriatic to the Hellespont ; for though the houses of ancient cities are 
destroyed and renewed, the lines of the great thoroughfares are usually 
unchanged.” If there were any doubt of the fact at Thessalonica, the ques: 
tion is set at rest by two triumphal arches which still, though disfigured by 
time and injury, and partly concealed by Turkish houses, span the breadth 
of this street, and define a space which must have been one of the public 
parts of the city in the apostolic age. One of these arches is at the 
western extremity, near the entrance from Rome, and is thought to have 
been built by the grateful Thessalonians to commemorate the victory of 
Augustus and Antony.? The other is further to the east, and records the 
triumph of some later emperor (most probably Constantine) over enemies 
subdued near the Danube or beyond. The second of these arches, with 
its sculptured camels,‘ has altogether an Asiatic aspect, and belongs to a 
period of the empire much later than that of St. Paul. The first has the 
representation of consuls with the toga, and corresponds in appearance 
with that condition of the arts which marks the passing’ of the republic 
into the empire. If erected at that epoch, it was undoubtedly existing 
when the Apostle was in Macedonia. The following inscription® in Greek 


1 See Cousinéry, ch. ii., and Leake, ch. xxvi. 

* See a traveller’s just remark, quoted in reference to Damascus, p. 93, n. 5. 

3 A view of the arch is given in Cousinéry, p. 26. See his description. He believes 
Octavius and Antony to have staid here some time after the victory. The arch is also 
described by Dr. Holland and Dr. Clarke, who take the same view of its origin. ‘the 
latter traveller says that its span is 12 feet, and its present height 18 feet, the lower 
part being buried to the depth of 27 feet more, It is now part of the modern wails, 
and is called the Vardar Gate, because it leads towards that river (the Axius). 

4 There is also a view of this arch in Cousinéry, p. 29. He refers its origin to one 
of Censtantine’s expeditions, mentioned by Zosimus. The whole structure formerly 
consisted of three arches; it is built of brick, and seems to have been fuced with 
marble. 

5. From Boeckh, No. 1967. The inscription is given by Leake (p. 236), with a slight 
difference in one of the names. It goes on to mention the ταμίας τῆς πόλεως and the 
γυμνασιάρχων. The names being chiefly Roman, Leake argues for a later date than 
that which is suggested by Cousinéry. In either case the confirmation of St. Luke’s 
accuracy remains the same. 


336 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


letters informs us of the magistracy which the Romans recognised and 
allowed to subsist in the “ free city” of Thessalonica :— 


TIOAEITAPXOYNTQN SQSITIATPOY TOY KAEO 
TIATPAS KAI AOYKIOY IIONTIOY ΣΕΚΟΥΝΔΟΥ 
ΠΟΥΒΛΙΟΥ ΦΛΑΟΥΙΟΥ ΣΑΒΕΙΝΟΥ AHMHTPIOY 
TOY ΦΑΎΣΤΟΥ AHMHTPIOY TOY ΝΙΚΟΠΟΛΕΩΣ 
ZQIAOY TOY TIAPMENIQNOZ TOY KAI MENIZKOY 
CATO PATI ΗΠΟΥ MORE IRO Yee. sere 


These words, engraved on the marble arch,' inform us that the magistrates 
of Thessatonica were called politarchs, and that they were seven in number ; 
and it is perhaps worth observing (though it is only a curious coincidence) 
that three of the names are identical with those of St. Paul’s friends in 
this region,— Sopater of Beraa,? Gaius the Macedonian,? and Secwndus of 
Thessalonica.* . 

It is at least well worth our while to notice, asa mere matter of 
Christian evidence, how accurately St. Luke writes concerning the political 
characteristics of the cities and provinces which he mentions. He takes 
notice, in the most artless and incidental manner, of minute details which 
a fraudulent composer would judiciously avoid, and which in the mythical 
result of mere oral tradition would surely be loose and inexact. Cyprus is 
a “proconsular” province.’ Philippi is a “colony.”® The magistrates 
of Thessalonica have an unusual title, unmentioned in ancient literature ; 
but it appears, from a monument of a different kind, that the title is per- 
feetly correct. And the whole aspect of what happened at Thessalonica, 
as compared with the events at Philippi, is in perfect harmony with the 
ascertained difference in the political condition of the two places. There 
is no mention of the rights and privileges of Roman citizenship ;7 but we 
are presented with the spectacle of a mixed mob of Greeks and Jews, 


1 The masonry consists of square blocks of marble, six feet thick (Dr. Clarke). 

It may be well to mention here some of the other remains at Thessalonica. (1) There 
are five columns, with an entablature, in the street between the triumphal arches. 
This ruin is called by the Spanish Jews, Las Incantadas. (2) The Rotunda, now a 
mosque, is an ancient temple, similar to the Pantheon at Rome. These two buildings 
were probably in existence when St. Paul was at Thessalonica. The two following are 
later. (3) The Church of St. Sephia, now a mosque, built under Justinian by the 
architect of the great church at Constantinople. Here a stone rostrum is shown. from 
which St. Paul is said to have preached. (4) Another mosque was formerly tne 
Church of St. Demetrius {see p. 325], which tradition alleges to have been biilt near 
the site of the ancient synagogue where the Apostle reasoned with the Jews. 

2 Acts xx. 4. 3 Acts xix. 29. 4 Acts. xx. 4. 

5 See Ch. V. p. 144. 6 See above, p. 290, de. 

Compare Acts xvi. 21. 


.“ 


DEPARTURE FROM THESSALONICA, 50% 
who are anxious to show themselves to be ‘““Casar’s friends.”! No lictors, 
with rods and fasces, appear upon the scene ; but we hear something dis 
tinctly of a demus,? or free assembly of the people. Nothing is said of 
religious ceremonies 4 which the citizens, “ being Romans,” may not lawfully 
adopt ; all the anxiety, both of people and magistrates, is turned to the 
one point of showing their loyalty to the emperor. And those magistrates 
by whom the question at issue is ultimately decided, are not Roman 
pretors® but Greek politarchs. 

It is evident that the magistrates were excited and unsettled? as well 
as the multitude. No doubt they were anxious to stand well with the 
Roman government, and not to compromise themselves or the privileges 
of their city by a wrong decision in this dispute between the Christians 
and the Jews. The course they adopted was to “take security” from 
Jason and his companions. By this expression® it is most probably 
meant that a sum of mone” was deposited with the magistrates, and that 
the Christian community of the place made themselves responsible that 
no attempt should be made against the supremacy of Rome, and that 
peace should be maintained in Thessalonica itself. By these means the 
disturbance was allayed. 

But though the magistrates had secured quiet in the city for the pre- 
sent, the position of Paul and Silas was very precarious. The lower 
classes were still excited. The Jews were in a state of fanatical displea- 
sure. It is evident that the Apostles could not appear in public as before, 
without endangering their own safety, and compromising their fellow- 
Christians who were security for their good behaviour. The alternatives 
before them were, either silence in Thessalonica, or departure to some 
other place. The first was impossible to those who bore the divine com- 
mission to preach the Gospel everywhere. They could not hesitate to 
adopt the second course ; and under the watchful care of “the brethren,” 


1 The conduct and language of the Jews in Acts xvii. 7 should, by all means. be 
compared with what was said to Pilate at Jerusalem: “If thou let this man go. thon 
art not Cesar’s friend: whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Cesar.” 
John xix. 12. 

3 "PaBdoixor. Acts xvi. 35, 38. 

3 Acts xvii, 5. 4 Acts xvi. 21. 5 Acts xvii. 7. 

8 Στρατηγοί. Acts xvi. 20, 22, 35, &c. See p. 294, and p. 302. ἷ 

7 The word ἐτάραξαν implies some disturbance of mind on the part of the magistratea 

8 See above. 

9 Λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν. It is very unlikely that this means, as Grotius supposes, 
that Jason and his friends gave bail for the appearance of Paul and Silas before the 
magistrates, for they sent them away the same night. See Meyer. Hemsen thinks 
(p. 132, note) that Jason pledged himself not to receive them again into his house ; 
and Kuinoel, that he gave a promise of their immediate departure. Neither of these 
suppositions is improbable ; but it is clear that it was impossible for Paul and Silas te 
stay, if the other Christians were security for the maintenance of the peace, 


VOL. 1.-- 


μ 


338 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


they departed the same evening from Thessalonica, their steps being 

turned in the direction of those mountains which are the western boundary 

of Macedonia.! We observe that nothing is said of the departure of 

Timotheus. If he was at: Thessalonica at all, he stays there now, as Luke 

had staid at Philippi.* We can trace in all these arrangements a delibers 

ate care and policy for the weil-being of the new churches, even in the 

midst of the sudden movements caused by the outbreak of persecution, 

It is the same prudent and varied forethought which appears afterwards 
in the pastoral epistles, where injunctions are given, according to circum- 
stances,—to “abide” while the Apostle goes to some other region,’ 
“hoping that he may come shortly” again,s —to “set in order the things 
that are wanting, and ordain elders,” ®—or “ to use all diligence” to fol- 
low " and co-operate again in the same work at some new place. 

Passing under the Arch of Augustus and out of the Western Gate, 
the Via Egnatia crosses the plain and ascends the mountains which have 
just been mentioned,—forming a communication over a very rugged coun- 
try between the Adriatic and the Hellespont. Just where the road 
strikes the mountains, at the head of a bay of level ground, the city of 
Edessa is situated, described as commanding a glorious view of all the 
country, that stretches in an almost unbroken surface to Thessalonica and 
the sea.?_ This, however, was not the point to which St. Paul turned his 
steps. He travelled by a less important road,’ to the town of Berea, 
which was further to the south. The first part of the journey was under- 
taken at night, but day must have dawned on the travellers long before 
they reached their place of destination. If the journey was at all like 
what it is now,? it may be simply described as follows. After leaving the 

1 Pp, 313, 314 and the notes. 

2 See p. 313. 3 1 Tim. i. 3. 4 1 Tim. iii. 14 δ ΠΗ} 1: Ὁ: 

¢ 2 Tim. iv. 9, 21, and especially Tit. iii. 12. The first injunction we read of, after 
this point, to Timotheus, in conjunction with Silas, is when St. Paul leaves Berma, and 
they are told “to come to him with all speed.” Acts xvii, 15. 

7 For a description of Edessa (Vodhena) see Cousinégry, p, 75, &e. It seems to be 
on a plateau at the edge of the mountains, with waterfalls, like Tivoli. He speaks in 
animated language of the view over fifteen leagues of plain, from the mountains to the 
sea [what he calls in another place, “les deux vastes plaines cisaxiennes et trans- 
axiennes”’], with woods and villages, and a lake in the centre. There is a view of one 
of the waterfalls, p. 79. See Leake also for a full account of Vodhena, ch. =xvii. He 
gays of this part of the Via Egnatia, that though Polybius states it to have sezn marked 
out by milestones all the way, and though the stages are mentioned in all the Itinera- 
ries, yet much examination is required before all the details can be determined. p. 279. 

8 The Itineraries give two road: from Thessalonica to Bercea, one passing through 
Pydna, the other more to the south. See our map of the north of the Mgean. It is 
conceivable, but not likely, that St. Paul went by water from Thessalonica to the 
neighbourhood of Pydna, Colonel Leake, after visiting this city, took a boat from 
Eleftherokhori, and sailed across the gulf to Salonica. Vol. m1. pp. 436-438. So Dr. 


Clarke. 
% The description cf the journey is literally taken from Cousinéry, ch. iii. He waa 


BERGA. 239 


gardens which are in the immediate neighbourhood of Thessalonica, the 
travellers crossed a wide tract of corn-fie!ds, and came to the shifting bed 
of the “wide-flowing Axius.” About this part of the journey, if not 
before, the day must have broken upon them. Between the Axius and 
vhe Haliacmon' there intervenes another wide extent of the same contin 
uous plain. The banks of this second river are confined by artificial dykes 
to check its destructive inundations. All the country round is covered 
with a vast forest, with intervals of cultivated land, and villages concealed 
among the trees. The road extends for many miles through these woods, 
and at length reaches the base of the Western Mountains, where a short 
ascent leads up to the gate of Bercea.’ 

Bercea, like Edessa, is on the eastern slope of the Olympian range, and 
commands an extensive view of the plain which is watered by the Hali- 
acmon and Axius. It has many natural advantages, and is now considered 
one of the most agreeable towns in Rumili2 Plane-trees spread a grate- 
ful shade over its gardens. Streams of water are in every street. Its 
ancient name is said to have been derived from the abundance of its 
waters; and the name still survives in the modern Verria, or Kara-Vcr- 
ria.° It is situated on the left of the Haliacmon, about five miles from 
the point where that river breaks through an immense rocky ravine from 
the mountains tc the plain. A few insignificant ruins of the Greek and 
Roman periods may yet be noticed. The foundations of an ancient bridge 
are passed on the ascent to the city-gate ; and parts of the Greek fortifi- 
cations may be seen above the rocky bed of a mountain stream. The 
traces of repairs in the walls, of Roman and Byzantine date,® are links 
between the early fortunes of Bercea and its present condition. It still 
boasts of eighteen or twenty thousand inhabitants, and is placed in the 
second rank of the cities of Huropean Turkey.’ 


travelling from Salonica with a caravan to a place called Perlepe, on the mountains 
to the north-west. The usual road is up the Axius to Gradisca. But one of the rivers 
higher up was said to be flooded and impassable ; hence he went by Caraveria (Bercea), 
which is fourteen leagues from Salonica. Leake travelled from Salonica to Pelia, cress 
ing the Axius on his way. Ch. xxvii. 

1 The Haliacmon itself would not be crossed before arriving at Bercea (see below). 
But there are other large rivers which flow into it, and which are often flooded. Some 
of the “perils of rivers” (pp. 163, 164) may very possibly have been in this districs. 
See the preceding note. See Leake’s remarks on the changing channels of these 
rivers, p. 437. 

3. Compare Leake. 3 See Leake, p. 290, ἄο. 

4 See Tafel (Thessalonica, &c.), who refers to lian, H. A. xv. 1, and Cantacuz. iv. 18, 

5 Leake uses the former term: Cousinéry calls the town “Caraveria,” or * Verria 
the Black.”’ In the eleventh century we find it called “ Verre.”” See Buchon’s French 
Chronicles, iii. 250. Ξ 

6 See Leake. It was ἃ fortified city in the eleventh century. Buchon, as above. 

7 See Cousinéry (ch. iii.), who reckons the inhabitants at 15,000 or 20,000. 


840 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


In the apostolic age Berea was sufiiciently populous to contain a 
colony of Jews.!’ When St. Paul arrived, he went, accordiny to his cus 
tom, immediately to the synagogue. The Jews here were of a “nobler” * 
spirit than those of Thessalonica. Their minds were less narrowed by 
prejudice, and they were more willing to receive “ the truth in the love 
ot it.’ There was a contrast between the two neighbouring communities 
apparently open to the same religious influences, like that between the 
“village of the Samaritans,” which refused to receive Jesus Christ (Luke 
ix.), and that other “ city” in the same country where ‘“ many believed ” 
becanse of the word of one who witnessed of Him, and “ many more 
because of His own word” (John iv.). In a spirit very different from the 
ignoble violence of the Thessalonian Jews, the Berceans not only listened 
to the Apostle’s arguments, but they examined the Scriptures themselves, 
to see if those arguments were justified by prophecy. And, feeling the. 
importance of the subject presented to them, they made this scrutiny of 
their holy books their “daily” occupation. This was the surest way to 
come to a strong conviction of the Gospel’s divine origin. ‘Truth sought 
in this spirit cannot long remain undiscovered. The promise that “ they 
who seek shall find” was fulfilled at Bercea; and the Apostle’s visit re- 
sulted in the conversion of “many.” Nor was the blessing confined to the 
Hebrew community. The same Lord who is “rich unto all that call 
upon Him,”® called many “‘not of the Jews only, but also of the Gen: 
tiles.” Both men and women,* and those of the highest respectability, 
among the Greeks,*® were added to the church founded by St. Paul in that 
provincial city of Macedonia, which was his temporary shelter from the 
storm of persecution. 

The length of St. Paul’s stay in the city is quite uncertain. From the 
fact that the Berceans were occupied ‘“ dazly” in searching the Scriptures? 
for arguments to establish or confute the Apostle’s doctrine, we conclude 
that he remained there several days at least. From his own assertion in 
his first letter to the Thessalonians,® that, at the time when he had been 
recently taken away from them, he was very anxious, and used every effort 
to revisit them, we cannot doubt that he lingered as long as possible in 
the neighbourhood of Thessalonica.2 This desire would account for a resi- 


1 Acts xvii. 10. 

2 Hiyevéotepot τῶν ἐν Θεσσ.,ν 11. The Latin word “ingenuns,” and the English 
word “ noble,” give both the primary and secondary senses. Plutarch says that virtue 
has its root in εὐγένεια, and is developed to perfection by παίδεια. 

3 Rom. x. 12. 4 Rom. ix. 24. 

5 Acts xvii. 12, 

6 "Ελληνίδων (v. 12) must be considered as belonging to ἀνῥρῶν as well as γυναίκων. 
. 7 Acts xvil. 11. 8 1 Thess. ii. 17. 

9 He says that he made more than one attempt to return: and in this expression he 
may be referring to what took place at Bera, as probably as at Athens. 


THE JEWS AT BERGA. 341 


dence of some weeks ; and there are other passages! in the same Epistle 
which might induce us to suppose the time extended even to months 
But when we find, on the other hand, that the cause which led him to 
‘eave Bercea was the hostility of the Jews of Thessalonica, and when we 
remember that the two cities were only separated by a distance of sixty 
miles,’—that the events which happened in the synagogue of one city would 
soon be made known in the synagogue of the other,—and that Jewish 
bigotry was never long in taking aztive measures to crush its opponents,— 
we are led to the conclusion that the Apostle was forced to retreat from 
Bercea after no long interval of time. The Jews came like hunters upon 
their prey, as they had done before from Iconium to Lystra.* They could 
not arrest the progress of the Gospel,‘ but they “stirred up the people” 
there, as at Thessalonica before.» They made his friends feel that hig 
continuance in the city was no longer safe. He was withdrawn from 
Bercea and sent to Athens, as in the beginning of his ministry® he had 
been withdrawn from Jerusalem and sent to Tarsus. And on this occa- 
sion, as on that,’ the dearest wishes of his heart were thwarted. The 
providence of God permitted “Satan” to hinder him from seeing his 
dear Thessalonian converts, whom ‘ once and again” he had desired to re- 
visit.2 The divine counsels were accomplished by means of the antagonism 
of wicked men; and the path of the Apostle was urged on, in the midst 
of trial and sorrow, in the direction pointed out in the vision at Jerusalem,! 
“far hence unto the Gentiles.” 

An immediate departure was urged upon the Apostle ; and the Church 
of Bercea suddenly lost its teacher. But Silas and Timotheus remained 
behind," to build it up in its holy faith, to be a comfort and support in its 
trials and persecutions, and to give it such organisation as might be neces- 


1 Those which relate to the widely extended rumour of the introduction of Chris- 
tianity into Thessalonica. See below, on 1 Thess. The stay at Athens was short, and 
the Epistle was written soon after St. Paul’s arrival at Corinth ; and, if a sufficient time 
had elapsed for a general knowledge to be spread abroad of what had happened at 
Thessalonica, Wwe should be inclined to believe that the delay at Bercea was consider 
able. 

3. Wicseler gives a different turn to this consideration, and argues that, because the 
distance between Bercea and Thessalonica was so great, therefore a long time must 
have elapsed before the news from the latter place could have summoned the Jews 
from the former. But we must take into account, not merely the distance between the 
two cities, but the peculiarly close communication which subsisted among the Jewish 
synagogues. See, for instance, Acts xxvi. 11. 

3 See pp. 195, 196. 4 See Hemsen’s Paulus, p. 156. 

8 Ἥλθον κακεῖ σαλεΐοντες τοὺς ὄχλους. Acts xvii. 13. Compare v. 5. 

© Acts ix. 30. 

7 See the remarks on the vision at Jerusalem, p. 104. 

8 See above, p. 340. 9 Acts xvii. 17-21. 10 See εὐθέως, V. 44, 

1 Acts xvii. 14. The last mention of Timothy was at Philippi; but it is highly pro 
‘able that he joined St. Paul at Thessalonica. See above, p. 338. Possibly he brought 


349 ΠῚ LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sary. Meanwhile some of the new converts accompanied St. Paul on his 
flight :! thus adding a new instance to those we have already secn of the 
love which grows up between those who have taught and those who have 
learnt the way of the soul’s salvation.’ 

Without attempting to divine all the circumstances which may have 
zoncurred in determining the direction of the flight, we can mention some 
obvious reasons why it was the most natural course. To have returned in 
the direction of Thessalonica was manifestly impossible. To have pushed 
over the mountains, by the Via Egnatia, towards Illyricum and the west- 
ern parts of Macedonia, would have taken the Apostle from those shores of 
the Archipelago to which his energies were primarily to be devoted. 
Mere concealment and inactivity were not to be thought of. ‘Thus the 
Christian fugitives turned their steps towards the sea,? and from some 
point on the coast where a vessel was found, they embarked for Athens. 
In the ancient tables two roads‘ are marked which cross the Haliacmon 
and intersect the plain from Bercea, one passing by Pydna,® and the other 
leaving it to the left, and both coming to the coast at Dium near the base 
of Mount Olympus. The Pierian level (as this portion of the plain was 
called) extends about ten miles in breadth from the woody falls of the 
mountain to the sea-shore, forming a narrow passage from Macedonia 
into Greece.’ ‘Thus Dium was “ the great bulwark of Macedonia on the 


some of the contributions from Philippi, p. 329. We shall consider hereafter the 
movements of Silas and Timothy at this point of St. Paul’s journey. Meantime, we 
may observe that Timotheus was very probably sent to Thessalonica (1 Thess. iii.) 
from Berea, and not from Athens. See Hemsen, pp. 117, 127, 138, 162, and Wieseler, 
42-45, 246-249. 

1 Acts xvii. 14, 15. 

See above, on the jailor’s conversion, pp. 308,309. Also p. 128, 

3 Ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Θάλασσαν (Acts xvii. 14), translated “as it were to the sca” in the 
authorised version, This need not at all imply that there was any stratagem. Nor is 
the word ὡς merely redundant. Viger anc Wiper have shown that it denotes the in- 
tention. The phrase ὡς ἐπὲ is similarly used by Polybius. It seems very likely that 
in the first instance they had no fixed intention of going to Athens, but merely to the 
sea. Their further course was determined by providential circumstances: and, when 
St. Paui was once arrived at Athens, he could send a message to Timothy and Silas to 
follow him (v.15). Those are surely mistaken who suppose that St. Paul travelled 
from Macedonia to Attica by land. 

4 These roads are clearly laid down in the map of the Northern Aigean. The dis- 
tance in the Antonine Itinerary is seventeen miles. See Wesseling, p. 328. Nicepho- 
rus Gregoras says that Bercea is 160 stadia from the sea (xiii. 8,3). See also Cantacuz. 

5. Mr. Tate (Continuous History, &c.) suggests that St. Paul may have sailed trom 
Pydna. But Pydna was not a seaport, and, for other reasons, Dium was more conves 
niently situated for the purpose. 

6 Leake, p. 425. Above (p. 409) he describes the ruins of Dium, among which are 
probably some remains of the temple of Jupiter Olympius, who was honoured here in 
periodical games. See Liv. xliv. 6,7. For Mount Olympus, see pp. 413, 414. He 
describes it as a conspicuous object for all the country round, as far as Saloniki, ana 
ue deriving from its steepness an increase of grandeur and apparent height. 


MOUNT OLYMPUS. 343 


south ;” and it was a Roman colony, like that other city which we have 
described on the eastern frontier.! No city is more likely than Dium to 
have been the last, as Philippi was “the first,” through which St. Paul 
passed in his journey through the province. 

Here then,—where Olympus, dark with woods, rises from the plain by 
the shore, to the broad summit, glittering with snow, which was the throne 
of the Homeric gods,’-—at the natural termination of Macedonia,—and 
where the first scene of classical and poetic Greece opens on our view,— 
we take our leave, for the present, of the Apostle of the Gentiles. ‘The 
shepherds from the heights? above the vale of Tempe may have watched 
the sails of his ship that day, as it moved like a white speck over the 
outer waters of the Thermaic Gulph. ‘The sailors, looking back from the 
deck, saw the great Olympus rising close above them in snowy majesty. 
The more distant mountains beyond Thessalonica are alzeady growing 
faint and indistinct. As the vessel approaches the Thessalian archipe- 
lago,> Mount Athos begins to detach itself from the isthmus that binds it 
to the main, and, with a few other heights of Northern Macedonia, ap- 


pears like an island floating in the horizon.° 


1 See above, on Philippi. 

3 The epithets given by Homer to this poetic mountain (μακρός, 1]. i. 398 ; πολυ- 
δειράς, i. 443 ἀγάννιφος, Od. ix. 40 3 ἀγλήεις, 1]. i. 530; πολύπτυχος, viii. 410) are ag 
fully justified by the accounts of modern travellers, as the descriptions of the scenery 
alluded to at the close of the preceding Chapter, p. 282, n. 6. 

3 See Mr. Urquhart’s description of the view over the sea and its coasts (mare voli- 
volum terrasque jacentes), from a convent on the face of Mount Olympus. “I might 
have doubted the reality of its hazy waters, but for the white sails dotted along the 
frequented course between Salonica and the southern headland of Thessaly. Eeyond, 
and far away to the east, might be guessed or distinguished the peak of Mount Athos, 
and the distincter lines, between, of the peninsulas Pullene and Sithonia. This glimpse 
of Mount Athos, at a distance of ninety miles, made me resolve on visiting its shrine 
and ascending its peak.” Spirit of the East, vol. 1, p. 426. In the same,work (p. 418) 
are some remarks on the isolation of the mountain. Scea passage in Dr. Wordsworth’s 
Greece, p. 197. 

4 Compare p. 314, notes 2 and 7. See also Purdy’s Sailing Directory, p. 148. “To 
the N.W. of the Thessalian Isles the extensive Gulf of Salonica extends thirty leagues 
to the north-westward, before it changes its direction to the north-eastward and forms 
the port. The country on the west, part of the ancient Thessaly, and now the province 
of Tricala, exhibitsa magnificent range of mountains, which include PeZion, now Patras, 
Ossa, now Kissova, and Olympus, now Elymbo. The summit of the latter is 6000 
feet above the. level of the sea.” 

5. The group of islands off the north end of Eubcea, consisting of Sciathos, Scopelos, 
Preparethos, &c. For an account of them, see Purdy, pp. 145-148. 

6 Cousinéry somewhere gives this description of the appearance of heights near 
Saloniki, as seen from the Thessalian islands. Fer an instance of a very unfavourable 
voyage in these seas, in the month of December, thirteen days being spent at sea 
hetween Salonica and Zeitun, the reader may consult Holland’s Travels ch. xvi. 


344 HE IIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


CHAPTER X. 


*tuc δὲ Tov Πειραῖα εἰσπλεύσας dviyst ἀπὸ τῆς νεὼς ἐς τὸ doit προϊὼν δέ, TOAAGK 
Tw) φι:λοσοφούντων ἐνετύγχανε"... .. . τὴν μὲν δὴ πρώτην διάλεξιν, ἐπειδὴ φιλοθύτας 
yTode ᾿Αθηναίους εἶδεν, ὑπὲρ ἱερῶν διελέξατο. .. καὶ ταῦτα ᾿Αθηνῇήσιν, οὗ καὶ ἀγνώστων 
δαιμήνων βωμοὶ tdpyvtat.—Philost, Vit. Ap. Ty. iv. ὁ. vi. 2. 


ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF ATTICA.—SCENERY ROUND ATHENS.—THE PIRZUS 
AND THE “LONG WALLS.”—THE AGORA.—THE ACROPOLIS.—THE ‘‘ PAINTED 
PORCH” AND THE ‘‘GARDEN.” —-THE APOSTLE ALONE IN ATHENS. — GREEK 
RELIGION.—THE UNKNOWN GOD.— GREEK PHILOSOPHY. THE STOICS AND 
EPICUREANS.—LATER PERIOD OF THE SCHOOLS.—ST. PAULIN THE AGORA.— 
THE AREOPAGUS.—SPEECH OF ST. PAUL.—DEPARTURE FROM ATHENS. 


To draw a parallel between a holy Apostle like Paul of Tarsus, and an 
itinerant magician line Apollonius of Tyana' would be unmeaning and 
profane. But the extract from the biography of that singular man which 
we have prefixed to this chapter is a suitable and comprehensive motto 
to that passage in the Apostle’s biography on which we are now entering. 
The sailing into the Pireeus,—the ertrance into the city of Athens,—the 
interviews with philosophers,—the devotion of the Athenians to religious 
ceremonies, the discourse concerning the worship of the Deity,—the 


1 He has been alluded to before, p. 120, n. 2 and p. 146, n. 4. “His life by Philos- 
tratus is a mass of incongruities and fables ;” but it is an important book, as reflecting 
the opinions of the age in which it was written. Apollonius himself produced a great 
excitement in the Apostolic age. See Neander’s Gencral Church History (Eng. Trans), 
pp. 40-43 and pp. 236-238. It was the fashion among the Antichristian writers of the 
third century to adduce him asa rival of our Blessed Lord; and the same profane 
comparison has been renewed by some of our English freethinkers. Without alluding 
to this any further, we may safely find some interest in putting his life by the side of 
that of St. Paul. They lived at the same time, and travelled through the same coun 
tries; and the life of the magician illustrates that peculiar state of philosophy and 
superstition which the Gospel preached by St. Paul had to encounter. Apollonius 
was partly educated at Tarsus; he travelled from city to city in Asia Minor; from 
Greece he went to Rome, in the reign of Nero, about the time when the magicians had 
lately been expelled; he visited Athens and Alexandria, where he had a singular 
mecting with Vespasian: on a second visit’ to Italy he vanished miraculously from 
Puteoli: the last scene of his life was Eshesus. or, possibly, Crete or Rhodes. Sce the 
Life in Smith’s Dictionary cf Biography. Itis thought by many that St. Paul and 
Apollonius actually met in Epbesus and Rome. Burton’s Lectures on Ecclesiastical 
Uistory, pp. 157, 240. 


ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF ATTICA. 345 


Ignorance implied by the altars to wxknown G'ods,!—these are exactly 
the subjects which are now before us.. If a summary of the contents of 
the seventeenth chapter of the Acts had been required, it could not have 
been more conveniently expressed. The city visited by Apollonius was 
the Athens which was visited by St. Paul: the topics of discussion—the 
character of the people addressed—the aspect of everything around,— 
were identically the same. The difference was this, that the Apostle 
could give to his hearers what the philosopher could not give. The God 
whom Paul “declared,” was worshipped by Apollonius himself as “ ignor- 
aptly” as by the Athenians. 

We left St. Paul on that voyage which his friends induced him to 
undertake on the flight from Bercea. The vessel was last seen among the 
Thessalian’ islands.2 About, that point the highest land in Northern 
Macedonia began to be lost to view. Gradually the nearer heights of the 
snowy Olympus? itself receded into the distance, as the vessel on her 
progress approached more and more near to the centre of all the interest 
of classical Greece. All the land and water in sight becomes more 
eloquent as we advance: the lights and shadows, both of poetry and _his- 
tory, are on every side; every rock is ἃ monument; every current is 
animated with some memory of the past. For a distance of ninety miles, 
from the confines of Thessaly to the middle part of the coast of Attica, 
the shore is protected, as it were, by the long island of Hubcea. Deep 
in the innermost gulf, where the waters of the Aigean retreat far within 
the land, over against the northern parts of this island, is the pass οἱ 
Thermopyle, where a handful of Greek warriors had defied all the hosts 
of Asia. In the crescent-like bay on the shore of Attica, near the south- 
ern extremity of the same island, is the maritime sanctuary of Marathon, 
where the battle was fought which decided that Greece was never to be 
a Persian Satrapy.4 When the island of Eubeea is left behind, we soon 
reach the southern extremity of Attica—Cape Colonna,—Sanium’s high 
promontory, still crowned with the white columns of that temple of Mi- 
nerva, which was the landmark to Greek sailors, and which asserted the 
presence of Athens at the very vestibule of her country.° 

After passing this headland, our course turns to the westward across 
the waters of the Saronic Gulf, with the mountains of the Morea on our 
left, and the islands of Agina and Salamis in front. To one who travels 
in classical lands no moment is more full of interest and excitement than 


? This subject is fully entered into below. 2 Αὐθνο, p. 343. 

2 See the preceding Chapter, p. 342, also 314. | 

¥ See Quarterly Review, for Sept. 1846, and the first number of the Classical Museum, 

» See Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, ch. xxvii. A description of the promontory 
and ruins, will be found in Mure’s Journal of a Tour in Greece. See Falconer’s Ship 
wreck, lil 526. 


840 THE ‘LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


when he has left the Cape of Sunium behind and eagerly looks for the 
first glimpse of that city “built nobly on the A%gean shore,” which was 
“the eye of Greece, mother of arts and eloquence.”! To the traveller 
in classical times its position was often revealed by the flashing of the 
light on the armour of Minerva’s colossal statne, which stood with shield and 
spear on the summit of the citadel.* At the very first sight of Athens, 
and even from the deck of the vessel, we obtain a vivid notion of the 
characteristics of its position. And the place where it stands is so re 
markable—its ancient inhabitants were so proud of its climate and its 
scenery ®>—that we may pause on our approach to say a few words on 
Attica and Athens, and their relation to the rest of Greece. 

Attica is a triangular tract of country, the southern and eastern sides 
of which meet in the point of Sunium ; its third side is defined by the 
high mountain ranges of Citheron and Parnes, which separate it by a 
strong barrier from Boeotia and Northern Greece. Hills of inferior ele- 
vation connect‘ these ranges with the mountainous surface of the scuth- 
east,®> which begins from Sunium itself, and rises on the south coast to the 
round summits of Hymettus,.and the higher peak of Pentelicus near 
Marathon on the east. The rest of Attica is a plain, one reach of which 
comes down to the sea on the south, at the very base of Hymettus. Here, 
about five miles from the shore, an abrupt rock rises from the level, like 
the rock of Stirling Castle, bordered on the south by some lower emin- 
ences, and commanded by a high craggy peak on the north. ‘This rock is 
the Acropolis of Athens. These lower eminences are the Areopagus, 
the Pnyx, and the Museum, which determined the rising and falling of 
the ground in the ancient city. That craggy peak is the hill of Lycabet 
tus,° from the summit of which the spectator sees all Athens at his feet, 


1 Paradise Regained, iv. 240. 

? The expression of Pausanias is,—Tairn¢e τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἡ τοῦ δόρατος αἰχμὴ καὶ ὁ 
λόφος τοῦ κράνους ἀπὸ Σουνίου προσπλέουσιν ἔστιν ἤδη σύνοπτα, xxviii. 2. This does 
not mean that it can be seen from Suuium itself, as any one must be aware who is 
acquainted with the position and height of Hymettus. Colonel Leake says that the 
view of the Acropolis is open to any vessel sailing towards it up the gulf, on a 
course of N. 20 W. true, and that it is first distinctly visible without a telescope about 
Cape Zosta. Addenda, p. 631. 

3 See, especially, Xenophon de Vectigalibus. 

4 The region which connected Parnes and Hymettus, and lay beyond it, was called 
Diacria. 

5 In this region of the Mesogaa there was an inland plain. The sca-coasts ou the 
east and west, coming @pwn to Sunium, were called Paralia. 

6 The relation of Lycabettus to the crowded buildings below, and to the surrounding 
landscape, is so like that of Arthur’s Seat to Edinburgh and its neighbourhood, and 
there isso much resemblance between Edinburgh Castle and the Acropolis, that a 
tomparison between the city of the Saronic gulf and the city of the Forth has beceme 
justly proverbial. 


SCENERY ROUND ATHENS. 947 


snd looks freely over the intermediate plain to the Pireus and the 
Bea. 

Athens and the Pirgeus must never be considered separately. Ons 
was the city, the other was its harbour. Once they were connected toge- 
ther by a continuous fortification. Those who looked down from Lyca 
bettus in the time of Pericles, could follow with the eye all the long line 
of wall from the temples on the Acropolis to the shipping in the port. 
Thus we are brought back to the point from which we digressed. We. 
were approaching the Pirzus; and, since we must land in maritime 
Athens before we can enter Athens itself, let us return once more to the 
vessel’s deck, and iook round on the land and the water. The island on 
our left,,with steep cliffs at the water's edge, is gina. The distant 
heights beyond it are the mountains of the Morea. Before us is another 
island, the illustrious Salamis ; though in the view it is hardly disentan- 
gled from the coast of Attica, for the strait where the battle was fought 
is narrow and winding. The high ranges behind stretch beyond Eleusis 
and Megara, to the left towards Corinth, and to the right along the fron- 
tier of Beotia. This last ridge is the mountain line of Parnes, of which 
we have spoken above. Clouds! are often seen to rest on it at all seasons 
of the year, and in winter it is usually white with snow. ‘The dark heavy 
mountain rising close to us on the right immediately from the sea, is 
Hymettus. Between Parnes and Hymettus is the plain ; and rising from 
the plain is the Acropolis, distinctly visible, with Lycabettus behind, and 
seeming in the clear atmosphere to be nearer than it is, 

The outward aspect of this scene is now whatit ever was. The lights 
and shadows on the rocks of Aigina and Salamis, the gleams on the dis- 
tant mountains, the clouds or the snow on Parnes, the gloom in the deep 
dells of Hymettus, the temple-crowned rock and the plain beneath it,— 
are natural features, which only vary with the alternations of morning 
and evening, and summer and winter. Some changes indeed have taken 
place : but they are connected with the history of man. The vegetation 
is less abundant, the population is more scanty. In Greek and Roman 
times, bright villages enlivened the promontories of Sunium and Adgina, 
and all the inner reaches of the bay. Some readers will indeed remem- 
ber a dreary picture which Sulpicius gave his friend Atticus of the deso- 


1 See the passage from the Clouds of Aristophanes quoted by Dr. Wordsworth. 
Athens and Attica, p.58. Theophrastus said that the weather would be fine when 
there was lightning only on Parnes. 

* This is written under the recollection of the aspect of the coast on a cloudy 
morning in winter. It is perhaps more usually seen ander the glare of a hot sky. 

3 Athens was not always as bare asit is now. See the line quoted by Dio Chrys: 
ἄλση δὲ τίς πω τοιαδ' ἔσχ᾽ ἀλλη πόλις; Plato, in the Critias, complains that the wood 
was (liminishing. 


348 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


lation of these coasts when Greece had ceased to be free ;! but we must 
make some allowances for the exaggerations of a poetical regret, «nd must 
recollect that the writer had been accustomed to the gay and busy life of 
the Campanian shore. After the renovation of Corinth,’ and in the 
reign of Claudius, there is no doubt that all the signs of a far mora 
numerous population than at present were evident around the Saronic 
gulf, and that more white sails were to be seen in fine weather plyiag 
across its waters to the harbours of Cenchrese* or Pireus. 

Now there is indeed a certain desolation over this beautiful bay: Co- 
rinth is fallen, and Cenchree is an insignificant village. The Piraeus is 
probably more like what it was, than any other spot upon the coast. It 
remains what by nature it has ever been,—a safe basin of deep water, 
concealed by the surrounding rock ; and now, as in St. Paul’s time, the 
proximity of Athens causes it to be the resort of various shipping. We 
know that we are approaching it at the present day, if we see, rising above 
the rocks, the tall masts of an English line-of-battle ship, side by side with 
the light spars of a Russian corvette or the black funnel of a French 
steamer. ‘The details were different when the Mediterranean was a Re- 
man lake. The heavy top-gear‘ of corn-ships from Alexandria or the 
Euxine might then be a conspicuous mark among the small coasting vessels 
and fishing-boats ; and one bright spectacle was then pre-eminent, which 
the lapse of centuries has made cold and dim, the perfect buildings on the 
summit of the Acropolis, with the shield and spear of Minerva Promachus 
glittering in the sun.» But those who have coasted along beneath Hymet- 
tus,—and past the indentations in the shore,* which were sufficient har- 
bours for Athens in the days of her early navigation,—and round by the 
ancient tomb, which tradition has assigned to Themistocles,’ into the bet- 
ter and safer harbour of the Pirzeus,—require no great effort of the ima- 
gination to picture the Apostle’s arrival. For a moment, as we near the 
entrance, the land rises and conceals all the plain. Idlers come down 
upon the rocks to watch the coming vessel. The sailors are all on the 
alert. Suddenly an opering is revealed ; and a sharp turn ef the helm 
brings the ship in between two moles,* on which towers are erected. We 


1“ Ex Asia rediens, quum ab /Egina Megaram versus navigarem, ccoepi regiones 
eircumcirea prospicere. Post me erat gina; ante Megara; dextra Piraeus; sinistra 
Corinthus ; que oppida quodam tempore florentissima fuerunt, nunc prostrata et diruta 
ante oculos jacent.” Hp. Fam. iv. 5. 

* Corinth was in ruins in Cicero’s time. For the results of its restoration, see the 
next Chapter. 

3 See Acts xviii. 18. Rom. xvi. 1. 

4 See Smith’s Shipwreck, ἄο. 5 See above, p. 346, 

6 The harbours of Phalerum and Munyckia. 

7 For the sepulchre by the edge of the water, popularly called the ‘tomb of The 
mistocles,” see Leake, pp. 379, 380, and the notes. 

8 Some parts of the ancient moles are remaining.—Leake, p. 272. See what is said 


SCENERY ROUND ATHENS. 34S 


are in smooth watcr ; and anchor is cast in seven fathoms in the basin of 
the Pirzeus.' 

The Pireus, with its suburbs (for so, though it is not strictly accurate, 
we may designate the maritime city), was given to Athens as a natural 
advantage, to which much of her greatness must be traced. It consists 
of a projecting portion of rocky ground, which is elevated above the neigh- 
bouring shore, and probably was originally entirely ingulated in the sea, 
The two rivers of Athens—-the Cephisus and Ilissus—seem to have 
formed, in the course of ages, the low marshy ground which now connects 
Athens with its port.2 The port itself possesses all the advantages of 
shelter and good anchorage, deep water, and sufficient space. Themisto 
cles, seeing that the pre-eminence of his country could only be maintained 
by her maritime power, fortified the Piraeus as the outpost of Athens, and 
enclosed the basin of the harbour as a dock within the walls. In the 
long period through which Athens had been losing its political power, 
these defences had been neglected and suffered to fall into decay, or had 
been used as materials for other buildings: but there was still a fortress 
on the highest point ;° the harbour was still a place of some resort ; ° 
and a considerable number of seafaring people dwelt in the streets about 
the sea-shore. When the republic of Athens was flourishing, the sailors 


of the colossal lions now removed to Venice, which gave the harbour its modern 
name, p. 271. 

1 “The entrance of the Pireus (Port Leoni) is known by a small obelisk built on a 
low point by the company of H. M. ship Cambria, in 1820, on the starboard hand going 
in... . The entrance lies E. by. S. and W. by N., and has in it nine and ten fathoms. 
There are three mole-heads, two of which you have on the starboard hand, and one on 
the larboard. When past these mole-heads, shorten all sail, luff up, and anchor in 
seven fathoms. The ground is clear and good. There is room enough for three 
frigates. As the place is very narrow, great care is required. . . . During the summer 
months the sea-breezes blow, nearly all day, directly into the harbour. . . . The middle 
channel of the harbour, with a depth of 9 or 10 fathoms, is 110 feet in breadth; the 
starboard channel, with 6 fathoms, 40 feet ; the larboard, with 2 fathoms, only 28 feet.” 
Purdy’s Sailing Directions, p. 83. 

? See the first pages of Curtius, De Portubus Athenarum Commentatio, Hal. 1842. 

3 See above, n. 2. 

4 For the work of Themistocles, see Thucyd. i. 93. Corn. Nep. Them. 6, and Pau- 
sanias. For the completion of the defences during the Peloponnesian war, sec 
Thucyd. ii. 94, and Leake’s note, p. 372. 

5 The height of Munychia. For the military importance of this position in the Ma- 
cedonian and Roman periods. see Leake, pp. 401-412. In the same way, the Museum 
became more important, in the military sense, than the Acropolis, which, in every 
other respect, was infinitely more illustrious. Pp. 405, 406. Compare p. 429, and the 
expression of Diodorus, p. 386, n. 

6 Strabo speaks of the population living in “ villages about the port.”” One of them 
was probably near the theatre of Munychia, on the low ground on the east of the main 
harbour. Leake, p. 396. Even in the time of Alexander, the Pireeus had so much da 
tlincd thi a comic writer compared it to a great empty walnut. Leake, p. 402. 


8350 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΥ. PAUL. 


were a turbulent and worthless part of its population.’ And the Pirseus 
under the Romans was not without some remains of the same disorderly 
elass, as it doubtless retained many of the outward features of its earlier 
appearance :—the landing-places and covered porticos ;? the warehouses 
where the corn from the Black Sea used to be laid up ;? the stores of fish 
brought in daily from the Saronic Gulf and the A%gean ;‘ the gardens in 
the watery groumt at the edge of the plain ;* the theatres® into which 
the sailors used to flock to hear the comedies of Menander ; and the tem- 
ples’ where they were spectators of a worship which had no beneficial 
effect on their characters. 

Had St. Paul come to this spot four hundred years before, he would 
have been in Athens from the moment of his landing at the Pireus. At 
that time the two cities were united together by the double line of fortifi- 
cation, which is famous under the name of the “Long Walls.” The space 
incluaeu oetween these two arms® of stone might be considered (as, indeed, 
it was sometimes called) a third city ; for the street of five miles in length 
thus formed across the plain, was crowded® with people, whose habita- 
tions were shut out from all view of the country by the vast wall on either 
side. Some of the most pathetic passages of Athenian history are associ- 


1 The ναυτικὸς ὄχλος of Aristophanes. 

? We read especially of the Maxpd Στοά, which was also used asa market. Leake, 
pp. 367 and 382. See the allusions on the latter page to the meal-bazaar (στοὰ ἀλφι- 
τοπῶλις) and the exchange (δεῖγμα) ; an armoury also (p. 365) and naval arsenais (p. 
374), are mentioned. Some of these had been destroyed by Sulla. 

3 That part of the Peiraic harbour to which the corn-vessels came was called Zea, 
See Leake, pp. 573-376. Thucydides (viii. 90) mentions the building of some corn- 
warehouses. Leake, p. 378. 

4 Leake, p. 397. 5 Thid. 

6 This theatre was on the hill of Phalerum. Leake, p. 386-388. Compare pp. 391, 
392 and notes. It ds mentioned by Xenophon (Hell. ii. 4, 32) in connection with the 
affair of Thrasybulus, during which some of the troops were driven into the theatre, 
like the crowd at Ephesus (Acts xix. 29). There was another theatre in Munychia, 
mentioned by Lysias and Thucydides; and there too we have the mention of a great 
meeting during the Peloponnesian war. Leake, p. 394. 

7 See Pausanias. It is here that he mentions the altars to the unknown gods (βωμοὶ 
θεῶν Te ὀνομαζομένων ἀγνώστων καὶ ἡρώων). Clemens Alexandrinus mentions some of 
the statues that were seen here in his time. Leake, p. 369, n. 3, also p. 384. One of 
the most conspicuous temples was that dedicated to Jupiter and Minerva. Strabo and 
Liv. xxxi. 30, and Plin. H. Ν. xxxiv. 8. 

8 “These brachia longa viw,” as they are called by Propertius (iii. 20, 24); and 
egain by Livy,—*‘ Murus qui brachiis duobus Peirzeum Athenis jungit” (xxxi.26). But 
the name by which they were usually known at Athens, was “the Long legs,”—ra 
μακρὰ σκέλη. 

9 Andocides distinguishes the three garrisons of Athens as—ol ἐν ἄστει οἰκοῦντες, οἱ 
ἐν μακρῷ τείχει, and of ἐν Πειραιεῖ. De Myst. p. 22, Reiske. So Polyzenus speaks of 
οἱ φύλακες τοῦ ἄστεος καὶ τοῦ Πειραιέως καὶ τῶν Σκελῶν. i 40, ἃ That the ΤοηρῸ- 
mural space was thickly inhabited is evident from the passages of Thucydides and 
Xenophon referred to below. 


THE ‘LONG WALLS. 3&1 


ated with this longomural enclosure : as when, in the beginning of the Px 
loponnesian war, the plague broke out in the autumn weather among the 
miserable inhabitants, who were crowded here to suffocation ;' or, at the 
end of the same war, when the news came of the defeat on the Asiatic 
shore, and one long wail went up from the Pirgus, “and no one slept in 
Athens that night.”? The result of that victory was, that these long walls 
were rendered useless by being partially destroyed ; and though another 
Athenian admiral and statesman* restored what Pericles‘ had first com- 
pleted, this intermediate fortification remained effective only for a time. 
In the incessant changes which fell on Athens in the Macedonian period, 
they were injured and became unimportant.’ In the Roman siege under 
Sulla, the stones were used as materials for other military works.° So 
that when Augustus was on the throne, and Athens had reached its ulti- 
mate position as a free city of the province of Achaia, Strabo, in his 
description of the place, speaks of the Long Walls as matters of past 
history ;7 and Pausanias, a century later, says simply that “you see the 
ruins of the walls as you go up from the Pireus.”* Thus we can easily 
imagine the aspect of these defences in the time of St. Paul, which is in- 
termediate to these two writers. On each side of the road® were the 
broken fragments of the rectangular masonry put together in the proud- 
est days of Athens ; more conspicuous than they are at present (for now” 


1 Thucyd. ii. 17. 2 Xen. Hell. ii. 2, 3. 

3 Leake (p. 428) thinks that the Phaleric wall may have supplied the materials for 
Conon’s restoration. “At least no further notice of the Phaleric wall occurs in history, 
nor have any vestiges of it been yet discovered.” 

4 For the progress of the work from its first commencement, see Grote’s Greece, 
vol. v. 

5 See what Livy says of their state after the death of Demetrius Poliorcetes. “Inter 
angustias semiruti muri, qui brachiis duobus Pireum Athenis jungit.”’ xxxi.26. Yet 
he afterwards speaks of their being objects of admiration in the time of Aim. Paulus. 
“Athenas plenas quidem et ipsas vetustate fama, multa tamen visenda habentes; 
arcem, portus, muros Pireum urbi jungentes.” xlv, 27. 

6 Appian says that Sulla made use of the timber of the Academy and the stonea 
from the Long Walls for his military works. Ὕλην τῆς ᾿Ακαδημίας ἔκοπτε καὶ μηγανὰς 
εἰργάζετο μεγίστας " τά Te μακρὰ σκέλη καθήρει, λίθους Kal ξύλα καὶ γῆν ἐς τὸ χῶμα 
μεταβάλλων. De Bello Mith. 30. 

7 Τῷ τεΐχει τούτῳ (the Peiraic fortification) συνῆπται τὰ καθειλκυσμένα ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος 
σκέλη" ταῦτα δ᾽ ἦν μακρὰ τείχη, τετταράκοντα σταδίων τὸ μῆκος, συνάπτοντα τὸ ἄστυ 
τῷ Πειραιεῖ. Strabo, ix. 1. He goes on to say that ἃ succession of wars had had the 
effect of destroying the defences of the Pirzus. 

8 ’Aviovtwy ἐκ Πειραιῶς, ἐρείπια τῶν τειχῶν ἐστιν, ἃ Κόνων, ὕστερον τῆς πρὸς Κνίδῳ 
ναυμαχίας, ἀνέστησε. Paus. Att. ii. 2. 

9 Leake thinks that the Hamazitus or carriage-way went on the outside of the 
nerthern wall (p. 384); but Forchammer has shown that -his was not the case, p. 24. ᾿ 

10 Leake, p. 417. 

1 See Leake, Wordsworth, and other modern travellers. It seems, from what Spon 
and Wheler say, that in 1676 the remains were larger and more continuous than af 
prosent, 


352 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


only the foundations can be traced here and there across the plain), but 
still very different from what they were when two walls of sixty feet high, 
with a long succession of towers,’ stood to bid defiance to every invader 
of Attica. 


COIN OF ATHENS, 


The consideration of the Long Walls leads us to that of the city walla 
themselves. Here many questions might be raised concerning the extent 
of the enclosure,? and the positions of the gates, when Athens was under 
the Roman dominion. But all such enquiries must be entirely dismissed. 
We will assume that St. Paul entered the city by the gate which led from 
the Pireus, that this gate was identical with that by which Pausanias 
entered. and that its position was in the hollow between the outer slopes 
of the Pnyx and Museum.’ It is no ordinary advantage that we possess 
a description of Athens under the Romans, by the traveller and antiquarian 
whose name has just been mentioned. The work of Pausanias © will be our 


1 “There is no direct evidence of the height of the Long Walls; but, as Appian (De 
B. Mith. 30) informs us that the walls of the Peiraic city were forty cubits high, we 
may presume those of the Long Walls were not less. Towers were absolutely neces- 
sary to such a work ; and the inscription relating to the Long Walls leuves no question 
as to their having existed.” Leake, p. 424, n. 1. The inscription. to which allusion is 
made, was published by K. O. Miller, in his work “De Munimentis Athenarum ” (Gott, 
1836); it is given in Leake’s Appendix. 

* From the British Museum. 

3 Our plan of Athens is taken from that of Kiepert, which is based on the arguments 
contained in Forchammer’s Topographie von Athen. (Kiel. 1841.) It differs materially 
from that of Leake, especially in giving a larger area to the city on the east and south, 
and thus bringing the Acropolis in the centre. Forchammer thinks that the traces of 
ancient walls, which are found on the Pnyx, &ec., do not belong to the fortifications of 
Themistocles, but to some later defences erected by Valerian. 

4 For various discussions on the gates, 866 Leake, Wordsworth, and Forchammer. 

§ Pausanias does not mention the Peitaic gate by that name. See Leake, Words 
worth, and Forchammer. The first of these authorities places it where the modern 
road from the Piras enters Athens, beyond all the high ground to the north of the 

.Pnyx; the second places it in the hollow between the Pnyx and the Museum; the 
third in the same direction, but more remote from the Acropolis, in conformity wita 
his view concerning the larger circumference of the walls. 

* Pausanias visited Athens about fifty years after St. Paul. It is probable that very 


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THE AGORA. 353 


best guide to the discovery of what St. Paul saw. By following his route 
through the city, we shall be treading in the steps of the Apostle himself, 
and shall behold those very objects which excited his indignation and 
compassion. 

Taking, then, the position of the Peiraic gate as determined, or at 
least resigning the task of topographical enquiries, we enter the city, and 
with Pausanias as our guide, look round on the objects which were seen 
by the Apostle. At the very gateway we are met with proofs of the 
peculiar tendency of the Athenians to multiply their objects both of art 
and devotion.' Close by the building where the vestments were laid up 
which were used in the annual procession of their tutelary divinity 
Minerva,’ is an image of her rival Neptune, seated on horseback, and 
hurling his trident.2 We pass by a temple of Ceres, on the walls of which 
an archaic inscription’ informs us that the statues it contains were the 
work of Praxiteles. We go through the gate: and immediately the eye 
is attracted by the sculptured forms of Minerva, Jupiter, and Apollo, of 
Mercury and the Muses, standing near a sanctuary of Bacchus. We are 
already in the midst of an animated scene, where temples, statues, and 
altars are on every side, and where the Athenians, fond of publicity and 
the open air, fond of hearing and telling what is curious and strange,* are 
enjoying their climate and enquiring for news. A long street is before 
us, with a colonnade or cloister on either hand, like the covered arcades of 
Bologna or Turin. At the end of the street, by turning to the left, we 
might go through the whole Ceramicus,’? which leads by the tombs of 
eminent Athenians to the open inland country and the groves of the 
Academy. But we turn to the right into the Agora, which was the 
centre of a glorious public life, when the orators and statesmen, the poets 
and the artists of Greece, found there all the incentives of their noblest 
enthusiasm ; and still continued to be the meeting-place of philosophy, of 
idleness, of conversation, and of business, when Athens could ouly be 


few changes had taken place in the city, with the exception of the new buildings erected 
by Adrian. 

1 Acts xvii. 23. 

* This building is the Pompeium (Πομπεῖον). Paus. ii. 4. See Forchammer, p. 31. 

3 We have used the terms ‘Minerva, Neptune,” &c., instead of the more accurate 
terms “ Athene, Poseidon,” &c., in accommodation to popular language. So before 
‘Ch. VI.), in the case of Jupiter and Mercury. 

4 'Αττικοῖς γράμμασιν. Paus. 5 Acts xvii. 21. 

6 Forchammer makes this comparison, p. 34. It is probable, however, that these 
covered walks were not formed with arches, but with pillars bearing horizontal entab- 
latures. The position we have assigned to this street is in accordance wi‘h the plan 
of Forchammer, who places the wall and gate more remotely from the Agora than our 
English topographers. 

7 This term, in its full extent, included not ohly the road between the city wall and 
the Academy, but the Agora itself. See Plan of Athens, 

VOL. I.—23 


5:1 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


proud of her recollections of the past. On the south side is the Pnyz} 
a sloping hill partially levelled into an open area for political assemblies ; 
on the north side is the more craggy eminence of the Avrcopagus, 
before us, towards the east, is the Acropolis,? towering high above 
the scene of which it is the glory and the crown. In the valley 
enclosed by these heights is the Agora, which must not be conceived 
of as a great “market,” (Acts xvii. 17) like the bare spaces in many 
modern towns, where little attention has been paid to artistic decoration, 
but is rather to be compared to the beautiful squares of such Italian cities 
as Verona and Florence, where historical buildings have closed in the 
space within narrow limits, and sculpture has peopled it with impressive 
fizures. Among the buildings of greatest interest are the porticoes or 
cloisters, whieh were decorated with paintings and statuary, like the 
Campo Santo at Pisa. We think we may be excused for multiplying 
these comparisons: for though they are avowedly imperfect, they are 
really more useful than any attempt at description could be, in enabling 
us to realize the aspect of ancient Athens. ‘Two of the most important of 
these were the Portico of the King, and the Portico of the Jupiter of 
Freedom.’ On the roof of the former were statues of Theseus and the 
Day : in the front of the latter was the divinity to whom it was dedicated, 
and within were allegorical paintings illustrating the rise of the Athenian 
democracy. One characteristic of the Agora was, that it was full of 
memorials of actual history. Among the plane trees planted by the hand 
of Cimon,’ were the statues of the great men of Athens—such as Solon 
the lawgiver,* Conon the admiral,? Demosthenes the orator." But among 
her historical men were her deified heroes, the representatives of her 


1 It is remarkable that the Pnyx, the famous meeting-place of the political assem- 
blies of Athens, is not mentioned by Pausanias. This may be because there were no 
longer any such assemblies, and therefore his attention was not called to it; or, per- 
haps, it is omitted because it was simply a level space, without any work of art to 
attract the notice of an antiquarian. 

See this more fully described below. 3 See above, p. 346. 

4 We adopt the view of Forchammer, which is now generally received, that the 
position of the Agora was always the same. The hypothesis of a new Agora to the 
north of the Areopagus, was first advanced by Meursius and has been adopted by 
Le:ke. 

5. In the plan, these two porticoes are placed side by side, after Kiepert. Leake places 
them to the N. W. of the Areopagus, in accordance with his theory concerning the new 
Agora. See below. The first of these porticoes was so called because the King 
Archon held his court there. Pausanias does not give the name of the second; but 
it is inferred from comparing his description with other authors. 

6 Paus. iii. 2. 7 Plut. Cim. Wordsw. p. 68. 

8 Paus, xvi. 1. This was in front of the Stoa Peecile, which will be mentiened 
below. 

9 Paus. iii. 1. 10 Paus, viii. 4. 


THE AGORA. 355 


mythology—Hercules and Theseus,'—and all the series of the Eponymi* 
on their elevated platform, from whom the tribes were named, and whom 
an ancient custom connected with the passing of every successive law 
And among the deified heroes were memorials of the older divinities,— 
Mercuries, which gave their name to the street in which they wero 
placed,?—statues dedicated to Apollo, as patron of the city,‘ and her 
deliverer from plague,*—and, in the centre of all, the Altar of the Twelve 
Gods,* which was to Athens what the Golden Milestone was to Rome. 
If we look up to the Areopagus, we see the temple? of that deity from 
whom the eminence had received the name of “ Mars’ Hill : 5 and we are 
aware that the sanctuary of the Furies® is only hidden by the projecting 
ridge keyond the stone steps and the seats of the judges. If we look for- 
ward to the Acropolis, we behold there, closing the long perspective, a 
series of little sanctnaries on the very ledges of the rock,—shrines of 
Bacchus and Asculapius, Venus, Earth, and Ceres,” ending with the 
lovely form of that Temple of Unwinged Victory " which glittered by the 
entrance of the Propylea above the statues of Harmodius and Aristogei- 
ton. Thus, every god in Olympus found a place in the Agora. But the 
religiousness of the Athenians went even further. For every public place 
and building was likewise a sanctuary. The Record House was a temple 


1 The legends of these two heroes were frequently combined in works of art. See 
Wordsworth’s Greece. Their statues in the Agora are mentioned by Pausanias, viii. 6. 

5. Paus. viii. 

3 See what Leake says on this street, p. 253. We adopt Kiepert’s arrangement. 

4 Apollo Patrous. His temple was called Pythium. In this building the naval car, 
used in the Panathenaic procession, was laid up after its festal voyages, to be exhibited 
to travellers; ‘as the Ducal barge of Venice, the Bucentoro, in which the Doge sol- 
emnized the annual marriage with the sea, is now preserved for the same purpose in 
the Venetian arsenal.” Wordsworth, p. 189. 

5 Apollo Alexicacus, who was believed to have made the plague to cease in the 
Peloponnesian war. 

6 See Wordsworth, p. 169. This is one of the objects not mentioned by Pausanias. 
It was near the statue of Demosthenes. 

7 Se the plan. 8 Acts xvii. 22. 

9. The sanctuary was in a deep cleft in the front of the Areopagus, facing the 
Acropolis. See below. 

1¢ For the position of these temples, see Leake, Section VII., on the fourth part of 
the route of Pausanias. 

1! The history of this temple is very curious. In 1676 it was found entire by Spon, 
and Wheler. Subsequent travellers found that it had disappeared. In 1835 the 
various portions were discovered in an excavation, with the exception of two, which ~ 
are in the British Museum, It is now entirely restored. The original structure 
belongs to the period of the close of the Persian wars. 

15 or their position, see Pausanias, These statues were removed by Xerxes ; and 
Alexander, when at Babylon, gave an order for their restoration. Images of Brutus 
and Cassius were at one time erected near them (Dio C. xlvii. 29), but probably they 
were removed by Augustus. 


356. | THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. rAUL. 


of the Mother of the Gods.!. The Council-House held statues of Apolle 
and Jupiter, with an altar of Vesta.* The Theatre at the base of the 
Acropolis, into which the Athenians crowded to hear the words of their 
great tragedians, was consecrated to Bacchus. The Pnyx, near which 
we entered, on whose elevated platform they listened in breathless atten- 
tion to their orators, was dedicated to Jupiter4 on High, with whose 
name those of the Nymphs of the Demus* were gracefully associated. 
And, as if the imagination of the Attic mind knew no bounds in this 
direction, abstractions were deified and publicly honoured. Altars were 
“erected to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity. 
This last altar is mentioned by Pausanias among ‘‘ those objects in the 
Agora which are not understood by all men: for,” he adds, ‘the Athe- 
nians alone of all the Greeks give divine honour to Pity.”? It is needless 
to show how the enumeration which we have made (and which is no more 
than a selection from what is described by Pausanias) throws light on the 
words of St. Luke and St. Paul; and especially how the groping afer 
the abstract and invisible, implied in the altars alluded to last, illustrates 
the inscription “ΤῸ the Unknown God,” which was used by Apostol - 
wisdom to point the way to the highest truth. 

What is true of Agora is still more emphatically true of the Acropolts 
for the spirit which rested over Athens was concentrated here. The feel 
ing of the Athenians with regard to the Acropolis was well, though fanci 
fully, expressed by the rhetorician who said that it was the middle space 
of five concentric circles of a shield, whereof the outer four were Athens, 
Attica, Greece, and the world. The platform of the Acropolis was a 
museum of art, of history, and of religion. The whole was “one vast 


1 The Mytpdov. See the plan. 3 The Βουλευτήριον. See the plan. 

3 Its position may be seen on the plan, on the south side of the Acropolis. 

4 See the inscription in Boeckh. This is attributed to the elevated position of the 
Pnyx as seen from the Agora. Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, p. 72. 

5 See the restored inscription in Wordsworth (p. 70):—HIEPON ΝΎΜΦΑΙΣ 
AHMOXSIAIZ. ‘ 

6 Jt is doubtful in what part of Athens the altars of Fame, Modesty, and Energy 
(Αἰδοῦς καὶ Φήμης καὶ 'Ορμῆς) were placed. Adschines alludes to the altar of Fame. The ; 
altar of Persuasion (Πειθὼ) was on the ascent of the Acropolis. There were many other 
memorials of the same kind in Athens. Cicero speaks of a temple or altar to Contu- 
melia and Impudentia. De Leg. ii. 11. In the temple of Minerva Polias, in the Acro- 
polis, was an altar of Oblivion. Plut. Sympos. 9. 

1 'Ελέου βωμὸς, ᾧ μάλιστα ϑεῶν, ἐς ἀνθρώπινον βίον καὶ μεταβολὰς πραγμώτων 
ὅτι ὠφέλιμος, μόνοι τιμὰς Ἑλλήνων νέμουσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι. χνὶϊ. 1. He adds that this 
altar was not so much due to ἐμεῖγ human sympathy as to their peculiar piety towards 
the gods, and he confirms this opinion by proceeding to mention the altars of lame, 
Modesty, and Energy. 

8 “Ὥσπερ γὰρ en’ ἀσπίδος κύκλων εἰς ἀλλήλους ἐμβεβηκότων, πέμπτως εἰς ὀμφαλὸν 
πληροῖ διὰ πάντων ὁ κάλλιστος" εἴπερ ἡ μὲν Ἑλλὰς ἐν μέσῳ τῆς πάσης γῆς" 7 ée 
Αττικὴ τῆς Ελλάδος" τῆς δὲ χώρας ἡ πόλις" τῆς δ᾽ αὖ πόλεως ἡ ὁμώνυμος. Aristid. 
Panath, i. 99 


id AAA 
' Wht | \\ 
May 


THE AREOPAGUS. 


THE ACROPOLIS. 357 


eomposition of architecture and sculpture, dedicated to the national glory 
and to the worship of the gods.” By one approach only-—through the 
Propyizea built by Pericles—could this sanctuary be entered. If St. Paul 
went up that steep ascent on the western front of the rock, past the Tem- 
ple of Victory, and through that magnificent portal, we know nearly alf 
the ieatures of the idolatrous spectacle he saw before him. At the ep 
trance, in conformity with his attributes, was the statue of Mercurius Pro- 
pyleus.'! Further on, within the vestibule of the beautiful enclosure, were 
statues of Venus and the Graces.* The recovery of one of those who had 
laboured among the edifices of the Acropolis was commemorated by a dedi- 
cation to Minerva as the goddess of Health There was a shrine of 
Diana, whose image had been wrought by Praxiteles.t Intermixed with 
what had reference to divinities, were the memorials of eminent men and 
of great victories. The statue of Pericles, to whom the glory of the Acro- 
polis was due, remained there for centuries.» Among the sculptures on 
the south wall was one which recorded a victory we have alluded to,— 
that of Attalus over the Galatians.6 Nor was the Roman power without 
its representatives on this proud pedestal of Athenian glory. Before the 
entrance were statues of Agrippa and Augustus ;7 and at the eastern ex- 
tremity of the esplanade a temple was erected in honour of Rome and the 
emperor.’ But the main characteristics of the place were mythological 
and religious, and truly Athenian, On the wide levelled area,were such 
groups as the following :—Theseus contending with the Minotaur ; Her- 


1 Paus. xxii. 8. 

4 These statues were said to be the work of Socrates. Paus. ib. 

5. The Minerva Hygieia was of bronze, and dedicated by Pericles in memory of the 
fecovery of a favourite workman ΟἹ Mnesicles, the architect of the Propylea. He had 
fallen from the roof, and Minerva appeared in a dream to Pericles and prescribed a 
remedy. Plut. Per. 13. Plin. H.N. xxii. 17. 

4 Paus. xxiii. 9. : 

> Pausanias mentions this statue twice, xxv. 1 and xxxviii. 2. It stood by a brazen 
chariot with four horses, mentioned by Herodotus (v. 79) as on the left hand to those 
who enter the Acropolis. 

6 See p. 241. Several of the statues seen by Pausanias in Athens were those of the 
Greek kings who reigned over the fragments of Alexander’s empire. See, especially, 
his mention of the Ptolemies, viii. ix. ἢ 

7 One pedestal is still standing in this position, with the name of Agrippa inscribed 
cnit. There is some reason to believe that some earlier Greek statues had been con- 
verted in this instance, as in many others, into monuments of Augustus and Agrippa 
Cicero, in one of his letters frem Athens, speaks indignantly of this custom: “ Equidem 
valde ipsas Athenas amo. Cdiinscriptiones alienarum statuarum.” Att. vi.1. Within 
the enclosure of the Acropelis, Pausanias saw a statue of Hadrian. Unless this alsa 
was a Romanized Greek statue, it was not there in St. Paul's time. 

8 This temple is not mentioned by Pausanias. Some fragments remain, and among 
them the inscription which records the dedication. Augustus did not allow the pro 
vinces to dedicate any temple to him except in conjunction with Rome. Suet, Aug, 

ὦ, There was a temple of this kind at Caesarea. See p. 115. 


358 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


cules strangling the serpents ; the Earth imploring showers from Jupiter ; 
Minerva causing the olive to sprout while Neptune raises the waves.’ ‘The 
mention of this last group raises our thoughts to the Parthenon,—the Vir- 
gin’s House,—the glorious temple which rose in the proudest period ot 
Athenian history to the honour of Minerva, and which ages of war and 
decay have only partially defaced. The sculptures on one of its pedimenta 
represented the birth of the goddess : those on the other depicted her con- 
test with Neptune.* Under the outer cornice were groups representing 
the victories achieved by her champions. ound the inner frieze was the 
long series of the Panathenaic procession.2 Within was the colossal sta- 
tue of ivory and gold, the work of Phidias, unrivalled in the world, save 
only by the Jupiter Olympus of the same famous artist. This was not the 
only statue of the Virgin Goddess within the sacred precincts ; the Acro- 
polis boasted of three Minervas.* The oldest and most venerated was in 
the small irregular temple called the Erectheium, which contained the 
mystic olive-tree of Minerva and the mark of Neptune’s trident. This 
statue, like that of Diana at Ephesus (Acts xix. 35), was believed to have 
fallen from heaven.’ ‘The third, though less sacred than the Minerva Po- 
lias, was the most conspicuous of all.© Formed from the brazen spoils of 
the battle of Marathon, it rose in gigantic proportions above all the build- 
ings of the Acropolis, and stood with spear and shield as the tutelary 
divinity of Athens and Attica. It was the statue which may have caught 
the eye of St. Paul himself, from the deck of the vessel in which he sailed 
round Sunium to the Pireus.? Now he had landed in Attica, and beheld 
all the wonders of that city which divides with one other city all the glory 
of heathen antiquity. Here, by the statue of Minerva Promachus, he 
conld reflect on the meaning of the objects he had seen in his progress. 
His path had been among the forms of great men and deified heroes, among 
the temples, the statues, the altars of the gods of Greece. He had seen 
the creations of mythology represented to the eye, in every form of beauty 
and grandeur, by the sculptor and the architect. And the one overpower- 
ing result was this :—“ His spirit was stirred within him, when he saw the 
city wholly given to idolatry.” 


1 These groups, among others, are mentioned by Pausanias, xxiv. 

? For descriptive papers on these pediments, see the Classical Museum, Nos. VI, 
XVIII, and XXII. With the remains themselves, in the Elgin’ Room at the British 
Museum, the restoration of Mr. Lucas should be studied. 

3 For these sculptures, it is only necessary to refer to the Elgin Room in the British 
Museum. 

4 See here, especially, Dr. Wordsworth’s Chapter on the three Minervas. 

δ Διόπετες. Its material was not marble nor metal, but olive-wood. 

6 The pedestal appears to have been twenty feet, and the statue fifty-five feet, is 
height. Leake, p. 351. The lower part of the pedestal has lately been discovered. 

7 Bee above, pp. 346, 348. 


VIEW FROM THE ACROPOLIS. 859 


But we must associate St. Paul, not merely with the religion, bat with 
the philosophy of Greece. And this, perhaps, is our best opportunity for 
doing so, if we wish to connect together, in this respect also, the appear: 
ance and the spirit of Athens. If the Apostle looked out from the pedes- 
tal of the Acropolis over the city and the open country, he would see the 
places which are inseparably connected with the names of those who have 
always been recognised as the great teachers of the pagan world. In op- 
posite directions he would see the two memorable suburbs where Aristotle 
and Plato, the two pupils of Socrates, held their illustrious schools. Their 
positions are defined by the courses of the two rivers to which we have 
already alluded.!. The streamless bed of the Ilissus passes between the 
Acropolis and Hymettus in a south-westerly direction, till it vanishes in the 
low ground which separates the city from the Pireus. Looking towards 
the upper part of this channel we see (or we should have scen in the first 
century) gardens with plane-trees and thickets of agnus-castus, with 
“others of the torrent-loving shrubs of Greece.”? At one spot, near the 
base of Lycabettus, was a sacred enclosure. Here was a statue of Apollo 
Lycius, represented in an attitude of repose, leaning against a column, 
with a bow in the left hand and the right hand resting on his head. The 
god gave the name to the Lyceum Here among the groves, the philoso- 
pher of Stagirus,‘ the instructor of Alexander, used to walk. Here he 
founded the school of the Peripatetics. To this point an ancient dialogue 
represents Socrates as coming, outside the northern city-wall, from the 
grove of the Academy.’ Following, therefore, this line in an cypcsite 
direction, we come to “the scene of Plato’s school. Those durk olive 
groves have revived after all the disasters which have swept across the 
plain. The Cephisus has been more highly favoured than the Ilissus. Itg 
waters still irrigate the suburban gardens of the Athenians.° Its nightin- 
gales are still vocal among the twinkling olive-branches.? The gnarled 
trunks of the ancient trees of our own day could not be distiaguished 
from those which were familiar with the presence of Plato, and are 


1 Above, p. 349. 

* Leake, p. 275. See Plato’s Phedrus. The Lyceum was remarkable for its plane- 
trees. Socrates used to discourse under them (Max. Tyr. 24), and Aristotle and Theo- 
phrastus afterwards enjoyed their shade (Theoph. H. Plant. i. 11). We cannot tell 
how far these groves were restored since the time of Sulla, who cut them down. Plut. 
Bull. 12. 

3 Lucian. Gymnas. 7. 

4 See an allusion to his birthplace above, p. 320. 

5 "Exopevounv ἐξ ᾿Ακαδημίας εὐθὺ Λυκείον τὴν ἔξω τεΐχους ὑπ’ αὐτὸ τὸ τεῖχος. Plat. 
Uys. 1. 

6 The stream is now divided and distributed, in order to water the gardens and 
olive-trecs. Plutarch calls the Academy the best wooded of the suburbs of Athens 
(δενδροφορώτατον τῶν προαστείων. Sull. 12). Compare Diog. Laert. iii. 7. 

7 See the well-known chorus in Sophocles. id. Col. 668. 


8600 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


more venerable than those which had grown up after Sulla’s destruction 
of the woods, befcre Cicero! visited the Academy in the spirit of a pil- 
grim. But the Academicians and Peripatetics are not the schools to 
which our attention is called in considering the biography of St. Paul 
We must turn our eye from the open country to the city itself, if we wish 
to see the places which witnessed the rise of the Stows and Epicwreans, 
Lucian, in a playful passage, speaks of Philosophy as coming up from the 
Academy, by the Ceramicus, to the Agora: ‘‘and there,” he says, “‘ we 
shall meet her by the Stoa Pecile.”? Let us follow this line in imagina- 
tion, and, having followed it, let us look down from the Acropolis into the 
Agora. ‘There we distinguish a cloister or colonnade, which was not men- 
tioned before, because it is more justly described in connection with the 
Stoics. The Stoa Pacile, or the Painted Cloister,* gave its name to one of 
those sects who encountered the Apostle in the Agora. It was decorated 
with pictures of the legendary wars cf the Athenians, of their victories 
over their fellow Greeks, and of the more glorious struggle at Marathon. 
Originally the meeting-place of the poets,‘ it became the school where 
Zeno inet his pupils, and founded the system of stern philosophy which 
found adherents both among Greeks and Romans for many generations. 
The system of Epicurus was matured nearly at the same time and in the 
same neighbourhood. The site of the philosopher’s garden® is now un- 
known, but it was well known in the time of Cicero ;* and in the time of 


1 Cicero, at one time, contemplated the erection of a monument to show his attache 
ment to the Academy. Att. vi. 1. 

2 Ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἐν Κεραμεικῷ ὑπομενοῦμεν αὐτήν" ἡ δὲ ἤδη που ἀφίξεται, ἐπανιοῦσα 
ἐξ ᾿Ακαδημίας, ὡς περιπατήσειε καὶ ἐν τῇ ἸΠοικίλῃ" τοῦτο γὰρ ὁσημέραι ἔθος πόιεϊν αὐτῇ. 
Piscator. 13. 

3 This Stoa is the subject of a long paragraph (xv.) in Pausanias. It was one of the 
most famous buildings in Athens. Aischines says distinctly that it was in the Agora: 
--ΠΠροσέλθετε τῇ διανοίᾳ εἰς τὴν Ποικίλην, ἁπάντων γὰρ ὑμῶν τῶν καλῶν ἔργῶν τὰ 
ὑπομνήματα ἐν τῇ ἀγόρᾳ ἀνάκειται. C. Ctesiph. p. 163. 

4 Ritter’s History of Philosophy (Eng. Trans.), vol. iii. p. 452. 

5 This garden was proverbially known among the ancients. See Juvenal, xiii. 172, 
(Epicurum exigui letum plantaribus horti), and xiv. 319. (Quantum, Epicure, tibi 
parvis suffecit in hortis): and compare Cicero’s expression, De Nat. Deorum, i. 48, 
(Democriti fentibus Epicurus horiulos suos irrigavit). Diogenes Laertius (x.) men- 
tions the price at which the garden was bought. Pliny (H. N. xix. 19) traces the love 
of city gardens to Epicurus (Jam quidem hortorum nomine in ipsa urbe delicias, agros, 
villasque possident. Primus hoe instituit Athenis Epicewrus otii magister). Some 
have thought that the suburb on the Ilissus, mentioned by Pausanias under the name 
of “tk gardens” (κῆποι), was the scene of the home of Epicurus. But this is impro- 
bable. 

6 On his first visit to Athens, at the age of twenty-eight, Cicero lodged with an Epi- 
eurean. On the occasion of his second visit, the attachment of the Epicureans to the 
garden of their founder was brought before him in a singular manner. “ There lived 
at this time in exile at Athens C. Memmius..... The figure which he had borne in 
Rome gave him great authority in Athens ; and the council of Areopagus had granted 


THE ‘PAINTED PORCH” AND THE “ GARDEN.” 361 


St. Paul it could not have been forgotten, for a peculiarly affectionate 
fecling subsisted among the Epicureans towards their founder.' He left 
this garden as a legacy to the school, on condition that philosophy sbould 
always be taught there, and that he himself should be annually commemo- 
rated? The sect was dwindled into smaller numbers than their rivals, in 
the middle of the first century. But it is highly probable that, even then, 
those who looked down from the Acropolis over the roofs of the city, 
could distinguish the quiet garden, where Epicurus lived a life of philo- 
sophic contentment, and taught his disciples that the enjoyment of tran 
quil pleasure was the highest end of human existence. 

The spirit in which Pausanias traversed these memorable places and 
scrutinised everything he saw, was that of a curious and rather sipersti- 
tious antiquarian. ‘The expressions used by Cicero, when describing the 
same objects, show that his taste was gratified, and that he looked with 
satisfaction on the haunts of those whom he regarded as his teachers? 
The thoughts and feelings in the mind ef the Christian Apostle, who came 
to Athens about the middle of that interval of time which separates the 
visit of Pausanias from that of Cicero, were very different from those of 
criticism or admiration. He burned with zeal for that Gup whom, “as he 
went through the city,” he saw dishonovred on every side. He was melted 
with pity for those who, notwithstanding their intellectual greatness, were 
“wholly given to idolatry.” His eye was not blinded to tie reality of 
things, by the appearance either of art or philosophy. Forms of earthly 
beauty and words of human wisdom were valueless in his judement, and 
far worse than valucless, if they deified vice and made fasehood attractive. 
He saw and heard with an earnestness of conviction which no Epicurear 


him a piece of ground to build upon, where Epicurus formerly lived, and where there 
still remained the old ruins of his walls. But this grant had given great offence to the 
whole body of the Epicurcans, to see the remains of their master in danger of being 
destroyed. They had written to Cicero at Rome, to beg him to intercede with Mem- 
mius to consent to a restoration of it; and now at Athens they renewed their instances, 
and prevailed on him to write about it... .. Cicero’s letter is drawn with much art 
and accuracy ; he laughs at the trifling zeal of these philosophers for the old rubbish 
and paltry ruins of their founder, yet earnestly presses Memmius to indulge them in a 
prejudice contracted through weakness, not wickedness.” Middleton’s Life of Cicero, 
Sect. vir. 

1 Ritter, iii, 401. 

5 Diog. La. x. 18. Cic. de Fin. ii. 81. See Cic. Fam. xiii. 1, in the letter alluded to 
sbove, p. 360, n. 6. 

3 Valde me Athenx delectarunt : urs dunbtaxat et urbis ornamentum, et hominum 
amores in te, et in nos quedam benevolentia. Sed multum et philosophia. "Arw κάτω, 
Bi quid est, est in Aristo, apud quem cram.’ Att. v.10. If Orelli’s reading in the 
last two clauses is correct, it would seem that the philosophers of Athens were just 
then all topsy-turvy, and that Cicero found the must satisfaction in his Epicurean 
friend Aristus. 


302 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


sould have understood, as his tenderness of affection was morally fas 
above the highest point of the Stoic’s impassive dignity. 

It is this tenderness of affection which first strikes us, when we turn 
from the manifold wonders of Athens to look upon the Apostle himself. 
The existence of this feeling is revealed to us in a few words in the Epistle 
to the Thessalonians.t He was filled with anxious thoughts concerning 
those whom he had left iu Macedonia, and the sense of solitude weighed 
upon his spirit. Silas and Timotheus were not arrived, and it was a bur- 
den and a grief to him to be “left τη Athens alone.”’ Modern travellers 
have often felt, when wandering alone through the streets of a foreign 
city, what it is to be out of sympathy with the place and the people. The 
heart is with friends who are far off ; and nothing that is merely beautiful 
or curious can effectually disperse the cloud of sadness. If, in audition 
to this instinctive melancholy, the thought of an irreligious world, of evil 
abounding in all parts of society, and of misery following everywhere in 
its train,—if this thought also presses heavily on the spirit,—a state of 
mind is realised which may be some feeble approximation to what was ex- 
perienced by the Apostle Paul in his hour of dejection. But with us 
such feelings are often morbid and nearly allied to discontent. We travel 
for pleasure, for curiosity, for excitement. It is well if we can take such 
depressions thankfully, as the discipline of a worldly spirit. Paul travelled 
that he might give to others the knowledge of salvation. His sorrow 
was only the cloud that kindled up into the bright pillar of the divine 
presence. He ever forgot himself in his Master’s cause. He gloried that 
God’s strength was made perfect in his weakness. It is useful, however, 
to us, to be aware of the human weakness of that heart which God made 
strong. , Paul was indeed one of us. He loved his friends, and knew the 
trials both of anxiety and loneliness. As we advance with the subject, 
this and similar traits of the man advance more into view,—and with them, 
and personified as it were in him, touching traits of the relogion which he 
presched, come before us,—and we see, as we contemplate the Apostle, 
that the Gospel has not only deliverance from the coarseness of vice and 
confort for ruder sorrows, but sympathy and strength for the most sensi- 
tive and delicate minds. 

No mere pensive melancholy, no vain regrets and desires, hold sway 
ovar St. Paul, so as to hinder him in proceeding with the work appointed 
to him. He was “in Athens alone,” but he was there as the Apostle of 


1 1 Thess. iii. 1. It may be thought that too much is built here on this one expres- 
sion, Lut we think the remarks in the text will be justified by those who consider 
the tone of the Epistles to the Thessalonians (see next Chapter), and the depression 
and sense of isolation evidently experienced by St. Paul when he was without com. 
panions. See, especially, Acts xxviii. 15, and 2 Cor. ii. 13. vii. 5. Compare the Ip 
troduction. xvi. 


RELIGION OF ATHENS. 368 


God. No time was lost ; and, according to his custom, he surght out his 
brethren of the scattered race of Israel. Though moved with grief and 
indignation when he saw the idolatry all around him, he deemed that his 
first thought should be given to his own people. They had a synagogue 
at Athens, as at Thessalonica, and in this synagogue he first proclaimed 
his Master. Jewish topics, however, are not brought before us promi- 
rently here. They are casually alluded to; and we are not informed 
whether the Apostle was welcomed or repulsed in the Athenian synagogue 
The silence of Scripture is expressive : and we are taught that the subjects 
to which our attention is to be turned, are connected, not with Judaism, 
but with Paganism. Before we can be prepared to consider the great 
speech, which was the crisis and consummation of this meeting of Chris- 
tianity and Paganism, our thoughts must be given for a few moments to 
the characteristics of Athenian religion and Athenian philosophy. 

The mere enumeration of the visible objects with which the city of the 
Athenians was crowded, bears witness (to use St. Paul’s own words) to 
their “carefulness in religion.”! The judgment of the Christian Apostle 
agreed with that of his Jewish contemporary Josephus,’—with the proud 
boast of the Athenians themselves, exemplified in Isocrates and Plato,?— 
and with the verdict of a multitudeeof foreigners, from Livy to Julian,*— 
all of whom unite in declaring that Athens was peculiarly devoted to reli- 
gion. Replete as the whole of Greece was with objects of devotion, 
the antiquarian traveller ὅ informs us that there were more gods in Athens 
than in all the rest of the country ; and the Roman satirist ® hardly exag- 
gerates, when he says that it is easier to find a god there than a man. 
But the same enumeration which proves the existence of the religious senti- 
ment in this people, shows also the valueless character of the religion which 
they cherished. It was a religion which ministered to art and amusement, 
and was entirely destitute of moral power. Taste was gratified by the 
bright spectacle to which the Athenian awoke every morning of his life. 


1 See below, on the Speech. 

* Josephus (contra Ap, τ. 12) calls the Athenians τοὺς εὐσεβεστάτους τῶν Ελλήνων, 

3 Tove πρὸς τὰ τῶν θεῶν εὐσεβέστατα διακειμένους. Isoc. Paneg. p. 19. Oi πλεΐστας 
μὲν θυσίας καὶ καλλίστας τῶν Ελλήνων ἄγομεν, ἀναθήμασί τε κεκοσμήκαμεν τὰ ἱερὰ 
αὐτῶν, ὡς οὐδένες ἄλλοι, πομπάς τε πολυτελεστάτας καὶ σεμνοτάτας ἐδωρούμεθα τοῖς 
θεοῖς. ἀν᾽ ἕκαστον ἔτος, καὶ ἐτελοῦμεν χρήματα, boa οὐδ᾽ οἱ ἄλλοι ξύμπαντες "Ἕλληνες 
Alcib. 1. p. 97. Compare Thucyd. ii. 38, 

4 Athenas inde plenas quidem et ipsas vetustate fame, multa tamen visenda haben- 
tes... . simulacra Deorum hominumque, omni genere et materi et artium insignia, 
Lib. xly. 27. Φιλόθεοι μάλιστα πάντων eiot . . . καθόλου μὲν Ἕλληνες πάντες, αὐτῶν 
Ὁ Ἑλλήνων πλέον τοῦτο ἔχω μαρτυρεῖν ᾿Αθηναίοις. Jul. Misopogon. See also Dionys 
Hal.de Thuc. 40. Strabo, x. Lucian, Prom.180. 28]. ν. 17. Philostr. vi. 2. 

5 ᾽Αθηναίοις περισσότερόν τι ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐς τὰ θεῖά ἐστι σπουδῆς. Paus.xziv ἃ 
yompare his remark with reference to tke altar of Pity, xvii. 1. 

6 Petron. Sat. ὁ. 17. 


904 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Excitement was agreeably kept up by festal seasons, gay precessions, and 
varied ceremonies. But all this religious dissipation had no tendency to 
make him holy. It gave him no victory over himself: it brought him no 
nearer to God. A religion which addresses itself only to the taste, is as 
weak as one that appeals only to the intellect. The Greek religion was a 
mere deification of human attributes and the powers of nature. It was 
doubtless better than other forms of idolatry which have deified the brutes ; 
but it had no real power to raise him to a higher positicn than that which 
he occupied by nature. It could not even keep him from falling continu- 
ally to a lower degradation. To the Greek this world was everything : 
be hardly even sought to rise above it. And thus all his life long, in the 
ntidst of everything to gratify his taste and exercise his intellect, he re- 
mained in ignorance of God. This fact was tacitly recognised by the 
monuments in his own religious city. The want of something deeper and 
truer was expressed on the very stones. As we are told by a Latin wri- 
ter? that the ancient Romans, when alarmed by an earthquake, were ac- 
customed to pray, not to some one of the gods individually, but to god in 
general, as to the Unknown; so the Athenians acknowledged their igno- 
rance of the True Deity by the altars ‘‘ with this inscription, To THE UN- 
KNOWN Gop,” which are mentioned by heathen writers,’ as well as by the 
inspired historian. Whatever the origin of these altars may have been,‘ 
the true significance of the inscription is that which is pointed out by the 
Apostle himself.» The Athenians were ignorant of the right object of 
worship. But if we are to give a true account of Athenian religion, we 
must go beyond the darkness of mere ignorance into the deeper darkness 
of corruption and sin. The most shameless profligacy was encouraged by 


1 See the Introduction to Neander’s generat Church History. 

* Aulus Gellius, 1. 28, quoted by Tholuck in his Essay on the Nature and Moral In. 
fluence of Heathenism, Eng. Trans. p. 23. 

3 The two heathen writers who mention these altars are Pausanias and Philostratus. 
Bee above. The passage often quoted from Lucian is not believed to be of any force. 

4 It is very probable that they originated from a desire to dedicate the altar to the 
god under whose censure the dedicator had fallen, whom he had unwittingly offended, 
or whom, in the particular case, he ought to propitiate (τῷ προσήκοντι θεῷ, as it is ex- 
pressed in the story of Epimenides, Diog. Luert. L. 1). Eichorn thinks that these 
altars belonged to a period when writing was unknown, and that the inscription waa 
added afterwards by those who were ignorant of the deity to which they were conse- 
trated. Jerome says that the inscription was not as St. Pan] quoted it, but in the 
form of a general dedication to all unknown gods. “Inscriptio autem are non ita 
erat ut Paulus asseruit, [gnoto Deo ; sed ita, Diis Asie et Europe, Diis ignotis et 
peregrinis. Verum quia Paulus non pluribus indigebat Diis ignotis sed uno tantum 
Deo ignoto, singulari verbo usus est.” But unless St. Paul quoted the actual words, 
his application of the inscription would lose nearly all its point. Some have fancifully 
found in the inscription an allusion to the God of the Jews. For some of the notions 
of the older antiquarians concerning the “ temple ”’ of the Unknown God, see Leake. 

® Acts xvii. 23, 


GREEK RELIGION. 365 


the public works of art, by the popular belief concerning the character of 
the gods, and by the ceremonies of the established worship. Authorities 
might be crowded in proof of this statement, both from heathen and Chris 
tian writings! It is enough to say with Seneca,” that ‘“ no other effect 
could possibly be produced, but that all shame on account of sin must be 
taken away from men, if they believe in such gods ;” and with Augustine, 
that ““ Plato himself, who saw well the depravity of the Grecian gods, and 
has seriously censured them, better deserves to be called a god, than those 
ministers of sin.” It would be the worst delusion to infer any good of the 
Grecian religion from the virtue and wisdom of a few great Athenians 
whose memory we revere. The true type of the character formed by the 
influences which surround the Athenian, was such a man as Alcibiades,— 
with a beauty of bodily form equal to that of one of the consecrated stat- 
ues,—with an intelligence quick as that of Apollo or Mercury,—enthusi- 
astic and fickle,—versatile and profligate,—able to admire the good, but 
hopelessly following the bad. And if we turn to the one great exception 
in Athenian history,-—if we turn from Alcibiades to the friend who nobly 
and affectionately warned him,—who, conscious of his own ignorance, was 
yet aware that God was best known by listening to the voice within,— 
yet even of Socrates we cannot say more than has been said in the follow- 
ing words : His soul was certainly in some alliance with the Holy God ; 
he certainly felt, in his demon or guardian spirit, the inexplicable nearness 
of his Father in heaven ; but he was destitute of a view of the divine na- 
ture in the humble form of a servant, the Redeemer with the crown of 
thorns ; he had no ideal conception of that true holiness, which manifests 
itself in ‘the most humble love and the most affectionate humility. Hence, 
also, he was unable to become fully acquainted with his own heart, though 
he so greatly desired it. Hence, too, he was destitute of any deep humili- 
ation and grief on account of his sinful wretchedness, of that true hu- 
mility which no longer allows itself a biting, sarcastic tone of instruction ; 
and destitute, likewise, of any filial, devoted love. These perfections can 
be shared only by the Christian, who beholds the Redeemer as a wanderer 
upon earth in the form of a servant; and who receives in his own soul 
the sanctifying power of that Redcemer by intercourse with Him.” 4 
When we turn from the religion of Athens to take a view of its Phi- 
losophy, the first name on which our eye rests is again that of Socrates * 


1 A great number of passages are collected together by Tholuck. See the quotations 
rom Augustine and Clemens Alexandrinus, pp. 106-108; and from Martial, Terence, 
and Athenzus, pp. 125.126. For practices connected with the temples, see p. 120. 

3 De Vita beata.c. 26. ~ 3 De Civ. Dei, ii. 14. 

4 Tholuck, p. 163. 

5 For Socrates, see especially the Eighth Volume of Grote’s History, and the Quar 
terly Review for Dec. 1850. 


366 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


This is necessarily the case, not only because of his own singular and unap 
proached greatness ; but because he was, as it were, the point to which 
all the earlier schools converged, and from which the later rays of Greek 
philosophy diverged again. The earlier philosophical systems, such as 
that of Thales in Asia Minor, and Pythagoras in Italy, were limited to 
physical inquiries: Socrates was the first to call man to the contemplation 
of himself, and became the founder of ethical science. A new direction 
was thus given to all the philosophical schools which succeeded ; and So- 
erates may be said to have prepared the way for the Gospel, by leading 
the Greek mind to the investigation of moral truth. He gave the impulse 
to the two schools which were founded in the Lyceum, and by the banks 
of Cephisus,’? and which have produced such vast results on human thought 
in every generation. We are not called here to discuss the doctrines of the 
Peripatetics and Academicians. Not that they are unconnected with the 
history of Christianity : Plato and Aristotle have had a great work ap- 
pointed to them, not only as the Heathen pioneers of the Truth before it 
was revealed, but as the educators of Christian minds in every age. The 
former enriched human thought with appropriate ideas for the reception 
of the highest truth in the highest form ; the latter mapped out all the 
provinces of human knowledge, that Christianity might visit them and 
bless them. And the historian of the Church would have to speak of 
direct influence exerted on the Gospel by the Platonic and Aristotelian 
systems, in recounting the conflicts of the parties of Alexandria, and tracing 
the formation of the theology of the Schoolmen. But the biographer of 
ist. Paul has only to speak of the Stows and Epicwreans. They only, 
among the various philosophers of the day, are mentioned as having argued 
with the Apostle; and their systems had really more influence in the 
period in which the Gospel was established, though, in the Patristic and 
Medieval periods, the older systems, in modified forms, regained their sway, 
The Stoic and Epicurean, moreover, were more exclusively limited than 
other philosophers to moral investigations,>—a fact which is tacitly im- 
plied by the proverbial application of the two words to moral principles 
and tendencies, which we recognise as hostile to true Christianity. 

Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school, was a native of the same part 


1 ‘La philosophie grecque avait été d’abord une philosophie de la nature ; arrivée 
a sa maturité, elle change de caractére et de direction, et elle devient une philosophie 
morale, sociale, humaine. C’est Socrate que ouvre 2ctte nouvelle ére, et qui en repré- 
sente le caractére en sa personne.” V. Cousin, p. 226. 

3. See above, p. 359. 

3 “ Aristote et Platon, en restant fidéles a l’esprit de Socrate, en partant de la nature 
hureaine, arrivent bientot ἃ un systéme complet qui renferme avec Ja nature humaine. 
la nature entiére, Dieu et le monde..... Le caractére commun du Stoicisme et de 
V’Epicuréisme, est de réduire presque entiérement la philosophie ala morale.” V. Cou. 
bin, ἢ. 250 


sTOICS AND EPICUREANS. 367 


of the Levant with St. Paul himself.1 He came from Cyprus to Athens 
at a time when patriotism was decayed and political liberty lost, and 
when a system, which promised the power of brave and self-sustaining en 
durance amid the general degradation, found a willing acceptance among 
the nobler minds. ‘Thus, in the Painted Porch, which had once been the 
mecting-place of the poets,’ those who, instead of yielding to the prevailing 
evil of the times, thought they were able to resist it, formed themselves 
into a school of philosophers. In the high tone of this school, and in some 
part of its ethical language, Stoicism was an apparent approximation to 
Christianity ; but, on the whole, it was a hostile system, in its physics, its 
morals, and its theology. The Stoics condemned the worship of images 
and the use of temples, regarding them as nothing better than the orna- 
ments of art. But they justified the popular polytheism, and in fact, con- 
sidered the gods of mythology as minor developments of the Great World- 
God, which summed up their belief concerning the origin and existence of 
the world. The Stoics were Pantheists ;+ and much of their language is 
a curious anticipation of the phraseology of modern Pantheism. In their 
view, God was merely the Spirit or Reason of the Universe. The world 
was itself a rational soul, producing all things out of itself, and resuming 
them all to itself again.’ Matter was inseparable from the Deity.’ He 
did not create ; He only organised.?/ He merely impressed law and order 
on the substance, which was, in fact, himself. The manifestation of the 
Universe was only a period in the development of Gods In conformity 
with these notions of the world, which substitute a sublime destiny for the 
belief in a persona! Creator and Preserver, were the notions which were 
held concerning the soul and its relation to the body. The soul was, in 
fact, corporeal. The Stoics said that at death it would be burnt, or re 
turn to be absorbed in God. ‘Thus, a resurrection from the dead, in the 
sense in which the Gospel has revealed it, must have appeared to the 
Stoics irrational. Nor was their moral system less hostile to “the truth 


1 He was born at Citium in Cyprus. [See p. 155.] His attention was turned te 
philosophy by the books brought from Athens by his father, who was a merchant 
Somewhere between the ages of twenty and thirty he was shipwrecked near the Pireeus, 
and settled in Athens. The exact dates of his birth and death were not known, but he 
lived through the greater part of the century between Β. c. 350 and B. c. 250. A por 
trait-bust at Naples is assigned to him, but there is some doubt whether it is to be re- 
ferred to him or to Zeno the Eleatic. See Muller’s Handbuch der Archaologie, p. 730. 

2 See above, p. 360. 3 Ritter, pp. 537, 538. 

4 Thid., p. 509. Also pp. 515, 516. 5 Tbid., p. 592. 

6 *Ovaiay δὲ Θεοῦ Ζήνων μέν φησι τὸν ὅλον Κύσμον καὶ τὸν dvgavdy. Diog, La 
vii. 148, See Plut. de Stoic. Rep. 34. 

7 “Le Dieu des Stoiciens n’a pas créé Ja nature, il l'a formée et organ'née.” V. Cou 
un, who, however, will not allow the Stoical system to be Pantheistic. 

8 Ritter, p. 593. 

Ihid. pp. 512, 549. Compare the whole passage, pp. 518-556. 


808 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


as it is in Jesus.” The proud ideal which was set before the disciple of 
Zeno was, a magnanimous self-denial, an austere apathy, untouched by hue 
man passion, unmoved by change of circumstance. To the Wise man all 
outward things were alike. Pleasure was no good. Pain was no evil. 
All actions conformable to Reason were equally good ; all actions com 
trary to Reason were equally evil.|_ The Wise man lives according to Rea- 
son ; and living thus, he is perfect and self-sufficing. He reigns supreme 
as a king :* he is justified in boasting as a god? Nothing can well be 
imagined more contrary to the spirit οἵ Christianity. Nothing could be 
more repugnant to the Stoic than the news of a “Saviour,” who has 
atoned for our sin, and is ready to aid our weakness. Christianity is the 
School of Humility : Stoicism was the Education of Pride. Christi- 
anity is a discipline of life: Stoicism was nothing better than an appren- 
ticeship for death. And fearfully were the fruits of its principle illus- 
trated both in its earlier and late disciples. Its two first leaders° died by 
their own hands; like the two Romans* whose names first rise to the 
memory, when the school of the Stoics is mentioned. But Christianity 
turns the desperate resolution, that seeks to escape disgrace by death, into 
the anxious question, ‘‘ What must I do to be saved?”? It softens the 
pride of stern indifference into the consolation of mutual sympathy. How 
great is the contrast between the Stoic ideal and the character of Jesus 
Christ ! How different is the acquiescence in an iron destiny from the 
trust in a merciful and watchful Providence! How infinitely inferior is 
that sublime egotism, which looks down with contempt on human weak- 
ness, with the religion which tells us that ‘ they who mourn are blessed,” 
and which ee to ‘‘rejoice with them that rejoice, and to weep with 
them that weep.” 

If Stoicism, in its full aideloouterth was utterly opposed to Chmisti- 
anity, the same may be said of the very primary principles of the Epi- 

1 See the description which a contemporary of St. Paul gives of Stoicism. ‘ Doc- 
tores sapientiz, qui sola bona que honesta, mala tantum que turpia; potentiam, nobili- 
tatem, ceteraque extra animum, neque bonis neque malisadnumerant.” Tac. Hist. iv. 5. 

* Hor..Sat. I. iii, Ep. Li. 

3 Plut. de Stoic. Rep. 13. Ady. Stoic. 33. 

4 “Le Stoicisme est essentiellement solitaire ; c’est le soin exclusif de son ame, sana 
regard a celle des autres ; et, comme la seule chose importante est la pureté de l‘ame, 
quand cette pureté est trop en péril, quand on désespere d’étre victorieux dans la lutte, 
on peut la terminer comme l’a terminée Caton. Ainsi la philosophie n’est plus qu'un 
upprentissage de la mort et non de lavie; elle tend a la mort par son image, l’apathie 
et ’ataraxie, et se résout définitivement en wn égoisme sublime.” VY. Cousin. 

5 Zeno and Cleanthes. And yet Cleanthes was the author of that hymn which is, 
perhaps, the noblest approximaticn to a Christian hymn that heathenism has produced. 
See p.5. The hymn is given in Bloomfield’s Recensio Synoptica on Acts xvii. 28, 
where there is some doubt whether the Apostle quotes from Cleanthes or Aratus 


See below. 
6 Mato and Seneca. 7 See p. 308. 


STOICS AND EPICUREANS. 363 


eurean' school. If the Stoics were Pantheists, the Epicureans were virte 
ally Atheists. Their philosophy was a system of materialism, in the 
strictest sense of the word; in their view, the world was formed by an ac- 
cidental concourse of atoms, and was not in any sense created, or even 
modified, by the Divinity. They did indeed profess a certain belief in 
what were called gods ; but these equivocal divinities were merely phan- 
toms,—inpressions on the popular mind,—dreams, which had no objec 
tive reality, or at least exercised no active influence on the physical world 
or the business of life. The Epicurean deity, if self-existent at all, dwelt 
apart, in serene indifference to all the affairs of the universe. The uni- 
verse was a great accident, and sufficiently explained itself without any 
reference to a higher power. The popular mythology was derided, but the 
Epicureans had no positive faith in anything better. As there was no 
creator, so there was no moral governor: all notions of retribution and 
of a judgment to come were of course forbidden by such a creed. Tho 
principles of the atomic theory, when applied to the constitution of man, 
must have caused the resurrection to appear an absurdity. The soul was 
nothing without the body ;? or rather, the soul was itself a body, com- 
posed of finer atoms, or at best an unmeaning compromise between the 
material and immaterial. Both body and soul were dissolved together 
and dissipated into the elements ; and when this occurred, all the life of 
man was ended. The moral result of such a creed was necessarily that 
which the Apostle Paul described : “-- 1 the dead rise not, let us eat 
and drink : for to-morrow we die.” The essential principle of the Hpi- 
curean philosopher was that there was nothing to alarm® him, nothing te 
disturb him. His furthest reach was to do deliberately what the animals 
do instinctively ;° his highest aim was to gratify himself. With the 
coarser and more energetic minds, this principle inevitably led to the 
grossest sensuality and crime ; in the case of others, whose temperament 
was more common-place, or whose taste was more pure, the system took 
the form of a selfishness more refined. As the Stoic sought to resist the 
evil which surrounded him, the Epicurean endeavoured to console himself 
by a tranquil and indifferent life. He avoided the more violent excite- 
ments of political and social engagements,’ to enjoy the seclusion of a calm 
contentment. But pleasure was still the end at which he aimed ; and if 
we remove this end to its remotest distance, and understand it to mean an 

1 Epicurus, who founded, and indeed matured, this school (for its doctrines were 
never further developed), was born in Samos, B. c. 342, though his parents were natives 
pf Attica. He died Β. c. 270. An authentic bust has been preserved of him, which ia 
engraved in Visconti’s Iconographie Grecque, and again in Milman’s Horace, p. 391. 

5 Ritter, p. 440. 

3 Colebrook on Indian Philosophy, quoted by Cousin., p. 255. 


41 Cor. xv. 32. 5 Ritter, p. 430. 6 Ritter, p. 408. 
1 The motto of Epicurus was λάθε βιώσα:. 


YOu. l—24 


370 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF aT. PAUL. 


enjoyment which involves the most manifcld self-denial,—if we give Ep! 
eurus credit for taking the largest view of consequences,—and if we be 
lieve that the life of his first disciples was purer than there is reason to 
guppose,'—te end remains the same. Pleasure, not duty, is the motive 
of moral exertion ; expediency is the test to which actions are referred ; 
aud the self-denial itself, which an enlarged view of expediency requires, 
will probably be found impracticable without the grace of God. Thus, 
tue Gospel met in the Garden an opposition not less determined, and 
more insidious, than the antagonism of the Porch. The twe enemies it 
has ever had to contend with are the two ruling principles of the Epieu- 
reans and Stoics,— Pleasure and Pride. 

Such, in their original and essential character, were the two schools of 
philosophy with which St. Paul was brought directly in contact. We 
ought, however, to consider how far these schools had been modified by 
the lapse of time, by the changes which succeeded Alexander and accom- 
panied the formation of the Roman Empire, and by the natural tendencies 
of the Roman character. When Stoicism and Epicureanism were brought 
to Rome, they were such as we have described them. In as far as they 
were speculative systems, they found little favour: Greek philosophy was 
always regarded with some degree of distrust among the Romans. Their 
mind was alien from science and pure speculation. Philosophy, like art 
and literature, was of foreign introduction. The cultivation of such pur- 
suits was followed by private persons of wealth and taste, but was little 
extended among the community at large. There were no public schools 
of philosophy at Rome. Where it was studied at all, it was studied, not 
for its own sake, but for the service of the state.? Thus, the peculiarly 
practical character of the Stoic and Epicurean systems recommended 
them to the notice of many. What was wanted in the prevailing misery 
of the Roman world was a philosophy of life. There were some who 
weakly yielded, and some who offered a courageous resistance, to the evil 
of the times. The former, under the name of Hpicureans, either spent 
their time in a serene tranquillity, away from the distractions and disorders 
of political life, or indulged in the grossest sensualism, and justified it on 
principle. The Roman adherents of the school of Epicurus were never 
numerous, and few great names can be mentioned among them; though 
one monument remains, and will ever remain, of this phase of philosophy, 
in the poem of Lucretius. The Stoical school was more congenial to the 
endurance of the Roman character ; and it educated the minds of some of 
the noblest men of the time, who scorned to be carried away by the stream 
of vice. Three great names can be mentioned, which divided the period 

1 See what Ritter says of the scenes of sensuality witnessed in the Garden even in 


the lifetime of Epicurus, p. 402. 
3. Sce the Fifth Volume of Tenneman’s Geschichte der Philosophie, Kinl., pp. 1-13 


LATER PERIOD OF THE SCHOOLS. 91: 


between the preaching of St. Paul and the final establishment of Christi 
anity,—Seneca, Epictetus, and Antoninus Pins. But such men were few 
in a time of general depravity and unbelief. And such was really the 
character of the time. It was a period in the history of the world, when 
conquest and discovery, facilities of travelling, and the mixture of races, 
had produced a general fusion of opinions, resulting in an indifference to 
moral distinctions, and at the same time encouraging the most abject 
eredulity.2, The Romans had been carrying on the work which Alexander 
and his successors had begun. A certain degree of culture was very 
generally diffused. ‘The opening of new countries excited curiosity. New 
religions were eagerly welcomed ; immoral rites found willing votaries, 
Vice and superstition went hand in hand through all parts of society, and, 
as the natural congequence, a scornful scepticism held possession of all the 
higher intellects. 

But though the period of which we are speaking was one of general 
scepticism, for the space of three centuries the old dogmatic schools still 
lingered on, more especially in Greece? Athens was indeed no longer 
what she had once been, the centre from which scientific and poetic light 
radiated to the neighbouring shores of Asia and Europe. Philosophy had 
found new homes in other cities, more especially in Tarsus and Alexan- 
dria. But Alexandria, though she was commercially great and possessed 
the trade of three continents, had not yet seen the rise of her greatest 
schools ; and Tarsus could never be what Athens was, even in her decay, 
to those who travelled with cultivated tastes and for the purposes of 
education. Thus Philosophy still maintained her seat in the city of 
Socrates. The four great schools, the Lyceum and the Academy, the 
Garden and the Porch, were never destitute of exponents of their doctrines, 
When Cicero came, not long after Sulla’s siege, he found the philosophers 
in residence. As the empire grew, Athens assumed more and more the 
character of an university town. After Christianity was first preached 
there, this character was confirmed to the place by the embellishments 
and the benefactions of Hadrian. And before the schools were closed by 
the orders of Justinian,’ the city which had received Cicero and Atticus 
as students together, became the scene of the college friendship of St 


1 The approximation of the later Stoics, especially Epictetus, to Christianity, is re- 
markable. Hence the emphasis laid by Milton on the Stoic’s “ philosophick pride, by 
him called virtue.” Paradise Regained, iv. 300. 

? See Tennemann, Tholuck, and Neander. 3 Tennemann. 

4 For the schools of Tarsus, see pp. 22, 105. 

5 See above, p. 360, and the notes, 

6 Between the visits of St. Paul and Pausanias, Hadrian made vast additions to tha 
puildings of Athens. and made large endowments for the purposes of education. 

1 See Gibbon 4 8 See Middleton’s Life. 


372 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Basil and St. Gregory,' one of the most beautiful episodes of primitive 
Christianity. 

Thus, St. Paul found philosophers at Athens, among those wnom he 
addressed in the Agora, This, as we have seen, was the common meet- 
ing place of a population always eager for fresh subjects of intellectuai 
curiosity. Demosthenes had rebuked the Athenians for this idle tendency 
four centuries before, telling them that they were always craving after 
news and excitement, at the very moment when destruction was impending 
over their liberties.? And they are described in the same manner, on the 
occasion of St. Paul’s visit, as giving their whole leisure to telling and 
hearing something newer than the latest news.2 Among those who 
sauntered among the plane trees‘ of the Agora, and gathered in knots 
under the porticos, eagerly discussing the questions of the day, were philo- 
sophers, in the garb of their several sects, ready for any new question, on 
which they might exercise their subtlety or display their rhetoric. Among 
the other philosophers, the Stoics and Epicureans would more especially 
be encountered ; for the ‘‘ Painted Porch”*® of Zeno was in the Agora 
itself, and the ‘‘ Garden” ὁ of the rival sect was not far distant. ‘To both 
these classes of hearers and talkers—both the mere idlers and the profes- 
sors of philosophy—any question connected with a new religion was 
peculiarly welcome ; for Athens gave a ready acceptance to all supersti- 
tions and ceremonies, and was glad to find food for credulity or scepticism, 
ridicule or debate. To this motley group of the Agora, St. Paul made 
known the two great subjects he had proclaimed from city to city. He 
spoke aloud of “ Jesus and the Resurrection,” —of that Name which is 
above every name,—that consummation which awaits all the generations of 
men who have successively passed into the sleep of death, He was in the 
habit of conversing “daily” on these subjects with those whom he met. 
His varied experience of men, and his familiarity with many modes of 
thought, enabled him to present these subjects in such a way as to arrest 
attention. As regards the philosophers, he was providentially prepared 
for his collision with them. It was not the first time he had encountered 

1 Basil and Gregory Nazianzene were students together at Athens from 351 to 355, 
Julian was there at the same time. 

2 Ἡμεῖς δὲ, εἰρήσεται γὰρ τἀληθὲς, οὐδὲν ποιοῦντες ἔνθαδε καθήμεθα, μέλλοντες det 
καὶ ψηφιζόμενοι, καὶ πυνθανύμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἀγόραν, εἴ τι λέγεται νεώτερον. Demosth. 
ad Ep. Phil., and c. Phil. 1. So Thucydides calls his countrymen νεωτεροποιοῖ; and 
Diceearchus says that the people of Attica are περίεργοι ταῖς λαλιαῖς. 

3 Acts xvii. 21. 

4 See above, 354. It is, of course, impossible to prcve that Cimon’s plane-treee were 
succeeded by others; but a boulevard is commonly rn-newed, when a city recovers from 
its disasters. 

5 For the Στόα ποικίλη, see above, p. 360. 


6 See again above. p. 360. 
7 Acts xvii. 18. 


ST. PAUL IN THE AGORA. Ste 


them.' His own native city was a city of philosophers, and was especially 
famous (as we have remarked before) for a long line of eminent Stoics, 
and he was doubtless familiar with their language and opinions. 

Two different impressions were produced by St. Paul’s words, accord: 
ing to the disposition of those who heard him, Some said that he was a 
mere “‘babbler,”? and received him with contemptuous derision. Others 
took a more serious view, and, supposing that he was endeavouring to 
introduce new objects of worship,’ had their curiosity excited, and were 
desirous to hear more. If we suppose a distinct allusion, in these two 
tlasses, to the two philosophical sects which have just been mentioned, 
we have no difficulty in seeing that the Epicureans were those who, 
according to their habit, received the new doctrine with ridicule,‘—while 
the Stoics, ever tolerant of the popular mythology, were naturally willing 
to hear of the new “demons” which this foreign teacher was proposing to 
introduce among the multitude of Athenian gods and heroes. Or we 
may imagine that the two classes denote the philosophers on the one 
hand, who heard with scorn the teaching of a Jewish stranger untrained 
in the language of the schools,—and the vulgar crowd on the other, who 
would easily entertain suspicion (as in the case of Socrates) against any 
one seeking to cast dishonour on the national divinities, or would at least 


1 See Ch. III. p. 105. Two of the most influential of the second generation of Stoies 
were Antipater of Tarsus and Zeno of Tarsus. Chrysippus also is said by Strabo to 
have been a native of the same place. 

2 Σπερμολόγος is properly a bird that picks up seeds from the ground, and it is so 
ased in the “ Birds” of Aristophanes. Hence, secondarily, it may mean a pauper who 
prowls abont the market-place, or a parasite who lives by his wits (ex alienis victitans), 
and hence “a contemptible and worthless person.”’ Or, from the perpetual chattering 
and chirping of such birds, the word may denote an idle “babbler.”” See Meyer. The 
former appears the truest view. See the quotations in Suicer’s Thesaurus. The pri- 
mary meaning of the word is given by Chrysostom in a striking sentence in one of his 
homilies on the Thessalonians “Av μὴ γεωργοὶ, τὴν γῆν ἀναμοχλεύσαντες, περιστείλωσι 
τὴ καταβαλλύμενα, τοῖς σπερμολόγοις ὀρνέοις ἔσπειραν. 

3 Καίνα δαιμόνια (Acts xvii. 18); thé very words used in the accusation against So- 
erates. ’Adixet Σωκράτης, obd¢ μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει ϑεοὺς, οὐ νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ 
δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων. Xen. Mem.i,1. The word δαιμόνιον is probably here used quite 
generally. This is the only place where it occurs in the Acts of the Apostles. See 
the remarks which have been made before on this subject, pp. 298-300. Maximus 
Tyrius gives the strict definition of δαίμων in the following passage. Τίθεσο θεὸν μὲν, 
κατὰ τὸ ἀπαθὲς καὶ ἀθάνατον" δαίμονα δὲ, κατὰ τὸ ἀθάνατον Kai ἐμπαθές" ἄνθρωπον δὲ, 
κατὰ τὸ ἐμπαθὲς καὶ ϑνητόν. Diss. xxiv. In another place he says that the god and 
the demon have this in common, that they are immortal; the damon and the man, that 
they have passion ; the man and the animal, that they have sense ; the animal and the 
pliant, that they have life. Diss. xv. 

4 See what Lucian says in the Life of Alexander of Abonoteichus: Oi μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸ» 

᾿ Πλάτωνα καὶ Χρύσιππον καὶ Πυθαγόραν, φίλοι, καὶ εἰρήνη βαθεῖα πρὸς ἐκείνους jy" ὁ 
δὲ ἄτεγκτος ᾿Επίκουρος (οὕτω γὰρ αὐτὸν ὠνόμαζεν) ἔχθιστος δικαίως, πώντα ταῦτα ἐκ 
γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ τιθέμενος. ὃ 25. 


514 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


be curious to hear more of this foreign and new religion. It is not, ΠΟΤ 
ever, necessary to make any such definite distinction between those whe 
derided and those who listened. Two such classes are usually found 
among those to whom truth is presented, When Paul came among the 
Athenians, he came, ‘‘not with enticing words of man’s wisdom,” and 
to some of the ‘‘ Greeks” who heard him, the Gospel was “foolishness ;”} 
while in others there was at least that curiosity which is sometimes made 
the path whereby the highest truth enters the mind ; and they sought to 
have a fuller and more deliberate exposition of the mysterious subjects, 
which now for the first time had been brought before their attention. 

The place to which they took him was the summit of the hill of Areo 
pagus, where the most awful court of judicature had sat from time imme- 
morial, to pass sentence on the greatest criminals, and to decide the most 
solemn questions connected with religion. The judges sat in the open air, 
upon seats hewn out in the rock, on a platform, which was ascended by a 
flight of stone steps immediately from the Agora. On this spot a long 
series of awful causes, connected with crime and religion, had been deter- 
mined, beginning with the legendary trial of Mars,‘ which gave to the 
place its name of ‘‘ Mars’ Hill.” A temple of the god,> as we have seen, 
was on the brow of the eminence ; and an additional solemnity was given 
to the place by the sanctuary of the Furies,® in a broken cleft of the rock, 
immediately below the judges’ seat. Even in the political decay of 

1 See 1 Cor. i. 18.—ii. 5. 

? For the carly history of the court, see Hermann’s Lehrbuch der G. Slaatsalter- 
thumer, c. v., and Grote, vol. v. Tor miscellaneous details, see Meursius in Gronov. 
Thes. 

3 Ὑπαίθριοι ἐδίκαζον. Julius Pollux. Vitruvius mentions a building which Leake 
(p. 356) thinks may sometimes have been used by the Areopagites. ‘“ Athenis Areopagi 
antiquitatis exemplar ad hoc tempus luto tectum.” Vit. ii, 1. The number of steps is 
sixteen. See Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, p.73. ‘Sixteen stone steps cut in the 
rock, at its south-east angle, lead up to the hill of the Areopagus from the valley of 
the Agora, which lies between it and the Pnyx. This angle seems to be the point of 
the hill on which the council of the Areopagus sat. Ithmediately above the steps, on 
the level of the hill, is a bench of stone excavated in the limestone rock, forming three 
sides of a quadrangle, like a triclinium : it faces the south: on its east and west side 
is a raised block: the former may, perhaps, have been the tr’bunal, the two latter the 
rude stones which Pausanias saw here, and which are described by Euripides (Iph. T. 
962) as assigned, the one to the accuser, the other to the criminal, in the causes which 
were tried in this court.” The stone seats are intermediate in position to the sites of 
the Temple of Mars and the Sanctuary of the Eumenides, mentioned below. 

4 Pausan. xxviii. 5. 

5 This temple is mentioned by Pausanias, viii. 5. It was on the southern slope of the 
Areopagus, immediately above the Agora, near the Eponymi and the statue of Demos 
thenes. 

6 The Athenians, according to their usual euphemism, called these dread goddesses 
by the name of Εὐμένιδες or Σέμναι; and Pausanias says that their statues in this 
place had nothing ferocious in their aspect. The proximity of this senctuary to the 
Areopagite court must have tended to give additional solemnity to the place. 


THE AREOPAGUS. 375 


Athens, this spot and this court were regarded by the people with super. 
stitious reverence.!. It was a scene with which the dread recollections of 
centuries were associated. It was a place of silent awe in the midst of 
the gay and frivolous city. Those who withdrew to the Areopagus from 
the Agora, came, as it were, into the presence of a higher power. No 
place in Athens was so suitable for a discourse upon the mysteries of 
religion.. We are not, however, to regard St. Paul’s discourse on the 
Areopagus as a formal defence, in a trial before the court.* The whole 
aspect of the narrative in the Acts, and the whole tenor of the discourse 
itself, militate against this supposition. The words, half derisive, half 
courteous, addressed to the Apostle before he spoke to his audience, 
“May we know what this new doctrine is?” are not like the words which 
would have been addressed to a prisoner at the bar ; and still more unlike 
a judge’s sentence are the words with which he was dismissed at the con- 
clusion, ‘‘ We will hear thee again of this matter?”? Nor is there any- 
thing in the speech itself of a really apologetic character, as any one may 
perceive, on comparing it with the defence of Socrates.‘ Moreover, the 
verse®> which speaks so strongly of the Athenian love of novelty and 
excitement is so introduced, as to imply that curiosity was the motive of 
the whole proceeding. We may, indeed, admit that there was something 
of a mock solemnity in this adjournment from the Agora to the Areopa- 
gus. ‘The Athenians took the Apostle from the tumult of public ‘discus- 
sion, to the place which was at once most convenient and most appro- 
priate. There was everything in the place to incline the auditors, so far 
as they were seriously disposed at all, to a reverent and thoughtful atten- 
tion. It is probable that Dionysius,* with other Areopagites, were on the 


1 See Aulus Gellius in Winer. In some respects it seems that the inflnence of the 
court was increased under the Romans. See Hermann, 176, and Cic. pro Balbo. 

? Some are of opinion that he was forcibly apprehended and put on a formal trial. 
It may be argued that, ifa public address was all that was required, the Pnyx would 
have been more suitable than the Areopagus. But we need not suppose the crowd 
about St. Paul to have been very great; and though the Pnyx might be equally acces- 
sible from the Agora, and more convenient for a general address, the Areopagus was 
more appropriate for a discourse upon religion. We are disposed too to lay great 
stress on the verse (21) which speaks of the curiosity of the Athenians. Unless it were 
meant to be emphatic, it would almost have the appearance of an interpolation, ’Eze- 
λαβόμενο: (v. 19) is a word of general import. See Acts ix. 27. 

3 There is indeed an apparent resemblance between Acts xvii. 32 and Acts xxiv. 25, 
but even in the latter passage, Felix is rather setting aside an irksome subject than 
giving a judicial decision. 

4 Xen. Apol. 5 Acts xvii. 21. 

6 Tradition says that he was the first bishop of Athens. The writings attributed ta 
him, which were once so famous, are now acknowledged to be spurious, and believed 
to have been the work of some Neo-Platonist. See Fabr. Bib. Greca. Malalas calls 
him a philosopher, and tells the story of his conversion and ordination as follows :— 
᾿κωρακὼς αὐτὸν ὁ ἅγιος ἸΙαῦλος προσηγόρευσε, καὶ ἐπηρώτα τὰν ἅγιον ἸΠαῦλον ὁ Aso 


376 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


judicial seats. And a vague recollection of the dread thoughts associated 
by poetry and tradition with the Hill of Mars, may have solemnised the 
minds of some of those who crowded up the stone steps with the Apostle, 
and clustered round the summit of the hill, to hear his announcement of 
the new divinities. 

There is no point in the annals of the first planting of Christianity 
which seizes so powerfully on the imagination of those who are familiar 
with the history of the ancient world. Whether we contrast the intense 
earnestness of the man who spoke, with the frivolous character of those 
who surrounded him,—or compare the certain truth and awful meaning 
of the Gospel he revealed, with the worthless polytheism which had made 
Athens a proverb in the earth,—or even think of the mere words uttered 
that day in the clear atmosphere, on the summit of Mars’ Hill, in connee- 
tion with the objects of art, temples, statues, and altars, which stood 
round on every side,—we feel that the moment was, and was intended to 
be, full of the most impressive teaching for every age of the world. Close 
to the spot where he stood was the Temple of Mars. The sanctuary “ of the 
Eumenides was immediately below him; the Parthenon of Minerva faciny 
him above. Their presence seemed to challenge the assertion in which he 
declared here, that 7m TEMPLES made with hands the Deity dces not dwell. 
In front of him, towering from its pedestal on the rock of the Acropolis, 
—as the Borromean Colossus, which at this day, with outstretched hand, 
gives its benediction to the low village of Arona ; or as the brazen statue 
of the armed angel, which from the summit of the Castel 8S. Angele 
spreads its wings over the city of Rome,—was the bronze Colossus of 
Minerva, armed with spear, shield, and helmet, as the champion of Athens. 
Standing almost beneath its shade, he pronounced that the Deity was 
not to be likened vither to that, the work of Phidias, or to other forms in 
gold, silver, or stone, graven by art, and man’s device, which peopled the 
scene before him.”! Wherever his eye was turned, it saw a succession of 
such statues and buildings in every variety of form and situation. On the 
rocky ledges on the south side of the Acropolis, and in the midst of the 
hum of the Agora, were the “objects of devotion” already described, 
And in the northern parts of the city, which are equally visible from the 
Areopagus, on the level spaces, and on every eminence, were similar 
objects, to which we have made no allusion,—and especially that Temple 


νύσιος, Τίνα κηρύσσεις ϑεὸν, σπερμολύγε; καὶ ἀκούσας τοῦ ἁγίου Παύλου ὁ αὐτὸς Διυ- 
νύσιος διδάσκοντος αὐτὸν προσέπεσεν αὐτῷ, αἰτῶν αὐτὸν φωτισθῆναι καὶ γενέσθαι 
Χριστιανόν" καὶ βαπτίσας αὐτὸν ὁ ἅγιος Παῦλος ἐποΐησε Χριστίανον " καὶ ἑωρακὼς 
ὁ ἀγ. Il. τὸ ϑερμὸν τῆς πίστεως τοῦ αὐτοῦ Δ. ἐποίησεν αὐτὸν ἐπίσκοποι ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ 
ἐκείνῃ. Mal. Chronog. pp. 251, 252. Bonn Ed. 

1 Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, p. 77. The word χαράγματι (Acts xvii. 29° 
should be noticed. The Apostle was surrounded by scu/pture as well as by temples. 


"ἯΙ 
᾿ 


AC OL SR 5 
ἘΣ OR iD, 4 5 SEED FR M HE 


tie es Rate 


ΣῈ: 


i tile ie ii Aya sal me 


ed vind we" 


᾿ 
1 
δὴ 
4 
᾿ 
Ἷ ; : ed 4a nn? 
ae 7 (hw Vee ati.) Tea! 
‘4 


THE AREOPAGUS. 371 


ot Theseus, the national hero, which remains in unimpaired beauty, te 
enable us to imagine what Athens was when this temple was only one 
among the many ornaments of that city which was “ wholly given te 
idolatry.” 

In this scene St. Paul spoke, probably in his wonted attitude,’ “ stretch 
ing out his hand,” his. bedily aspect still showing what he had suffered 
from weakness, toil, and pain;? and the traces of sadness and anxiety? 
mingled on his countenance with the expression of unshaken faith’ What- 
ever his personal appearance may have been, we know the words which he 
spoke. And we are struck with the more admiration, the more narrowly 
we scrutinize the characteristics of his address. ΤῸ defer for the present 
all consideration of its manifold adaptations to the various characters of 
his auditors, we may notice how truly it was the outpouring of the emo 
tions which, at the time, had possession of his soul. The mouth spoke out of 
the fulness of the heart. With an ardent and enthusiastic eloquence he gave 
vent to the feelings which had been excited by all that he had seen around 
him in Athens. We observe, also, how the whole course of the oration 
was regulated by his own peculiar prudence. He was brought into a posi- 
tion, when he might easily have been ensnared into the use of words, which 
would have brought down upon him the indignation-of all the city. Had 
he begun by attacking the national gods in the midst of their sanctuaries, 
and with the Areopagites on the seats near him, he would have been in 
almost as great danger as Socrates before him. Yet he not only avoids 
the snare, but uses the very difficulty of his position to make a road to the 
convictions of those who heard him. He becomes a heathen to the hea- 
then. He does not say that he is introducing new divinities. He rather 
implies the contrary, and gently draws his hearers away from polytheism, 
by telling them that he was making known the God whom they themselves 
were ignorantly endeavouring to worship. And if the speech is character- 
ised by St. Paul’s prudence, it is marked by that wisdom of his Divine 
Master, which is the pattern of all Christian teaching. As our Blessed 
Lord used the tribute-money for the instruction of His disciples, and drew 
living lessons from the water in the well of Samaria, so the Apostle of the 
Gentiles employed the familiar objects of Athenian life to tell them of what 
was close to them, and yet they knew not. He had carefully observed the 
outward appearance of the city. He had seen an altar with an expressive, 
though humiliating, inscription. And, using this inscription as a text, he 
rpoke to them, as follows, the Words of Eternal Wisdom. 


See p. 174, and the note. 
» See the account of what took place at Philippi, and coinpare jy. 326. 
3 See above, p. 326. 
4 The altar erected to Pity, above alluded to, was once used in a similar mannes, 
The Athenians were about to introduce gladiatorial shows, and Demonax the Cvnig 


378 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


Their altars to Ye men of Athens, all things which I behold bear 


UNKNOWN Gops ᾿ τ ἜΣ ὦ 
rove both witness to your’ carefulness in religion. For as I 


heir desire to δ . 
worship and passed through your city, and beheld the objects of 
their ignorance 


ln worshipping. your worship, I found amongst them an altar with this 
inscription, TO? THE UNKNOWN GOD. Whom, 
therefore, ye worship, though ye know Him not, Him declare I 


unto you. 


God dwells not God, who made the world and all things therein, 


in the temples δἰ a 
ae GHA eMeee ne: seeing that He is Lord of heaven and earth, dwelleth 


tis, nor needs 


the serviee of not in temples made with hands.* Neither is He serv- 

ed by the hands of men, as though He needed any 
thing ; for it is He that giveth unto all life, and breath, and all 
things. And He made of one blood‘ all the nations of mankind, 
to dwell upon the face of the whole earth ; and ordained to each 
the appointed seasons of their existence, and the bounds of their 
Man was ere- habitation. That they should seek God, if haply they 


ated capable of i . 

knowing Goa, might feel after Him and find Him, though he be not 
and ought no - Ὁ . 

to have fallen far from every one of us: for in Him we live and move 
into the follies : : 

ofidolatry, | and have our being; as certain also of your own poets " 


even where it 9᾽ 


was adorned by s 
the art of Phi- have said 


diaa. 
“For we are also His offspring.” 


anu: “Vo not do this till you have first thrown down the altar of Pity.’ Lucian. 
Demonax, 57. 

1 The mistranslation of this verse in the Authorised Version is much to be regretted, 
because it entirely destroys the graceful courtesy of St. Paul’s opening address, and 
represents him as beginning his speech by offending his audience. v 

2 Although there is no article before ἀγνώστῳ, yet we need not scruple to retain the 
definite article of the Authorised Version ; for although, if we take the expression by 
itself, “To AV Unknown God” would be a more correct translation, yet, if we con- 
sider the probable origin (see above) of these altars erected to ἄγνωστοι θεοὶ, it will be 
evident that “To Z7HE Unknown God’ would be quite as near the sense of the in- 
ecription upon any particular one of such altars. Each particular altar was devoted 
to the unknown god to whom it properly belonged, though which of the gods it might 
be the dedicator knew not. 

3 Here again (as at Antioch in Pisidia) we find St. Paul employing the very words 
of St. Stephen. Acts vii. 48. 

* 4 “Of one blood ;’’ excluding the boastful assumption of a different origin claimed 
by the Greeks for themselves over the barbarians. 

5 The reading of A. B. G. H. &c. is θεὸν, not κύριον. 

6 The quotation is from Aratus, a Greek poet, who was a native of Cilicia, a cir- 
cumstance which would, perhaps, account for St. Paul’s familiarity with his writings 
His astronomical poems were so celebrated that Ovid declares his fame will live as 
long as the sun and moon endure :—“Cum sole et luna semper Aratus erit.” How 
little did the Athenian audience imagine that the poet’s immortality would really ke 
owing to the quotation made by the despised provincial who addressed them. The 


SPEECH OF 51. PAUL. 379 


Furasmuch, then, as we are the offspring of God, we ought 
not to think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, Οἱ 
stone, graven by the art and device of man. 

Howbeit, those past times of ignorance God hath God had over 


looked the 


averlooked ; but now He commandeth all men every- rast, but now 
calls Θ work, 


where to repent, because He hath appointed a day Hay mpepare, foe 
wherein He will judge the world in righteousness, by ™:t. 

that Man whom He hath ordained; whereof He hath 

given assurance unto all,? in that He hath raised Him (ints provea 
from the dead. retion? WI 


St. Paul was here suddenly interrupted, as was no doubt frequently 
the case with his speeches both to Jews and Gentiles. Some of those 
who listened broke out into laughter and derision. The doctrine of the 
“resurrection” was to them ridiculous, as the notion of equal religious 
rights with the ‘“ Gentiles” was offensive and intolerable to the Hebrew 
audience at Jerusalem.? Others of those who were present on the Areo- 
pagus said, with courteous indifference, that they would “ hear him again 
on the subject.” The words were spoken in the spirit of Felix, who had 
no due sense of the importance of the matter, and who waited for “a con- 
venient season.” Thus, amidst the derision of some, and the indifference 
éf others,* St. Paul was dismissed, and the assembly dispersed. 

But though the Apostle “departed” thus “ from among them,” and 
though most of his hearers appeared to be unimpressed, yet many of them 
may have carried away in their hearts the seeds of truth, destined to grow 
up into the maturity of Christian faith and practice. We cannot fail to 
notice how the sentences of this interrupted speech are constructed to 
meet the cases in succession of every class of which the audience was com- 
posed. Each word in the address is adapted at once to win and to rebuke. 
The Athenians were proud of everything that related to the origin of 
their race and the home where they dwelt. St. Paul tells them that he 
was struck by the aspect of their city ; but he shows them that the place 
and the time appointed for each nation’s existence are parts of one great 
scheme of Providence ; and that one God is the common Fatter of all 
nations of the earth. For the gencral and more ignorant population, 


same words occur also in the Hymn of Cleanthes [p. 5. n. 3], which is quoted at length 
in Dr. Bloomfield’s Recensio Synoptica. 

1 See notes upon St. Paul’s speech at Lystra. It should be observed that no such me 
taphor as “winked at”’ is to be found in the original. 

3 Observe the coincidence between this sentiment and that in Rem. i. 4. 

3 Acts xxii. 22. 

4 Some commentators find again in these two classes the Stoics and Hpicureang 
‘¢ is not necessary to make so precise a division. 


380 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


some of whom were doubtless listening, a word of approbation is bestowed 
on the care they gave to the highest of all concerns ; but they are admon- 
ished that idolatry degrades all worship, and leads men away from true 
notions of the Deity. That more educated and more imaginative class of 
hearers, who delighted in the diversified mythology, that personified the 
operations of nature, and localised the divine presence! in sanctuaries 
adorned by poetry and art, are led from the thought of their favourite 
shrines and customary sacrifices, to views of that awful Being who is the 
Lord of heaven and earth, and the one Author of universal life. “ΤΡ to 
a certain point in this high view of the Supreme Being, the philosopher of 
the Garden, as well as of the Porch, might listen with wonder and admira- 
tion. It soared, indeed, high above the vulgar religion ; but in the loity 
and serene Deity, who disdained to dwell in the earthly temple, and need- 
ed nothing from the hand of man, the Epicurean might almost suppose 
that he heard the language of his own teacher. But the next sentence, 
which asserted the providence of God as the active, creative energy,—as 
the conservative, the ruling, the ordaining principle,—annihilated at once 
the atomic theory, and the government of blind chance, to which Epicuru: 
ascribed the origin and preservation of the universe.”? And when the 
Stoic heard the Apostle say that we ought to rise to the contemplation of 
the Deity without the intervention of earthly objects, and that we live and 
move and have our being in Him—it might have seemed like an echo of 
his own thought *—until the proud philosopher learnt that it was no pan- 
theistic diffusion of power and order of which the Apostle spoke, but a liv- 
ing centre of government and love—that the world was ruled, not by the 
iron necessity of Fate, but by the providence of a personal God—and that 
from the proudest philosopher repentance and meek submission were 
sternly exacted. Above all, we are called upon to notice how the utten- 
tion of the whole audience is concentered at the last upon Jesus Currst,! 
though His name is not mentioned in the whole speech. Before St. Paul 
was taken to the Areopagus, he had been preaching ‘‘ Jesus and the resur- 
rection : 5 and though his discourse was interrupted, this was the last im- 
pression he left on the minds of those who heard him. And the impres- 
sion was such as not merely to excite or gratify an intellectual curiosity, 
but to startle and search the conscience. Not only had a revival from 
the dead been granted to that man whom God had ordained—but a day 


1 The sacred grottoes in the rocks within view from the Areopagus should be remem- 
bered, as well as the temples, &e. See Wordsworth. 

2 Milman’s History of Christianity, vol. m. p. 18. See his observations on the whola 
speech. He remarks, in a note, the coincidence of St. Paul’s οὐδὲν πουσδεόμενος with 
the “nihil indiga nostri” of the Epicurean Lucretius. 

3 This strikes us the more forcibly if the quotation is from the Steic Cleanthea 
See above. 

4 See Meyer. ® Acta xvii. 18. 


DEPARTURE FROM ATHENS. 381 


had been appointed on which by Him the world must be judged in right 
eousness, 

Of the immediate results of this speech we have no further knowledge, 
than that Dionysius,! a member of the Court of Areopagus, and a woman 
whose name was Damaris,’? with some others, were induced to join them: 
selves to the Apostle, and became converts to Christianity. How long 
St. Paul staid in Athens, and with what success, cannot possibly be. de- 
termined. He does not appear to have been driven by any tumult or 
persecution. We are distinctly told that he waited for some time at 
Athens, till Silas and Timotheus should join him ; and there is some rea- 
son for believing that the latter of these companions did rejoin him in 
Athens, and was dispatched again forthwith to Macedonia.* The Apos- 
tle himself remained in the province of Achaia, and took up his abode at 
its capital on the Isthmus. He inferred, or it was revealed to him, that 
the Gospel would meet with a more cordial reception there than at 
Athens. And it is a serious and instructive fact that the mercantile popu- 
lation of Thessalonica and Corinth received the message of God with 
greater readiness than the highly educated and polished Athenians. Two 
letters to the Thessalonians, and two to the Corinthians, remain to attest 
the flourishing state of those Churches. But we possess no letter written 
by St. Paul to the Athenians; and we do not read that he was ever in 
Athens again.‘ 

Whatever may have been the immediate results of St. Paul’s sojourn 
at Athens, its real fruits are those which remain to us'still. ‘That speech 
on the Areopagus is an imperishable monument of the first victory of 
Christianity over Paganism. ΤῸ make a sacred application of the words 
used by the Athenian historian,> it was “no mere effort for the moment,” 
but it is a “‘ perpetual possession,” wherein the Church finds ever fresh 
supplies cf wisdom and guidance. It is in Athens we learn what is the 
highest point to which unassisted human nature can attain ; and here we 
learn also the language which the Gospel addresses to man on his proudest 
eminence of unaided strength. God, in His providence, has preserved to 
us, in fullest profusion, the literature which unfolds to us all the life of 


1 See above, p. 375, n. 2. 

? Nothing is known of Damaris. But, considering the seclusion of the Greek women, 
the mention of her name, and apparently in connection with the crowd on the Areopa- 
fus, is remarkable. Stier throws out the suggestion that she might be a hetera, called 
like Mary Magdalene to repentance. Reden der Apostel. π. 21. 

3 See 1 Thess. iii. 1. For the movements of Silas and Timotheus about this time, 
see the note at the end of Ch. XI. 

+ The church of Athens appears to have been long in a very weak state. In the 
time of the Antonines, Paganism was almost as flourishing there as ever. The Chris- 
tian community seems at one time to have been entirely dispersed, and to have beeu 
vollected again about a.p. 165. See Leake, p. 60. 

5 Krijua ἐς del μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγώνισμα ἐς τὸ παραχρῆηα ἀκούειν συγκεῖται. Thuc.i 22 


582 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the Athenian people, in its glory and its shame; and He has ordained 
that one conspicuous passage in the Holy Volume should be the speech, 
in which His servant addressed that people as ignorant idolaters, called 
them to repentance, and warned them of judgment. And it can hardly 
be deemed profane if we trace to the same Divine Providence the preser- 
vation of the very imagery which surrounded the speaker—not only the 
sea, and the mountains, and the sky, which change not with the decay of 
ndtions—but even the very temples, which remain, after.wars and revo- 
lutions, on their ancient pedestals in astonishing perfection. We are thus 
provided with a poetic and yet a truthful commentary on the words that 
were. spoken once for all at Athens ; and Art and Nature have been com- 
missioned from above to enframe the portrait of that Apostle, who standa 
for ever on the Areopagus as the teacher of the Gentiles. 


ATHENIAN TETRADRAUAM ° 


Δ From the British Museum. 


CORINTH. 383 


CHAPTER XI. 


“J adjure you, in the name of our Lord Jesus, to see that this letter be read to all 
the brethren.”—1 Thess. v. 27. 

“JT, Paul, add my salutation with my own hand, which is a token whereby all my 
letters may be known.”—2 Thess. iii. 17. 


ETTERS TO THESSALONICA WRITTEN FROM CORINTH.—EXPULSION OF THE JEWS FROM 
ROME.—AQUILA AND PRISCILLA—ST. PAUI’S LABOURS.—FIRST EPISTLE TO THR 
THESSALONIANS.—ST. PAUL IS OPPOSED BY THE JEWS ; AND TURNS TO THE GENTILES. 
—HIS VISION—SECOND EPISTLE ΤῸ THE THESSALONIANS.—CONTINUED RESIDENCE 
IN CORINTH. 


cory oF corrTH.! 


Wen St. Paul went from Athens to Corinth, he entered on a scene very 
different from that which he had left. It is not merely that his residence 
was transferred from a free Greek city to a Roman colony ; as would 
have been the case had he been moving from Thessalonica to Philippi.’ 
His present journey took him from a quiet provincial town to the busy 
metropolis of a province, and from the seclusion of an ancient university 
to the seat of government and trades Once there had been a time, in 
the flourishing age of the Greek republics, when Athens had been politi- 
eally greater than Corinth ; but now that the little territories of the 
Levantine cities were fused into the larger provincial divisions of the 
empire, Athens had only the memory of its preeminence, while Corinth 
held the keys of commerce and swarmed with a crowded population. 
Both cities had recently experienced severe vicissitudes ; but a spell was 
on the fortunes of the former, and its character remained more entirely 
Greek than that of any other place :‘ while the latter rose from its ruins, 
a new and splendid city, on the Isthmus between its two seas, where 8 


1 From the British Museum. The emperor is Claudius. See Acts xviii. 2. 

2 See above, p. 333. 

3 A journey in the first century from Athens to Corinth might almost be compared 
[9 a journey, in the eighteenth, from Oxford to London. 

¢ See the preceding Chapter on Athens. 


884. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


multitude of Greeks and Jews gradually united themselves with the milt 
tary colonists sent by Julius Cesar from Italy,’ and were apes in order by 
the presence of a Roman proconsul.’ 

The connection of Corinth with the life of St. Paul and the early pro 
gress of Christianity, is so close and eventful, that no student of Holy 
Writ ought to be satisfied without obtaining as correct and clear an idea 
as possible of its social condition, and its relation to other parts of the 
empire. This subject will be considered in a subsequent chapter. At 
present another topic demands our chief attention. We are now arrived 
at that point in the life of St. Paul when his first Epistles were written. 
This fact is ascertained, not by any direct statements either in the Acts or 
the Epistles themselves, but by circumstantial cvidence derived from a 
comparison of these documents with one another? Such a comparison 
enables us to perceive that the Apostle’s mind, on his arrival at Corinth, 
was still turning with affection and anxiety towards his converts at Thes- 
salonica. In the midst of all his labours at the Isthmus, his thoughts 
were continually with those whom he had left in Macedonia ; and though 
the narrative‘ tells us only of his tent-making and preaching in the 
metropolis of Achaia, we discover, on a closer enquiry, that the Letters 
to the Thessalonians were written at this particular crisis. It would be 
interesting in the case of any man whose biography has been thought 
worth preserving, to discover that letters full of love and wisdom had 
been written at a time when no traces would have been discoverable, 
except in the letters themselves, of the thoughts which had been occupying 
the writer’s mind. Such unexpected association of the actions done in one 
place with affection retained towards another, always seems to add to our 
personal knowledge of the man whose history we may be studying, and to 
our interest in the pursuits which were the occupation of his life. This is 
peculiarly true in the case of the first Christian correspondence, which has 
been preserved to the Church. Such has ever been the influence of letter- 
writing,—its power in bringing those who are distant near to one another, 
and reconciling those who are in danger of being estranged ;—such espe- 
cially has been, the influence of Christian letters in developing the growth 
of faith and love, and binding together the dislocated members of the 
body of Our Lord, and in making each generation in succession the 


1 At the close of the Republic Corinth was entirely destroyed. Thus we find Cicero 
travelling, not by Corinth, but by Athens. But Julius Cesar established the city on 
the Isthmus, in the form of a colony; and the mercantile population flocked back to - 
their old place; so that Corinth rose with grcat rapidity to the rank of one of the 
second cities of the Empire. The historical details will be given in the next chapter. 

? Acts xviii. 12 shows that the province of Achaia was proconsular. Sce, undet 
Cyprus, pp. 141-145. 

3 See the arguments below, Ὁ. 390, n. 3. 

« Acts xviii. 1-4. 


LETTERS TO THESSALONIGA WRITTEN FROM CORINTH. 384 


teacher οἱ the next,—that we have good reason to take these Epistles te 
the 'Thessalonians as the one chief subject of the present chapter. The 
earliest occurrences which took place at Corinth must first be mentioned : 
but for this a few pages will suffice. 

The reasons which determined St. Paul to come to Corinth (over and 
above the discouragement he seems to have met with in Athens) were, 
prebably, twofold. In the first place, it was a large mercantile city, in 
immediate connection with Rome and the West of the Mediterranean, with 
Thessalonica and Ephesus in the ASgean, and with Antioch and Alexan- 
dria in the East.! _ The Gospel once established in Corinth, would rapidly 
spread everywhere. And, again, from the very nature of the city, the 
Jews established there were numerous, Communities of scattered Israel- 
ites were found in various parts of the province of Achaia,—in Athens, as 
we have recently seen,*—in Argos, as we learn from Philo,*—in Beotia 
and Eubea. But their chief settlement must necessarily have heen in 
that city, which not only gave opportunities of trade by land along the 
Isthmus between the Morea and the Continent, but received in its two 
harbours the ships of the Eastern and Western seas. A religion which 
was first to be planted in the Synagogue, and was thence intended to 
scatter its seeds over all paris of the earth, could nowhere find a more 
favourable soil than among the Hebrew families at Corinth.* 

At this particular time there were a greater number of Jews in the 
city than usual ; for they had lately been banished from Rome by com- 
mand of the Emperor Claudius. The history of this edict is involved in 
some obscurity. But there are abundant passages in the contemporary 
Heathen writers which show the suspicion and dislike with which the 
Jews were regarded.’ Notwithstanding the general toleration, they were 
violently persecuted by three successive emperors : and there is good 

1 For full details, see the next Chapter. 

* See the preceding Chapter, p. 362. 

3 Philo de Leg. ad Cai. p. 1031. Ed. Francof., adduced in Wiltsch’s Handbuch der 
kirchlichen Geographie, ὃ 9. See also Remond’s Versuch einer Geschichte der Aus- 
breitung des Judenthums, ὃ 15, and § 33. 

4 See p. 18, with Wiltsch and Remond. 

5. See what has been said above on Thessalonica. 

6 Acts xviii. 2. 

See, for instance Tacitus and Juvenal, as quoted p.19, n.1, and Cicero. p. 303, n. 3, 
and other passages in Remond. 

8. Four thousand Jews or Jewish preselytes were sent as convicts by Tiberius to the 
island of Sardinia. “Actum et de sacris Agyptiis Judaicisque pellendis: factumque 
patrum consultum, ut quatuor milia libertini generis, ea superstitione infecta, in insu- 
lam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis, et si ob gravitatem cceli interi- 
issent, vile damnum.” Tae. An. ii. 85. ‘ Externas cxrimonias, Algyptios Judaicosque 
ritus compescuit, coactis qui superstitione ea tenebantur, religiosas vestes cum instru- 


mento omni comburere. Judworum juventutem per speciem sacramenti, in provinciaa 
gravioris coeli distribuit ; reliquos gentis ejusdem, vel similia sectantes, Urbe submovit, 


VOL. 1.—-2) 


380 THE LIFE aND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


reason for identifying the edict mentioned by St. Luke with that alluded te 
by Suetonius, who says that Claudius drove the Jews from Rome because 
they were incessantly raising tumults at the instigation of a certain 
Chresitus.. Much has been writter concerning this sentence of the 
bitgrapher of the Cesars. Some have held that there was really a Jew 
called Chrestus, who had excited political disturbances :* others that the 
name is used by mistake for Christus, and that the disturbances had arisen 
from the Jewish expectations concerning the Messiah, or Christ It 
seems to us that the last opinion is partially true ; but that we must trace 
this movement not merely to the vague Messianic idea entertained by the 
Jews, but to the events which followed the actual appearance of the 
Christ. We have seen how the first progress of Christianity had been 
tne occasion of tumult among the Jewish communities in ‘the provinces ; + 
and there is no reason why the same might not have happened in the 
capital itself.6 Nor need we be surprised at the inaccurate form in which 
the same occurs, when we remember how loosely more careful writers 
than Suetonius write concerning the affairs of the Jews.7 Chrestus was a 
common name ;° Christus was not: and we have a distinct statement by 
Tertullian and Lactantius® that in their day the former was often used 


for the latter. 
Among the Jews who had been banished from Rome by Claudius 


and had settled for a time at Corinth, were two natives of Pontus, 
whose names were Aquila and Priscilla." We have seen hefore (Ch. 


sub poena perpetue servitutis, nisi obtemperassent.” Suet. Tib. 36. Cf. Joseph. Ant. 
xviii. 3,5. The more directly religious persecution of Caligula has been mentioned 
previously, Ch. IV. pp. 110, 111. 

1 The words are quoted p. 303, n. 4. Compare p. 332. 

3. This is Meyer’s view, to which De Wette also inclines. 

3 Such seems to be the opinion of Ammon, Paulus, ἄς. See Meyer in Joc. Arch- 
pishop Usher takes the same view. 

4 See Hug and Kuinoel. Orosius (Hist. vii. 6) seems really to have had the reading 
Christo before him. The statement of Dio Cassius (1x. 6) with reference to Claudius 
and the Jews,—(rovg ᾿Ιουδαίους πλεογάσαντας αὖθις, ὦστε χαλεπῶς dv ἄνευ ταραχῆς 
ὑπὸ τοῦ ὄχλου σφῶν τῆς πόλεως εἰρχθῆναι, οὐκ ἐξήλασε μὲν, τῷ δὲ δὴ πατρίῳ νόμῳ 
βίῳ χρωμένους ἐκέλευσε μὴ συναθροίζεσθαι)----56 615 to refer to a point of time anterior 
to the edict mentioned by Suetonius and St. Luke. 

5. In Asia Minor (Ch. VI.), and more especially in Thessalonica and Beroea (Ch. IX.) 

6 Christianity must have been more or less known in Rome, since the return of the 
Italian Jews from Pentecost (Acts ii.). 

7 Even Tacitus. 

8 See, for instance, Cic. Fam. ii. 8. Moreover, Christus and Chrestus are prow: 
nounced alike in Romaic. Suetonius, however, was acquainted with the word Chris 
tianus. Nero, 16. 

9 See the passages quoted by Dean Milman (Hist. of Christianity, 1. p. 430), who re 
marks that these tumults at Rome, excited by the mutual hostility of Jews and Chris 
tians, imply that Christianity must already have made considerable progress there. 

w See pp. 119, 120, and Tac. Ann. xv. 44. 1 Acts xvili. 2. 


AQUILA AND PRISCILLA. 387 


VIII.) that Pontus denoted a province of As 
Minor on the shores of the Euxine, and we hava 
noticed some political facts which tended to bring 
this province into relations with Judea.'’ Though, 
indeed, it is hardly necessary to allude to this, for 
there were Jewish colonies over every part of Asia 
Minor, and we are expressly told that Jews from 
Pontus heard St. Peter’s first sermon? and read his 
first Episties Aquila and Priscilla were, perhaps, 
of that number. Their names have a Roman form ;4 
and, we may conjecture that they were brought into 
some connection with a Roman family, similar to that 
which we have supposed to have existed in the case of 
St. Paul himself.s We find they were on the present 
bust or cLavpivs.” — oeeasicn forced to leave Rome ; and we notice that 
they are afterwards addressed? as residing there again ; so that it is reason: 
able to suppose that the metropolis was their stated residence. Yet we 
observe that they frequently travelled, and we trace them on the Asiatic 
coast on two distinct occasions, separated by a wide interval of time. First, 
before their return to Italy (Acts xviii. 18, 26. 1 Cor. xvi. 19), and again, 
shortly before the martyrdom of St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 19), we find them 
at Ephesus. From the manner in which they are referred to as having 
Christian meetings in their houses, both at Ephesus and Rome,® we should 
be inclined to conclude that they were possessed of some considerable 
wealth. The trade at which they laboured, or which at least they super- 
intended, was the manufacture of tents,° the demand for which must have 


VPP PAYS 


1 Especially the marriage of Polemo with Berenice, p. 25, and p. 248. 

? Acts ii. 9. 3 1 Pet. i. 1. 

4 See p. 151, also p. 46. ᾿Ακύλας is merely the Greck form of Aquila (used by 
Josephus, Appian, and Dio Cassius). The hypothesis of Reiche, that this Aquila was a 
freedman of one Pontius Aquila, whose name is mentioned by Greek and Roman 
writers, and that St. Luke is in error in calling him a native of Pontus, is very gratui- 
tous. Nothing is known of him beyond what we read in the New Testament. The 
tradition of the Greek Menology is, that he and his wife were beheaded. 

From the mention of Priscilla as St. Paul’s συνεργός, and as one of the instructors 
of Apollos, we might naturally infer that she was a woman of good education. Her 
name appears in 2 Tim. under the form “ Prisca.’”’ So, in Martial, Tacitus, and Sueto- 
nius, “ Livia” and “Livilla,”’ “ Drusa’”’ and “ Drusilla,’’ are used of the same person. 
See Wetstein on Rom. xvi. Prisca is well known as a Roman name. 

Aquila, who made the new translation of the Old Testament into Greek in the reign 
of Hadrian, was also a native of Pontus. 

5 P. 46. 6 From the Musée des Antiques (Bouillon, Paris, 1812-1817), vol. ii. 

7 Rom. xvi. 3. 

8 Rom. xvi. 38. 1 Cor. xvi. 19. 

9 Many meanings have been given by the commentators to oknvorroiol,—weavers of 
tapestry, saddlers, mathematical instrument makers. [Another rendering we have 
met with somewhere, is “ rope-makers ;”’ suggested, perhaps, by the word oyouvor cto” 


388 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


‘ven continual in that age of travelling,—-while the ciliciwm,! or hait 
eleth, of which they were made, could easily be procured at every large 
town in the Levant, 

A question has been raised as to whether Aquila and Priscilla were 
already Christians, when they met with St. Paul? Though it is certainly 
possible that they may have been converted at Rome, we think, on the 
whole, that this was probably not the case. They are simply classed with 
the other Jews who were expelled by Claudius ; and we are told that the 
reason why St Paul ‘came and attached himself to them”? was not 
because they had a common religion, but because they had a common 
trade. ‘There is no doubt, however, that the connection soon resulted in 
their conversion to Christianity. The trade which St. Paul’s father had 
taught him in his youth * was thus made the means of procuring him in- 
valuable associates in the noblest work in which man was ever engaged. 
No higher example can be found of the possibility of combining diligent 
labour in the common things of life with the utmost spirituality ofe mind, 
Those who might have visited Aquila at Corinth in the working-hours, 
would have found St. Paul quietly occupied with the same task as his 
fellow-labourers. Though he knew the Gospel to be a matter of life and 
death to the soul, he gave himself to an ordinary trade with as much zeal 
as though he had no other occupation. It is the duty of every man to 
maintain an honourable independence ; and this, he felt, was peculiarly 
incumbent on him, for the sake of the Gospel he came to proclain. He 
knew the obloquy to which he was likely to be exposed, and he prudently 
prepared for it. The highest motives instigated his diligence in the com- 
monest manual toil. And this toil was no hindrance to that communion 
with God, which was his greatest joy, and the source of all his peace, 
While he “laboured, working with his own hands,” among the Corinthians, 
2s he afterwards reminded them,’7—in his heart he was praying continually, 
with thanksgiving, on behalf of the Thessalonians, as he says to them 
himself * in the letters which he dictated in the intervais of his iabour. 

This was the first scene of St. Paul's life at Corinth. Fer the second 


which is pronounced by the modern Greeks nearly in the same way.] Dut nothing is 
s0 probable as that they were simply makers of those hair-cloth tents, which are still 
in constant use in the Levant. That they were manufacturers of the cloth itself is lesa 
likely. 

1 An account of this cloth is given in Ch. Il. p. 47. See p. 168 and p. 329. 

* See the various commentators. 

3 ἸΠροσῆλθεν αὐτοῖς. Acts xviii. 2. 

4 They were Christians, and able to instruct others, when St. Paul left them at 
Ephesus, on his voyage from Corinth to Syria. See Acts xviii. 18, 26, 

5 See p. 46. 

6 See what is said above in reference to his labours at Thessalonica, p. 329. We 
eball meet with the same subject again in the Epistles to the Corinthians. 

71 Cor. iv. 12. eMThessi.) 2. i 13.42) ehesss te. 2h 


ST. PAUL’S LABORS AT CORINTH. 558 


scene we must turn to the synagogue. The Sabbath! was ἃ day of rest 
On that day the Jews laid aside their tent-making and their other trades 
and, amid the derision of their Gentile neighbours, assembled in the house 
of prayer to worship the God of their forefathers. There St. Paul spoke 
to them of the “mercy promised to their forefathers,” and of the “ oath 
sworn to Abraham,” being “ performed.” There his countrymen listened 
with incredulity or conviction - and the tent-maker of Tarsus “reasoned” 
with them and “endeavoured to persuade”? both the Jews and the Gen- 
tiles who were present, to believe in Jesvs Christ as the promised 
Messiah and the Saviour of the World. 

While these two employments were proceeding,—the daily labour in 
the workshop, and the week!y discussions in the synagogue,—Timotheus 
and Silas returned from Macedonia.? The effect produced by their 
arrival seems to have been an instantaneous increase of the zeal and 
energy with which he resisted the opposition, which was even now begin- 
ning to hem in the progress of the truth. The remarkable word* which is 
used to describe the “ pressure” which St. Paul experienced at this moment 
in the course of his teaching at Corinth, is the same which is employed of 
our Lord Himself in a sclemn passage of the Gospels,’ when He says, 
“T have a baptism to be baptized with ; and how am 1 séractened till it 
be accomplished.” He who felt our human difficulties has given us human 
help to aid us in what He requires us to do. When St. Paul’s com- 
panions rejoined him, he was reinforced with new earnestness and vigour 
in combating the difficulties which met him. He acknowledges himself 
that he was at Corinth “in weakness, and in fear and much trembling ;” 5 
but “God, who comforteth those that are cast down, comforted him by 
the coming”? of his friends. It was only one among many instances we 
shall be called to notice, in which, at a time of weakness, “he saw the 
brethren and took courage.” § 

But this was not the only result of the arrival of St. Paul’s com- 
panions. Timotheus (as we have seen’) had been sent, while St. Paui 
was still at Athens, to revisit and establish the Church of Thessalonica. 

1 See Acts xviii. 4. 3 "Ἔπειθε. 

3 Acts xviii. 5. See note at the end of this chapter. We may remark here that 
Silas and Timotheus were probably the “ brethren”? who brought the collection men- 
tioned, 2 Cor. xi. 9. Compare Phil. iv. 15. 

4 Yuvetyero. There seems no doubt that the words which succeed should ke τῷ 
λόγῳ and not τῷ πνεύματι. Hammond explains the received reading to mean that Paul 
was “distressed in spirit,”” because he produced little effect on his hearers. But the 
state of mind, whatever it was, is clearly connected with the coming of Timothy and 
Bilas, and seems to imply increasing zeal with increasing opposition. The Vulgate has 

instabat verbo.” 

5 Luke xii. 50. 6 1 Ὁογ. 1ϊ. 8. 7 2. Cor. vil. 6. 


* Acts xxviii. 15. See above, on his solitude in Atbens, p. 362. 
® See above. 


390 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΥ. PAUL. 


The news he brought on his return to St. Paul caused the latter to write 
to these beloved converts ; and, as we have already observed,' the letter 
which he sent them is the first of his Epistles which has been preserved 
tous. It seems to have been occasioned partly by his wish to express his 
earnest affection for the Thessalonian Christians, and to encourage them 
under their persecutions ; but it was also called for by some errors into 
which they had fallen. Many of the new converts were uneasy about the 
state of their relatives or friends, who had died since their conversion. 
They feared that these departed Christians would lose the happiness of 
witnessing their Lord’s second coming, which they expected soon te 
behold. In this expectation others had given themselves up to a religious 
excitement, under the influence of which they persuaded themselves that 
they need not continue to work at the business of their callings, but might 
claim support from the richer members of the Church. Others, again, 
had yielded to the same temptations which afterwards influenced the 
Corinthian Church, and despised the gift of prophesying’ in comparison 
with those other gifts which afforded more opportunity for display. These 
reasons, and others which will appear in the letter itself, led St. Paul to 
write to the Thessalonians as follows : 3— 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 


1. 
Salutation. ΕΓ Δ1], ἀπ Silvanus, and Timotheus, to the Church of 1 
the Thessalonians, in the name of God our Father, and 
our Lord Jesus Christ ; ‘4: grace be to you and peace.* 


1 Ῥ, 384. 2 1 Thess. v. 20. 

3 The correctness of the date here assigned to this Npistle may be proved as follows: 
—(1) It was written not long after the conversion of the Thessalonians (1 Thess. i. 8, 
9), while the tidings of it were still spreading (ἀπαγγέλλουσιν, present) through Mace- 
donia and Achaia, and while St. Paul could speak of himself as only taken from them 
for a short season (1 Thess. ii. 17). (2) St. Paul had been recently at Athens (iii. 1), 
and had already preached in Achaia (i. 7, 8). (3) Timotheus and Silas were just re- 
turned (ἄρτι, ili. 6) from Macedonia, which happened (Acts xviii. 5) soon after St. 
Paul’s first arrival at Corinth. 

We have already observed (Ch. IX. p. 331), that the character of these Epistles ta 
the Thessalonians proves how predominant was the Gentile element in that church, and 
that they are among the very few letters of St. Paul in which not a single quotation 
from the Old Testament is to be found. [The use, indeed, of the word Satan (1 Thess. 
ii. 18) might be adduced as implying some previous kuowledge of Judaism in those to 
whom the letter was addressed. See also the note on 2 Thess, ii. 8.} 

4 Χώρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη. This salutation occurs in all St. Paul’s Epistles, except the 
three Pastoral Epistles, where it is changed into Χώρις ἔλεος εἰρήνη. 

> The remainder of this verse has been introduced into the Textus Receptus by mis 
take in this place, where it is not found in the best MSS. It properly helongs to 2 
Thess. i 2. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 391 


2 I return! continual thanks to God for you all, thanksgiving 
for their con 


and make mention of you in my prayers without version. 


3 ceasing; remembering always, in the presence of our God 


and Father, the working of your faith and the labours of 
your love, and the patient endurance of your hope, which was 
4 fixed on our Lord Jesus Christ. Brethren, beloved by God, 
I know how God has chosen you; for the Glad-tidings which 1 
brought’* you worked upon you, not only in word, but also in 
power; with the might cf the Holy Spirit, and with the full 
5 assurance of belief. And you, likewise, know the manner in 
6 which I behaved myself among you, for your sakes. More- 
over, you followed in my steps, and in the steps of our Lord 
and Master; and you received His teaching in the midst of 
great tribulation,? with a joy which came from the Holy Spirit. 
᾿ And thus you have become patterns to all the believers in 
8. Macedonia and in Achaia. For from you the word of our 
Lord has been sounded forth,‘ and not only has its sound been 
heard in Macedonia and Achaia, but also in every place the tid- 
ings of your faith towards God have been spread abroad, so that I 


1 Tt is important to observe in this place, once for all, that St. Paul uses “we,” ac- 
cording to the idiom of many ancient writers, where a modern writer would use “ 1.” 
Great confusion is caused in many passages by not translating, according to his true 
meaning, in the first person singular ; for thus it often happens, that what he spoke 
of himself individually, appears to us as if it were meant for a general truth: instances 
will occur repeatedly of this in the Epistles to the Corinthians, especialiy the Second. 
It might have been supposed, that when St. Paul associated others with himself in the 
salutation at the beginning of an epistle, he meant to indicate that the epistle proceeded 
from them as well as from himself; but an examination of the body of the Epistle will 
always convince us that such was not the case, but that he was the sole author. For 
example, in the present Epistle, Silvanus and Timotheus are joined with him in the 
salutation; but yet we find (ch. iii. 1, 2)---εὐδοκήσαμεν καταλειφϑῆναι ἐν ᾿Αθήναις 
μόνοι καὶ ἐπέμψαμεν Τιμόθεον τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν. Now, who was it who thought fit to 
be left at Athens alone? Plainly St. Paul himself, and he only; neither Timotheus 
‘who is here expressly excluded) nor Silvanus (who did not rejoin St. Paul till after- 
wards at Corinth (Acts xviii. 5) ), being by possibility included. Ch. iii. 6 is not less 
decisive pte δὲ ἐλθόντος Τιμοθέον πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀφ᾽ tudv—when we remember that 
Silvanus came with Timotheus. Several other passages in the Epistle prove the same 
thing, but these may suffice. 

It is true, that sometimes the ancient idiom in which a writer spoke of himself in the 
plural is more graceful, and seems less egotistical, than the modern usage; but yet 
(the modern usage being what it is) a literal translation of the ἡμεῖς very often conveys 
a confused idea of the meaning ; and we have thought it better, therefore, to translate 
according to the modern idom. 

3. St. Paul 1s here referring to the time when he first visited and converted the Thes 
salonians ; the “ hope’ spoken of was the hope of our Lord’s coming. 

3 This tribulation they brought on themselves by receiving the Gospel. 

4 See p. 324, n. 3, 


892 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


have no need to speak of it. For others are telling of their cwn 9 
accord,! concerning me, how gladly you received me, and how 
you forsook your idols, and turned to the service of God, the 
living and the true; and that row you wait with eager longing 14 
for the return of His Son from the heavens, even Jesus, whom 
He raised from the dead, our deliverer from the coming ven- 


geance. i. 
He reminds Yea, you know yourselves, brethren, that my 
own example. coming amongst you was not fruitless; but after I 2 
had borne suffering and outrage (as you know) at Philippi, 
I trusted in my God, and boldly declared to you God’s Glad 
tidings, although its adversaries contended mightily against me. 
For my exhortations are not prompted? by imposture, nor by 
lascivionsness, nor do I deal deceitfully. But, seeing that God 4 
has tried my fitness for His work, and charged me to declare 
the Glad-tidings, so I speak, as one who strives to please not 
men but God, whose search tries my heart. For never did 
I use flattering words, as you know ; nor hide covetousness un- 
der fair pretences, (God is my witness); nor did I seek honour 6 
from men, either from you or others; although I might have 
been burdensome to you, as being Christ’s apostle? But I be- 
haved myself among you with mildness and forbearance ; and 
as a nurse cherishes her own children,‘ so in my fond affection 8 
it was my joy to give you not only the Glad-tidings of Christ, 
but even my own life also, because you were so dear to me. 
For you remember, brethren, my toilsome labours; how I 9 
worked both night and day, that I might not be burdensome to 
any of you, while I proclaimed to you the message which I 
bore, the Glad-tidings of God. You are yourselves witnesses, 10 


τ 


1 Αὐτοὶ. Ι 

3. Τὴ this and the following verses, we have allusions to the aceusations brought 
against St. Paul by his Jewish opponents. This very charge of secking to please men, 
ἀνθοώποις ἀρέσκειν, Was repeated by the Judaisers in Galatia. See Gal. i. id. 

3 One of the grounds upon which St. Paul’s Jndaising opponents dexied his apostolic 
authority, was the fact that he (in general) refused to be maintained by his converts, 
whereas Our Lord had given to His apostles the right of being so maintained. St 
Paul fuily explains his reasons for not availing himself of that right in several passages, 
especially 1 Cor. ix.; and he here takes care to allude to his possession of the right, 
while mentioning his renunciation of it. Cf. 2 Thess. iii. 9. 

4 Ta ἑαυτῆς τέκνα. Seep. 329,n.3. It will be observed, also, that we adopt a 
different punctuation from that which has led to the received version. Inv. 8 it seeme 
very probable that ὁμειρόμενοι, and not ἱμειρόμενοι, is the correct reading; but the 
general sense is not altered. See Koch. 


FIRS: EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 393 


and God also is my witness, how holy, and just, and un 

11 blamable, were my dealings towards you who believe. You 
know how earnestly, as a father his own children, I exhorted, 
and entreated, and adjured each one among you to walk wor 

12thy of God, by whom you are called into His own kingdom 
and glory. 

13 Wherefore I also give continual thanks to God, because, 
when you heard from me the preaching of God’s word, vou re- 
ceived it not as the word of man, but, as it is in truth, the 
word of God; who! Himself works inwardly in you that 

14believe. For you, brethren, followed in the steps of the 
churches of God in Judea, which are in the fellowship of Christ 
Jesus, and suffered the like persecution from your own coun- 

15 trymen, which they endured from the Jews; who killed both 
our Lord Jesus, and their own prophets, and who have driven 
me from city’ to city; a people displeasing to God, and ene- 

16 mies to all mankind, who would hinder me from speaking to 
the Gentiles, for their salvation; thus they do, as they have 
ever done, to fill up the measure of their sins; but now the 
wrath of God has overtaken them to destroy them.° 

17 ~~“ But I, brethren, having been torn from you for a Expresses bia 
short season (in body, not in heart), have sought them. 
earnestly, with long desire, to behold you again face to face.* 

18 Wherefore I, Paul (for my own part), would have returned to 
visit you, and strove to do so once and again; but Satan hin- 

i9dered me. For what is my hope or joy? what is the crown 
wherein I glory? what but your own selves, when you shail 

20 stand befcre our Lord Jesus Christ at His appearing. Yea, 

UI you are my glory and my joy. 

L Therefore, being no longer able to restrain my And his joy in 


hearing of their 


2 desire, I determined to be left at Athens alone ; and _ well-doingfrom 


Timotheus 


I sent Timotheus, my brother, and God’s servant 

and fellow-worker " in the Glad-tidings of Christ, that he might 

strengthen your constancy, and exhort you concerning your 
3 faith, that none of you should suffer himself to be shaken by 


1 We cannot agree with Winer (Grammatik, p. 236) that ὅς refers to λόγον here. 
᾿Εκδιωξάντων. 3 Εἰς τέλος, “to make an end of them.” 
4“ See what is said in the preceding chapter in connection with Berea. 
* We read, with Griesbach and Tischendorf, συνεργὸν τοῦ ϑεοῦ, which is analogous 
to (1 Cor. iii. 9) ϑεοῦ ἐσμὲν συνεργοί. The boldness of the expression probably led ta 
the variation of reading in the MSS. 


804 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


these afflictions which have come upon you; for you your- 
selves know that such is our appointed lot, and when I was 4 
with you, I forewarned you that persecutions awaited us, as 
you remember that it befel. For this cause, I also, when I 
could no longer forbear, sent to learn tidings of your faith; for 
T feared lest perchance the tempter had tempted you, and so 
my labour among you should be in vain. But now that Timo- ὁ 
theus has returned from you to me, and has brought me the 
glad tidings of your faith and love, and that you still keep an 
affectionate remembrance of me, longing to see me, as I to see 
you—lI have been comforted, brethren, on your behalf, and all 7 
my own tribulation and distress has been lightened by your 
faith. For now, if you be stedfast in the Lord Jesus, I feel 8 
myself to live! What thanksgiving can I render to God for 9 
you, for all the joy which you cause ine in the presence of my 
God? Night and day, I pray exceeding earnestly to see you10 
face to face, that I may complete what is yet wanting in your 
faith. Now, may God Himself, our Father, and our Lordi1 
Jesus Christ, direct my path towards you. Meantime, may 13 
our Lord cause you to increase and abound in love to one an- 
other and to all men; even such love as I have for you. And12 
so may He keep your hearts stedfast and unblamable in holi- 
ness, and present you before our God and Father, with all His 


ει 


people,’ at His* appearing. IV 
Against sensu It remains, brethren, that I beseech and exhort 1 
Υ. 


you in the name of our Lord Jesus, that, as I taught 
you what life you must live to please God, so you would walk 
thereafter more abundantly. For you know the commands 2 
which I delivered to you by the authority of the Lord Jesus. 3 
This, therefore, as I then told you, is the will of God; that you 4 
should be consecrated unto Him in holiness, and should keep 
yourselves from fornication, and that each of you should learn to 
get the mastery over his bodily desires‘ in purity and honour; 

1 Ζῶμεν. Compare ἔζων (Rom. vii. 9). 

3 We think it better to place a comma after Χριστοῦ, for our Lord will not come 
with all His people, since some of his people will be on earth. 

3 We substitute the personal pronoun for Inood Χριστοῦ in this and some similar 
instances, because it is contrary to the English idiom to repeat the noun in such cases, 

4 Κτᾶσθαι cannot mean to possess ; it means, to gain possession of, to acquire for 
me’s own use. The use of σκεῦος for body is common, and found 2 Cor. iv. 7. Now 


aman may be said to gain possession of his own body when he subdues those lusts 
which tend to destroy his mastery over it. Hence the interpretation which we uay¢ 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE TIESSALONIANS. 395 


56 not in lustful passions, like the heathen who know not God. 
6 Neither must any man wrong his brother in this matter by his 
transgression.’ All such the Lord will punish, as I have fore- 
7 warned you by my solemn testimony. For God has not called 
us to a life of uncleanness, but His calling is? a holy calling 
8 Wherefore, he that despises these my words, despises not mar 
but God, who also has given unto me* His Holy Spirit. 
9 Concerning brotherly love it is needless that I Exhortation te 
should write to you; for ye yourselves are taught of good onter) 
10 God to love one another; as you show by your deeds towards 
all the brethren throughout the whole of Macedonia. I exhort 
11 you only, brethren, to abound still more. Seek peaceful quiet- 
ness, and give yourselves to the concerns of your private life; 
let this be your ambition. Work with your own hands (as I 
12 commanded you), for your own support; that the seemly order 
of your lives may be manifest to those without the church, and 
that you may need no help from others. 
13 NowlI desire, brethren, to remove your igno- Happiness οἱ 
rance concerning those who are asleep, that you ¢ead. 
14may not sorrow like other men, who have no hope. For as 
surely as we believe that Jesus died and rose again, so surely will 
God through Him,’ bring back those who sleep together with 
1sdesus. This I declare to you, by the authority of the Lord, 
that we who are living, who survive to behold the appearing of 
our Lord, shall not enter into His presence sooner than the 
16dead. For the Lord himself shall descend from heaven with 
the shout of war,’ the Archangel’s voice, and the trumpet of 
17 God ; and first the dead in Christ’ shall arise to life; then we 


ndopted appears justifiable and natural, and is certainly less repugnant to ordinary 
feelings than that of De Wette,—‘“ Das ein jeglicher wisse sich sein Werkzeug zur 
Befriedigung des Geschlectstriebes zu verschaffen.”’ 

1 The reading τῷ (for rcv), adopted in the Received Text, is allowed by all modern 
critics to be wrong. The cbvious translation of ἐν τῷ πράγματι is, “in the matter in 
question.” 

ἃ Ev ἁγιασμῷ, not εἰς ἁγιασμὸν. 

3 We retain ἡμᾶς, with Griesbach and the Received Text. 

4 Observe the expression φιλοτιμεῖσθαι ἡσυχάζειν, almost equivalent to “ be ambitious 
to be unambitious.” 

5 Διὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. It is much more natural to connect these words with ἄξει than 
with κοιμηθέντας, as in the Authorised Version. 

6 Ἔν κελεύσματι. The word denotes the shout used in battle. See, for instance, 
Thucyd. ii. 92. Eur. Hee. 928. 

7 Oi νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ, equivalent to of κοιμ. ἐν X. 1Cor.xv.18. Winer’s const 
tin (Grammatik, p. 328) is different, and (we think) mistaken. ; 


396 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the living, who remain unto that day, shall be caught up with 
them among the clouds to meet the Lord Jesus in the air; and 
so both we and they shall be for ever with the Lord. Where-13 
fore comfort one another with these words. Υ. 
The sudden- But of the times and seasons, brethren, when 1 
coming amo. these things shall be, you need no warning. For your- 2 
tive to watch- . 
fulness. selves know perfectly that the day of the Lord will 
come as a thief in the night; and while men say Peace and 3 
Safety, destruction shall come upon them in a moment, as the 
pangs of travail upon a woman with child; and there shall be 
no escape. But you, brethren, are not in darkness, that That 4 
day should come upon you as the robber on sleeping men; 
for you are all the children of the light and of the day. We 5 
are not of the night, nor of darkness; therefore let us not ὁ 
sleep as do others, but let us watch and be sober; for they who 7 
slumber, slumber in the night; and they who are drunken, are 
drunken: in the night; but let us, who are of the day, be 8 
sober ; arming ourselves with faith and love for a breast-plate ; 
and wearing for our helmet the hope of salvation. For to ob- 9 
tain salvation, not to abide His wrath, hath God ordained us, 
through our Lord Jesus Christ, who died for us, that whether 10 
we wake or sleep we should live together with Him. Where- 11 
fore exhort one another, and build one another up, even as 
you already do. 

Τῆς Preshyters Moreover I beseech you, brethren, to acknowledge 12 
garded, those who are labouring among you ; who preside over 
you in the Lord’s name, and give you admonition. I beseech 13 
you to esteem them very highly in love, for their work’s sake. 


And maintain peace among yourselves. 


ῬΡΟΒΊΒΟΕΙΡΥ ADDRESSED TO THE PreEsBYTERS.? 


RENIN. But you, brethren, I exhort; admonish the dis- 14 
Pee orderly, encourage the timid, support the weak, be 


1 There is some authority for the reading κλέπτας, adopted by Lachmann,—“ as the 
daylight surprises robbers ;”’ and this sort of transition, where a word suggests a rapid 
change from one metaphor to another, is not unlike the style of St. Paul. 

3 Olxodo.eite. The full meaning is, “ build one another up, that you may all toge- 
ther grow into a temple of God.’ The word is frequently used by St. Paul in this 
sense, which is fully explained 1 Cor. iii. 10-17. It is very difficult to express the 
meaning by any single word in English, and yet it would weaken the expression too 
much if it were diluted into a periphrasis fully expressing its meaning. 

3 It appears evideut that those who are here directed, νουθετεῖτε, are the same whe 


» 


FTRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 397 


15 paticut with all. Take heed that none of you return evil for 
16 evil, but strive to do good always, both to one another and to 
17 811 men. In every season keep a joyful mind; let nothing 
[8 cause your prayers to cease ; continue to give thanks, whatever 
be your lot; for this is the will of God in Christ Jesus concern- 
19,90 ing you. Quench not the manifestation of the Spirit ; think 
Ὧ ποῦ meanly Οὗ! prophesyings; try all [which the prophets 
22 utter;] reject the false, but keep the good;? hold yourselves 
aloof from every form of evil. 
23. Now may the God of peace Himself sanctify you conctuaing 


ete prayers and sa- 
wholly ; and may your whole nature, your spirit and _tutations. 


soul and body, be preserved blameless, when you stand before 
24our Lord Jesus Christ at His appearing. Faithful is He who 
ealls you; He will fulfil my prayer. 
25,26 Brethren, pray for me. Greet all the brethren with the 
27 kiss of holiness. I adjure you, in the name of our Lord Jesus, 
to see that this letter be read to all the‘ brethren. 


23 °The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you.® autograph 


benediction. 


are described immediately before (v.12) as νουθετοῦντας. Also, they are very solemnly 
directed (v. 27) to see that the letter be read to all the Christians in Thessalonica ; 
which implies that they presided over the Christian assemblies. 

1 We know, from the First Epistle to Corinth, that this warning was not unneeded 
in the early church. (See 1 Cor. xiv.) The gift of prophesying (é. 6. inspired preach- 
ing) had less the appearance ofa supernatural gift than several of the other Charisms ; 
and hence it was thought little of by those who sought more for display than edification. 

2 Δοκιμάζειν includes the notion of rejecting that which does not abide the test. 

3 Φιλήματι ἁγίῳ. This alludes to the same custom which is referred to in Rom. xvi. 
16. 1 Cor. xvi. 20. 2Cor. xiii. 12. We find a full account of it, as it was practised in 
the early church, in the Apostolical Constitutions (book ii. ch. 57). The men and 
women were placed in separate parts of the building where they met for worship ; and 
then, before receiving the Holy Communion, the men kissed the men, and the women 
the women: before the ceremony, a proclamation was made by the principal deacon: 
— “Let none bear malice against any: let none do it in hypocrisy.” My τις κατά 
τινος μή τις ἐν ὑποκρίσει" εἶτα καὶ ἀσπαζέσθωσαν ἀλλήλους οἱ ἄνδρες, Kal ἀλλήλας 
αἱ γυναῖκες, τὸ ἐν Κυρίῳ φίλημα. It should be remembered by English readers, that 
a kiss was in ancient times (as, indeed, it is now in many foreign countries) the 
ordinary mode of salutation between friends when they met. 

4 'Αγζοις is omitted in the best MSS. 

5. It should be remarked that this concluding benediction is used by St. Paul at the 
end of the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians (under a longer form in the 2 Cor.), 
Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, and Thessalonians, And, ina shorter form, it is used 
also at the end of all his other Epistles. It seems (from what he says:in 2 Thess, ili 
17, 18) to have been always written with his own hand. 

* The “ Amen” of the Received Text is a later addition, not found in the best MSS 


898 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF SI. PAUL. 


The strong expressions used in this letter concerning the malevolence 
of the Jews, lead us to suppose that the Apostle was thinking not oniy 
of their past opposition at Thessalonica,! but of the difficulties with which 
they were beginning to surround him at Corinth. At the very time of his 
writing, that same people who had ‘‘killed the Lord Jesus and their own 
prophets,” and had already driven Paul “from city to city,” were 
showing themselves ‘‘a people displeasing to God, and enemies to ail man-_ 
kind,” by endeavouring to hinder him from speaking to the Gentiles for 
their salvation (1 Thess. ii. 15, 16). Such expressions would naturaily 
be used in a letter written under the circumstances described in the Acts 
(xvili. 6), when the Jews were assuming the attitude of an organised and 
systematic resistance,” and assailing the Apostle in the language of blas- 
phemy,? like those who had accused our Saviour of casting out devils by 
Beelzebub. 

Now, therefore, the Apostle left the Jews and turned to the Gentiles 
He withdrew from his own people with one of those symbolical actions, 
which, in the East, have all the expressiveness of language,‘ and which, 
having received the sanction of our Lord Himself,? are equivalent to the 
denunciation of woe. Heshook the dust off his garments,® and proclaimed 
himself innocent of the blood’ of those who refused to listen to the voice 
which offered them salvation. A proselyte, whose name was Justus,® 
opened his door to the rejected Apostle ; and that house became thence- 
forward the place of public teaching. While he continued doubtiess to 
lodge with Aquila and Priscilla (for the Lord had said® that His Apos- 
tle should abide in the house where the ‘‘ Son of Peace” was), he met hia 
flock in the house of Justus. Some place convenient for general meeting 
was evidently necessary for the continuance of St. Paul’s work in the 
cities where he resided. So long as possible, it was the synagogue. When 
he was exiled from the Jewish place of worship, or unable from other 
causes to attend it, it was such a place as providential circumstances 
might suggest. At Rome it was his own hired lodging (Acts xxviii. 30) : 
at Ephesus it was the school of Tyrannus (Acts xix. 9). Here at Corinth 
it was a house “ contiguous to the Synagogue,” ! offered on the emergency 
for the Apostle’s use by one who had listened and believed. It may 


1 See above, Chap. IX. 
᾿Αντιτασσομένων, a military term 
3 Βλασφημούντων. Compare Matt. xii. 24-31. 
4 See Acts xiii. 51 [p. 181]. 5 Mark vi. 11. 
6 ᾿Εκτιναξάμενος τὰ ἱμάτια. Acts xviii. 6. 
7 See Actsy. 28. xx. 26. Also Ezek. xxxiii. 8, 9, and Mat. xxvii, 24. 
3 Nothing more is known of him. The name is Latin. 
9 Luke x. 6,7. We should observe that ἔμενε is the word used (v. 3) of the houne 
of Aquila and Priscilla, ἦλθε (v. 7) of that of Justus. 
0 Συνομοροῦσα τῇ συναγωγῇ 


ME TURNS TO THE GENTILES. 399 


readily be snpposed that no convenient place could be found in the manw 
factory of Aquila and Priscilla. There, too, in the society of Jews lately 
exiled from Pre he could hardly have looked for a congregation of 
Gentiles ; whereas Justus, being a proselyte, was exactly in a position 
to receive under his roof indiscriminately, both Hebrews ard Greeks. 
Special menuon 1s made of the fact, that the house of Justus was 
“contiguous to the Svnagogue.” We are not necessarily to infer from 
this that St. Pan! had any deliberate motive for choosing that locality. 
Though it wight be that he would show the Jews, as in a visible symbol, 
that ‘by their sin salvation had come to the Gentiles, to provoke them te 
jealousy,” '*-while at the same time he remained as near to them as pos- 
sible, to assure them of his readiness to return at the moment of their 
repentance. Whatever we may surmise concerning the motive of this 
choice, certain consequences must have followed from the contiguity of the 
house and the Synagogue, and some incident resulting from it may have 
suggested the mention of the fact. The Jewish and Christian congrega- 
tions would often meet face to face in the street; and all the success of 
the Gospel would become more palpable and conspicuous. And even if 
we leave out of view such considerations as these, there is a certain 
interest attaching to any phrase which tends to localise the scene of 
Apostolical labours. When we think of events that we have witnessed, 
we always reproduce in the mind, however dimly, some image of the place 
where the events have occurred. This condition of human thought is 
common to us and to the Apostles. The house of Jonn’s mother at 
Jerusalem (Acts xu.), the proseucha by the waterside at Philippi (Acts 
xvi.), were associated with many recollections in the minds of the earliest 
Christians And when St. Paul thought, even many years afterwards, of 
what occurred on his first visit to Corinth, the images before the “ inward 
eye,” would be not merely the general aspect of the houses and temples of 
Corinth, with the great citadel overtowering them, but the Synagogue and 
the house of Justus, the incidents which happened ir their neighbourhood, 
and the gestures and faces of those who encountered each other in the 
street. Ἶ 
If an interest 15 attached to the places, a still deeper interest is attached 
to the persons veterred to in the history of the planting of the Church. In 
the case of Cormth, the names both of individuals and families are men- 
tioned in abundance. f£ne name of Epenetus is the first that occurs to 
us : for he seems co navé deen the earliest Corinthian convert. St. Paul 
himself speaks of nim, in the Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 5), as ‘‘the first- 
fruits of Achaia.”* The same expression is used in the First Epistle to 


1 Rom. σι. 11. 
* ᾿Απαρχὴ τῆς ’Ayatac. Some MSS. have ᾿Ασίας. If that reading is correct, all the 
difficulty of reconciling Rom. xvi. 5 with 1 Cor. xvi. 15 disappears. 


400 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


tne Corinthians (xvi. 15) of the household of Stephanas ; from which we 
may perhaps infer that Epenetus was a member of that household.' 
Another Christian of Corinth, well worthy of the recoliection of the 
Church in after ages, was Caius (1 Cor. i. 14), with whom St. Paul found 
a home on his next visit (Rom. xvi. 23), as he found one now with Aquila 
and Priscilla. We may conjecture, with reason, that his present host and 
hostess had now given their formal adherence to St. Paul, and that they 
left the Synagogue with him. After the open schism had taken place, we 
find the Church rapidly increasing. ‘‘ Many of the Corinthians began to 
believe, when they heard, and came to receive baptism.”? (Acts xviii. 
8.) We derive some information from St. Paul’s own writifigs concern- 
ing the character of those who became believers. Not many of the , 
philosophers,—not many of the noble and powerful (1 Cor. i. 26)—but 
many of those who had been profligate and degraded (1 Cor. vi. 11) were 
called. The ignorant of this world were chosen to confound the wise : 
and the weak to confound the strong. From St. Paul’s language we infer 
that the Gentile converts were more numerous than the Jewish. Yet one 
signal victory of the Gospel over Judaism must be mentioned here,—the 
conversion of Crispus (Acts xviii. 8),—who, from his position as “ruler 
of the Synagogue,” may be presumed to have been a man of learning and 
high character, and who now, with all his family, joined himself to the new 
community. His conversion was felt to be so important, that the Apostle 
deviated from his usual practice (1 Cor. i. 14-16), and baptised him, as 
well as Caius and the household of Stephanas, with his own hand. 

Such an event as the baptism of Crispus must have had a great effect 
in exasperating the Jews against St. Paul. Their opposition grew with 
his success. As we appreach the time when the second letter to the 
Thessalonians was written, we find the difficulties of his position increasing. 
In the first Epistle the writer’s mind is almost entirely occupied with the 
thought of what might be happening at Thessalonica : in the second, the 
remembrance of his own pressing trials seems to mingle more conspicuously 
with the exhortations and warnings addressed to those who are absent. 
He particularly asks for the prayers of the Thessalonians, that he may be 
delivered from the perverse and wicked men around him, who were desti- 
tute of faith. Itis evident that he was in a condition of fear and anxiety, 
This is further manifest from the words which were heard by him ina 
vision vouchsafed at this critical period.* We have already had occasion 


1 It is possible that Stephanas and Epenetus (assuming the reading ᾿Αχαΐας to bw 
correct) were natives of some other place in Aehaia; but it is nearly certain they were 
from Corinth, as St. Paul was writing in one case from, in the other to, that city. 

3 Axovovtec ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐθαπτίζοντο. 

3 See below, 2 Thess. iii. 2. 

« Acts xviii. 9, 10. 


‘THE APOSTLE’S VISION. 401 


to observe,' that such timely visitations were granted to the Apostie, 
when he was most in need of supernatural aid. In the present instance. 
the Lord, who spoke to him in the night, gave him an assurance of Hts 
presence,” and a promise of safety, along with a prophecy of good success 
at Corinth, and a command to speak boldly without fear, and not to keep 
silence. From this we may infer that his faith in Christ’s presence was 
failing,—that fear was beginning to produce hesitation—and that tne 
work of extending the Gospel was in danger of being arrested. Tue 
servant of God received conscious strength in the moment of trial ane 
conflict ; and the divine words were fulfilled in the formation of a large 
and flourishing church at Corinth, and a safe and continued residence 
that city, through the space of a year and six months. 

Not many months of this period had elapsed when St. Paul found % 
necessary to write again to the Thessalonians. The excitement which he 
had endeavoured to allay by his first Epistle had increased, and the fans- 
tical portion of the Church had availed themselves of the impression pro- 
duced by St. Paul’s personal teaching to increase it. It will be remem- 
bered that a subject on which he had especially dwelt while he was at 
Thessalonica,? and to which he had also alluded in his first Epistle, was 
the second advent of Our Lord. We know that our Saviour Himself hae 
warned His disciples that “of that day and that hour knoweth no man. 
ro, not the angels of heaven, but the Father only ;” and we find these 
words remarkably fulfilled by the fact that the early Church, and even the 
Apostles themselves, expected their Lord to come again in that very 
generation. St. Paul himself shared in that expectation, but being under 
the guidance of the Spirit of Truth, he did not deduce any erroneous con- 
clusions from this mistaken premise. Some of his disciples, on the other 
hand, inferred that if indeed the present world were so soon to come to ar 
end, it was useless to pursue their common earthly employments any 
longer. They forsook their work, and gave themselves up to dreamy 
expectations of the future ; so that the whole framework of society in tne 
Thessalonian Church was in danger of dissolution. Those who encouragea 
this delusion, supported it by imaginary revelations of the Spirit ;* and 
they even had recourse to forgery, and circulated a letter purporting τὸ 
be written by St. Paul,* in confirmation of their views. ΤῸ check tis 
evil, St. Paul wrote his second Epistle. In this he endeavours to remove 
their present erroneous expectations of Christ’s immediate coming, by 
reminding them of certain signs which must precede the second advent 


1 Ahoye, p. 283. * Compare Matt. xxviii. 20. 

3 As he himself reminds his readers (2 Thess. ii, 5), and as we find in the Acta 
(xvii. 7). See p. 327. 

4 1 Thess. v. 1-11. 5 2 Thess. ii. 2. 

4 2 Thess. ii. 2. Compare 2 Thess. iii. 17. 


vor 1.-—26 


404 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


He had already told ἐποχή of these signs when he was with them ; and this 
explains the extreme obscurity of his description of them in the present 
Epistle ; for he was not giving new information, but alluding to facts 
which he had already explained to them at an earlier period. It would 
have been well if this had been remembered by all those who have 
extracted such numerous and discordant prophecies and anathemas from 
ceriain passages in the following Epistle. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS.! 


i 
Falutatin. Paul, and Silvanus, and Timotheus, to the Church of 1 


the Thessalonians, in the name of God our Father, and our 
Lord Jesus Christ. Grace be to you, and peace, from God 2 
our Father and our Lord Jesus Christ. 


Encouragement I? am bound to give thanks to God continually 3 
under their per- . . 

pier trim on your behalf, brethren, as is fitting, because of the 
the hope o A 5 δ 
Christ’s coming. abundant increase of your faith, and the overflowing 
love wherewith you are filled, every one of you, towards each 
other. So that I myself boast of you among the churches of 4 
God, for your stedfast endurance and faith, in all the persecu- 
tions and afilictions which you now are bearing. And these 5 
things are a token that the righteous judgment of God will 
grant you ashare in His heavenly kingdom, for whose cause 
you are even now suffering. For doubtless God’s righteous- 6 
ness cannot hut render hack trouble to those who trouble you, 
and give to you, who now are troubled, rest with me,’ when 7 
the Lord Jesus shall be revealed to our sight, and shall descend 
from heaven with the angels of His might, in flames of fire, to 8 
take vengeance on those who know not God, and will not 
hearken to the Glad-tidings of my Lord Jesus Christ. Then 9 
shall there go forth against them from‘ the presence of the 

1 Tt is evident that this Epistle was written at the time here assigned to it, soon after 
the first, from the following considerations :— 

(1) The state of the Thessalonian Church described in both Epistles is almost exactly 
thi same. (A.) The same excitement prevailed concerning the expected advent οἱ 
Our Lord, only in a greater degree. (B.) The same party continued fanatically te 
neglect their ordinary employments. Compare 2 Thess. iii. 6-14 with 1 Thess. iv. 10- 
12 and 1 Thess. ii. 9. 

(2) Silas and Timotheus were still with St. Paul. 2 Thess i. 1. 

3 See note on 1 Thess. i. ὃ. 

3 See above, note on the use of the plural pronoun, p. 391, n. 1 

4 ’A7o, proceeding from. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. A()3 


Lord, and from the brightness of His glorious majesty, their 
lorighteous doom, even an everlasting destruction. In that day 
of His coming shall the full light of His glory be manifested 
in His people, and His wonders beheld in all who had faith: 
in Him; and you are of that number, for with faith you re 
1 ceived my testimony. Tothis end I pray continually on your 
behalf, that our God may count you worthy of the calling 
wherewith He has called you, and may, in His mighty power, 
perfect within you the love of goodness and the work of faith. 
12 That the name of our Lord Jesus may be glorified in you, and 
that you may be glorified? in Him, in such wise as may fitly 
[I. answer to the mercy of our God, and of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
ι Butconcerning the appearing of our Lord Jesus warning 


: é : against an im- 
Christ, and our gathering together to meet Him, I mediate ex. 
pectation of 


2 beseech you, brethren, not rashly to let yourselves be Christ's 


coming. 


shaken from your soberness of mind, nor to be agitated 
either by any pretended revelation of the Spirit,or by any rnmour, 
or by any letter? supposed to come from me, saying that the 
3 day of Christ is close at hand. Letno one deceive you, by any 
means ; for before that day, the falling away must first have 
come, and the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition; 
4 who opposes himself and exalts himself against all that is 
called God, and against all worship; even to seat himself‘ in 
the temple of God, and take on himself openly the signs of 
6 Godhead. Do you not remember that when I was still with 
ὃ you, I often’ told you this? You know, therefore, the hin- 
drance why he is not yet revealed, as he will be in his own 
ἢ season. For the mystery of lawlessness’ is already working, 


1 The reading πιστεύσασιν rests on the authority of the best MSS. 

® The glory of our Lord at His coming will be “ manifested in His people” (sce v. 
10); that is, they, by virtue of their union with Him, will partake of His glorious 
likeness. Cf. Rom. viii. 17, 18,19. And, even in this world, this glorification takes 
place partially by their moral conformity to His image. See Rom. viii. 30, and 2 Cor. 
iii. 18. 

3 See the preceding remarks upon the occasion of this Epistle. 

4 The received text interpolates ὡς Gedy before καθίσαι, but the MSS. do not confirrs 
this reading. 

5. Observe thas it is ἔλεγον, not ἔλεξα. 

6 Nov here ig not an adverb of time, but (as cften) a conjunction; so “now” ia 
often used in English. 

7 The proper meaning of ἄνομος is, one unrestrained by law: hence it is often used 
as a transgressor, or, generally, a wicked man, as ἀνομία is used often simply for 
miguity ; bit in this passage it seems best to keep to the original meaning of the 
word. 


401 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


only he, who now hinders, will hinder till he be taken out of 
the way ; and then the lawless one will be revealed, whom the ἃ 
Lord Jesus shall consume with the breath of His mouth,! and 
shall destroy with the brightness of His appearing. But the 9 
appearing of that lawless one shall be in the strength of Satan’s 
working, with all the might and signs and wonders of falsehood, 
and all the delusions of unrighteousness, taking possession of 10 
those who are in the way of perdition; because they would not 
receive the love of the truth, whereby they might be saved. 
For this cause, God will send upon whem an inward working 11 
of delusion, making them give their faith to lies, that all should 12 
be condemned who have refused their faith to the truth, and 
have taken pleasure in unrighteousness. 

Exhortation But for you, brethren beloved of the Lord, Iam13 
to stedfastness : 

and obedience. bound to thank God continually, because [He chose 
you from the first unto salvation, through sanctification vf the 
Spirit, and faith in the truth. And to this He called you1s 
through my Glad-tidings, to the end that you might obtain the 
glory of our Lord Jesus Christ. Therefore, brethren, be sted-15 
fast and hold fast the teaching which has been delivered to you, 
whether by my words or by my letters. And may our Lord 10 
Jesus Christ Himself, and our God and Father, who has loved 
us, and has given us in His mercy a consolation which is eter- 
nal, and a hope which cannot fail, comfort your hearts, and17 
establish you in all goodness both of word and deed. 

He asks their Finally, brethren, pray for me, that the word of 1 
ae. the Lord Jesus may hold its onward course, and 
that its glory may be shown forth towards others as towards 
you; and that I may be delivered from the perverse and 2 
wicked ; for not all men have faith. But our Lord is faithful, 3 
and he will keep you steadfast, and guard you from evil. And 4 
I rely upon you in the Lord, and feel confident that you are 
following and will follow the charges which I give you. And ἢ 
may our Lord guide your hearts to the love of God, and to 
the patient endurance which was in Christ. 


Exhorts to an I charge you, brethren, in the name of our Lord 6 
orderly and 

1 This appears to be an illusion to (although not an exact quotation of) Isaiah x. 
4 :—“ With the breath of His lips He shall destroy the impious man.” (LXX version.) 
In the Targum Jonathan, this prophecy (which was probably in St. Paul’s thoughts) ia 
applied to the Messiah’s coming, and “the impious,” yyw (doe67, LXX.), is inter 
preted to mean an individual Antichrist 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. 405 


Jesus Christ, to withdraw yourselves from every τ te Ne 
brother whose life is disorderly, and not guided by sds ‘exam 
7 the rules which I delivered. For you know your- 
selves the way to follow my example; you know that my life 
8 among you was not disorderly, nor was I fed by any man’s 
bounty, but earned my bread by my own labour, toiling night 
9 and day, that I might not be burdensome to any of you. And 
this I did, not because I am without the right! of being main- 
tained by those to whom I minister, but that I might make 
10 my own deeds a pattern for you to imitate. For when I was 
among you I gave you this rule: ‘If any man will not work, 
11 neither let him eat.’ I speak thus, because I hear that some 
among you are leading a disorderly life, neglecting their own 
12 work, and meddling’? with that of others. Such, therefore, I 
charge and exhort, by the authority of my Lord Jesus Christ, 
to live in quietness and industry, and earn their own bread by 
13 their own labour. But you, brethren, notwithstand- soae of deat- 


ing with those 


14ing,? be not weary of doing good. If any man re- who refused 


obedience. 


fuse to obey the directions which I send by this let- 

ter, mark that man, and cease from intercourse with him, that 
1580 he may be brought to shame. Yet count him not as an 
16 enemy, but admonish him as a brother. Now may the Lord 

of peace Himself give you peace in all ways and at all sea- 

sons. The Lord be with you all. 


ι 1, Paul, add my salutation with my own hand, An autograph 
. . postscript the 
which is a token whereby all my letters may be sign of gen- 


uineness. 


known. These are the characters in which I write. concluding 
1 benediction, 


18 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all. 


Such was the second of the two letters which St. Paul wrote to 
Tiessaionica during his residence at Corinth. Such was the Christian 
eorrespondence now established, in addition to the political and commer: 


1 See note on 1 Thess. ii. 6. 

? The characteristic paronomasia here, μηδεν ἐργαζομένους ἀλλὰ mefrepyalouévoue, 
Is not exactly translateable into English. “Busy bodies who do no business” would 
be an imitation. 

3 J.e. although your kindness may have been abused by such idle trespassers ΟἹ 
your bounty. 

« μήν here (as in the end of 1 Thess.) is a subsequent addition. 


400 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


cial ccrrespondence vxisting before, between the two capitals of Achaia 
and Macedonia. Along with the official documents which passed between 
the governors of the contiguous provinces,’ and the communications be 
tween the merchants of the Northern and Western gean, letters were 
now sent, which related to the establishment of a “kingdom not of thia 
world,”* and to “‘riches” beyond the discovery of human enterprise. 
The influence of great cities has always been important on the wide 

movements of human life. We see St. Paul diligently using this influence 
during a protracted residence at Corinth, for the spreading and strength- 
ening of the Gospelin Achaia and beyond. As regards the province of 
Achaia, we have no reason to suppose that he confined his activity to its 
metropolis. The expression used by St. Luke‘ need only denote that it 
was his head-quarters, or general place of residence. Communication was 
easy and frequent, by land or by water,’ with other parts of the province. 
Two short days’ journey to the south were the Jews of Argos,® who 
might be to those of Corinth what the Jews of Bercea had been to those 
of Thessalonia.? About the same distance to the east was the city of 
Athens,’ which had been imperfectly evangelised, and could be visited 
without danger. Within a walk of a few hours, along a road busy with 
traffic, was the sea-port of Cenchrew, known to us as the residence of a 
Christian community. These were the ‘Churches of God” (2 Thess. i 
4), among whom the Apostle boasted of the patience and the faith of the 
Thessalonians,'"—the homes of “ the saints in all Achaia” (2 Cor. i. 1), 
saluted at a later period, with the Church of Corinth," in aletisr written 
from Macedonia. These churches had alternately the blessirgs of the 
presence and the letters—the oral and the written teaching—of St. Paul 
The former of these blessings is now no longer granted to us; but those 
long and wearisome journeys, which withdrew the teacher so often from 
his anxious converts, have resulted in our possession of inspire: Epistles, 
in all their freshness and integrity, and with all their lessons of wisdom 
and love. 

1 Cicero’s Cilician Correspondence furnishes many specimens of the letters which 
passed between the governors of neighbouring provinces. 

? John xviii. 36. 3 Eph. iii. 8. 

4 ’Exaéice. Acts xviii. 11. 

¢ Much of the intercourse in Greece has always gone on by small coasters. For the 


Roman roads, see Wesseling. Pouqueville mentions traces of a paved road between 
Corinth and Argos. 

6 See pp. 18 and 385. 7 See above, p. 340. 

& We have not entered into the question of St. Paul’s journey from Athens to Co- 
tinth. He might either travel by the coast road through Eleusis and Megara, or a sail 
of a few hours, with a fair wind, would take him from the Pirzus to Cenchrez. 

® Rom. xvi. 1. 10 Compare 1 Thess. i. 7, 8. 

1 Tt is possible that the phrase ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ (1 Cor. i. 2) may have the same 
meaning. 


NOTE. 401 


NOTE. 


Tuer are some difficulties and differences of opinion, with regard to the move 
ments of Silas and Timotheus, between the time when St. Paul left them in 
Macedonia, and their rejoining him in Achaia. 

The facts which are distinctly stated are as follows. (1) Silas and Timotheus 
were left at Bercea (Acts xviii. 14) when St. Paul went to Athens. We are not 
told why they were left there, or what commissions they received; but the Apostle 
sent a message from Athens (Acts xviii. 15) that they shouid follow him with all 
speed, and (Acts xviii. 16) he waited for them there. (2) The Apostle was re 
joined by them when at Corinth (Acts xviii. 5). We are not informed how they 
‘ad been employed in the interval, but they came “from Macedonia.” It is not 
distinctly said that they came together, but the impression at fast sight is that 
they did. (3) St. Paul himself informs us (1 Thess. ili. 1), that he was “left 
in Athens alone,” and that this solitude was in consequence of ‘Timothy having 
been sent to Thessalonica (1 Thess. iii. 2). Though it is not expressly stated 
that Timothy was sent from Athens, the first impression is that he was. 

Thus there isa seeming discrepancy between the Acts and Kpistles; a journey 
of Timotheus to Athens, previous to‘his arrival with Silas and Timotheus at 
Corinth, appearing to be mentioned by St. Paul, and to be quite unnoticed by 
St. Luke. 

Paley, in the Hore Pauline, says that the Epistle “virtually asserts that 
Timothy came to the Apostle at Athens,” and assumes that it is “necessary” to 
suppose this, in order to reconcile the history with the Epistle. And he points 
out three intimations in the history, which make the arrival, though not expressly 
mentioned, extremely probable : first, the message that they should come with all 
speed ; secondly, the fact of his waiting for them; thirdly, the absence of any 
appearance of haste in his departure from Athens to Corinth. “ Paul had ordered 
Timothy to follow him without delay: he waited at Athens on purpose that 
Timothy might come up with him, and he stayed there as long as his own choice 
led him to continue.” 

This explanation is satisfactory. But two others might be suggested, which 
would equally remove the difficulty. 

It is not expressly said that 'Timotheus was sent from Athens to Thessalonica. 
St. Paul was anxious, as we have seen, to revisit the Thessalonians ; but since 
he was hindered from doing 50, it is highly probable (as Hemsen and Wieseler 
suppose) that he may have sent Timotheus to them from Beraa. Silas might 
be sent on some similar commission, and this would explain why the two 
companions were left behind in Macedonia. This would necessarily cause St. 
Paul to be “left alone in Athens.” Such solitude was doubtless painful to him ; 
but the spiritual good of the new converts was at stake. The two companions, 
after finishing the work entrusted to them, finally rejoined the Apostle at Corinth.! 
That he “ waited for them” at Athens need cause us no difficulty: for in those 
days the arrival of travellers could not confidently be known beforehand. When 
he left Athens and proceeded to Corinth, he knew that Silas and Timotheus could 
easily ascertain his movements, and follow his steps, by help of information ob 
tained at the synagogue. 


) We should observe that the phrase is “ from Macedonia,” not “ from Bercea.” 


408 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


But, again, we may reasonably suppose, that in the course of St, Paul’s stay at 
Corinth, he may have paid a second visit to Athens, after the first arrival of Timo- 
theus and Silas from Macedonia; and that during some such visit he may have 
sent Timotheus to Thessalonica. This view may be taken without our supposing, 
with Bottger, that the First Epistle to the Thessalonians was written at Athens. 
Schrader and others imagine a visit to that city at a later period of his life; but 
this view cannot be admitted without deranging the arguments for the date of 
1 Thess., which was evidently written soon after leaving Macedonia. 

Two further remarks may be added. (1) If Timothy did rejoin St. Paul at 
Athens, we need not infer that Silas was not with him, from the fact that the 
name of Silas is not mentioned. It is usually taken for granted that the second 
arrival of Timothy (1 Thess. iii. 6) is identical with the coming of Silas and Ti- 
motheus to Corinth (Acts xviii. 5); but here we see that only Timothy is men- 
tioned, doubtless because he was most recently and familiarly known at Thessa- 
lonica, and perhaps, also, because the mission of Silas was to some other place. 
(2) On the other hand, it is not necessary to assume, because Silas and Timotheus 
are mentioned together (Acts xviii. 5), that they came together. All conditions 
are satisfied if they came about the same time. If they were sent on missions tc 
two different places, the times of their return would not necessarily coincide.t In 
considering all these journeys, it is very needful to take into account that they 
would be modified by the settled or unsettled state of the country with regard to 
banditti, and by the various opporturities of travelling, which depend on the sex 
son and the weather, and the sailirg of vessels." 


Cort oF cormnTH.? 


1 Something may be implied in the form 6,re Σ, καὶ T. (Silas as wel: as Timotheus) 

2 Hindrances connected with some such corsiderations may be referre@ te in Phil 
iv. 10. 

+ From the British Museum. The emperor is Caligula. 


CORINTH. 408 


CHAPTER XII 


“Corinthns, Achaix caput, Grecie decus, inter duo maria, Ionium οὐ “geum 
quasi spectacule exposita.”—Florus, ii. 16. 


THE ISTHMUS.—EARLY HISTORY OF CORINTH.—ITS TRADE AND WEALTH.— 
CORINTH UNDER THE ROMANS,—PROVINCE OF ACHAIA.—GALLIO THE GOVER: 
NOR.—TUMULT AT CORINTH.—CENCHREZ.—VOYAGE BY EPHESUS TO CASAr 
REA.—VISIT TO JERUSALEM.—ANTIOCH. 


Now that we have entered upon the first part of the long series of St, 
Paul’s letters, we seem to be arrived at a new stage of the Apostle’s bio- 
graphy. ‘The materials for a more intimate knowledge are before us. 
More life is given to the picture. We have advanced from the field of 
geographical description and general history to the higher interest of per 
sonal detail. Even such details as relate to the writing materials em 
ployed in the Epistles, and the mode in which they were transmitted from 
city to city,—all stages in the history of an Apostolic letter, from the 
hand of the amanuensis who wrote from the author’s inspired dictation, to 
the opening and reading of the document in the public assembly of the 
Church to which it was addressed, have a sacred claim on the Chris- 
tian’s attention. For the present we must defer the examination of such 
particulars. We remain with the Apostle himself, instead of following 
the journey of his letter to Thessalonica, and tracing the effects which the 
last of them produced. We have before us a protracted residence in 
Corinth,' a voyage by sea to Syria,? and a journey by land from Antioch 
to Ephesus,? before we come to the next group of the Apostle’s letters. 
We must linger first for a time in Corinth, the great city, where he 
staid a longer time than at any other point on his previous journeys, and 
from which, or to which, the most important of his Epistles were written.* 
And, according to the plan we have hitherto observed, we proceed to elu 
tidate its geographical position, and the principal stages of its istory.° 


t Acts xviii. 11-18. ? Acts xviii. 18-22. 3 Acts xviii. 23. See xix. 1. 

4 The Epistles to the Thessalonians, Corinthians, and Romans. 

5 Of four German Monographs devoted to this subject we have made use of threes 
Wilckens’ “Rerum Corinthiacarum specimen ad illustrationem utriusque Epistole 
Pauline,” 1747; Wagner’s “Rerum Corinthiacarum specimen ;”’ Darmstadt, 1824; 
Barth’s “ Corinthiorum Commercii et Mercature Historie particula,” Berlin, 1844, 


410 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


The Isthmus! is the most remarkable feature in the geography Οἱ 
Greece ; and the peculiar relation which it established between the land 
and the water—and between the Morea and the Continent—had the ut 
most effect on the whole course of the history of Greece. When we were 
considering the topography and aspect of Athens, all the associations 
which surrounded us were Athenian. Here at the Isthmus, we are, as it 
were, at the centre of the activity of the Greek race in general. It has 
the closest connection with all their most important movements, both mili- 
tary and commercial. 

Tn all the periods of Greek history, from the earliest to the latest, we 
see the military importance of the Isthmus. The phrase: of Pindar? is, 
that it was ‘ the bridge of the sea.” It formed the only line of march for 
an invading or retreating army. Xenophon speaks of it as “the gate of 
the Peloponnesus,” the closing of which would make all ingress and egress 
impossible. And we find that it was closed at various times, by being 
fortified and refortified by a wall, some traces of which remain to the pre- 
sent day. In the Persian war, when consternation was spread amongst 
the Greeks by the death of Leonidas, the wall was first built.1 In the 
Peloponnesian war, when the Greeks turned fratricidal arms against each 
other, the Isthmus was often the point of the conflict between the Atheni- 
ans and their enemies. In the time of the Theban supremacy, the wall 
again appears as a fortified line from sea to sea.2 When Greece became 
Roman, the Provincial arrangements neutralized, for a time, the military 
importance of the Isthmus. But when the barbarians poured in from the 
North, like the Persians of old, its wall was repaired by Valerian.® 
Again it was rebuilt by Justinian, who fortified it with a hundred and fifty 
towers.’? And we trace its history through the later period of the Vene- 
tian power in the Levant, from the vast works of 1463, to the peace of 
1699, when it was made the boundary of the territories of the Republic.® 


a It is from this Greek “bridge of the sea’ that the name isthmus has been given 
to every similar neck of land in the world. See some remarks on this subject, and on 
the significance of Greek geography in general, in the Classical Museum, No. I., p. 41. 

2 Πόντου γεφύρα, Nem. vi. 44. Tepipav ποντιάδα πρὸ Κορίνθου τείχεων, Isth. 111. 38 

3 Agesilaus, when he had taken Corinth, is spoken of as ἀναπετάσας τῆς IleAomev- 
νήσου Tac πύλας. Ken. Ages. 2. 

4 Herod. viii. 71. See Leake’s remarks on this early and rude fortification, and on 
the remains of the later wall. Travels in the Morea, m1. 302-304, also 287. 

5 Polyb. ii. 138. See Plutarch’s Life of Cleomenes. 

8 "Ext Οὐαλεριανοῦ δὲ καὶ Ταλιηνοῦ πάλιν οἱ Σκύθαι διαθώντες τὸν Ἴστρον ποταμὸν 
τήν τε Θράκην ἐλήισαν, K.T.A.... . Πελοποννήσιοι δὲ ἀπὸ ϑαλάσσης εἰς ϑαλώσσαν 
τὸν Ἴσθμον διετείχισαν. Syncelli Chronog. p. 715, ed. Bonn. See Zonaras, 

τ See Phrantzes, pp. 96, 107, 108, 117, &c. of the Bonn. edition. 

5. See the notices of the fortress of Heramiliwm in Ducas, pp. 142, 223,519 of the 
Bonn edition : and compare what is said in Dodwell’s Travels in Greece, pp. 184-186, 
The wail was not built in a straight line. but followed the sinuosities of the ground 


CITADEL OF CORINTH. 411] 


Conspicuous, both in connection with the military Gefences of the Isth 
mus, and in the prominent features of its scenery, is the Acrocorinthus, ot 
gitadel of Corinth, which rises in form and abruptness like the rock of 
Dumbarton. But this comparison is quite inadequate to express the mag: 
nitude of the Corinthian citadel. It is elevated two thousand feet’ above 
the level of the sea ; it throws a vast shadow?’ across the plain at its base ; 
the ascent is a journey involving some fatigue ; and the space of ground 
on the summit is so extensive, that it contained a whole town,’ which, un- 
der the, Turkish dominion, had several mosques. Yet, notwithstanding its 
colossal dimensions, its sides are so precipitous, that a few soldiers are 
enough to guard itt The possession of this fortress has been the object 
of repeated struggles in the latest wars between the Turks and the Greeks, 
and again between the Turks and the Venetians. It was said to Philip, 
when he wished to acquire possession of the Morea, that the Acrocorin- 
thus was one of the horus he must seize, in order to secure the heifer.’ 
Thus Corinth might well be called “the eye of Greece” ina military 
sense, as Athens has often been so called in another sense.° If the rock 
of Minerva was the Acropolis of the Athenian people, the mountain of 
the Isthmus was truly named “ the Acropolis of the Greeks.” 7 

It will readily be imagined that the view from the summit is magnifi- 
cent and extensive. A sea is on either hand. Across that which lies on 


The remains of square towers are visible in some places. The eastern portion abutted 
on the Sanctuary of Neptune, where the Isthmian games are held. 

1 Dodwell. The ascent is by a zigzag road, which Strabo says was thirty stadia in 
length. 

? “Qua summas caput Acrocorinthus in auras 
Tollit, et alterna geminum mare protegit wmbra.” 
Stat: vii. 107. 
Compare the expression of Dr. Clarke : ‘‘ Looking down upon the isthmus, the shadow 
of the Acrocorinthus, of a conical shape, extended exactly half across its length, the 
point of the cone being central between the two seas.” 

3. Dodwell and Clarke. The city, according to Xenophon, was forty stadia in cir- 
cumference without the Acropolis, and eighty-five with it. Hell. iv. 4, 11. 

4 See Plutarch, who says, in the Life of Aratus, that it was guarded by 400 soldiers, 
50 dogs and as many keepers. 

5 Polyb, vii. 505. 

ὁ Cicero (Off. ii. 22) calls it “Gracie lumen.” For the application of the same 
phrase tc Athens in another sense, see the last chapter but one. 

7 This expression (Ἑλλώνων ἀκρόπολις) is used of it in the Scholiast on Pindar. 
Ol. xiii. 32. 

8 Strabo had visited Corinth himself, and his description of the view shows that he 
had seen it. Wheler’s description is as follows:—“ We mounted to the top of the 
highest point, and had one of the most agrecable prospects in the world. On the right 
nand of us the Saronic Gulf, with all its little islands strewed up and down it, to Cape 
Colonne on the Promontory Sunium. Beyond that the islands of the Archipciaga 
seemed to close up the mouth of the Gulf. Qn the left hand of us we had the Gulf of 
Lepanto or Corinth, as far as beyond Sicyon, bounded northward with all these famous 


419 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


the east, a clear sight is obtained of the Acropolis of Athens, at a dis 
tance of forty-five miles! The mountains of Attica and Beotia, an] the 
islands of the Archipelago, close the prospect in this direction. Beyond 
the western sea, which flows in from the Adriatic, are the large masses of 
the mountains of north-eastern Greece, with Parnassus towering above 
Delphi. Immediately beneath us is the narrow plain which separates the 
seas. The city itself is on a small table land* of no great elevation, con- 
nected with the northern base of the Acrocorinthus. At the edge of the 
lower level are the harbours which made Corinth the emporium of the 
richest trade of the East and the West. 

We are thus brought to that which is really the characteristic both of 
Corinthian geography and Corinthian history, its close relation to the com. 
merce of the Mediterranean. Plutarch® says, that there was a want of 
good harbours in Achaia ; and Strabo speaks of the circumnavigation of 
the Morea as dangerous.t Cape Malea was proverbially formidable, and 
held the same relation to the voyages of ancient days, which the Cape of 
Good Hope does to our own.? Thus, a narrow and level isthmus,* across 
which smuller vessels could be dragged from gulph to gulph,’ was of inesti- 


mountains of old times, with the Isthmus, even to Athens, lying in a row, and present 
ing themselves orderly to ovr view. The plain of Corinth towards Sicyon or Busilico 
is well watered by two rivulets, well-tilled, well-planted with oliveyards and vineyards, 
and, having many little villages scattered up and down it, is none of the least of the 
ornaments of this prospect. The town also that lieth north of the Castle, in little knots - 
of houses, surrounded with orchards and gardens of oranges, lemons, citrons, and 
cypress-trees, and mixed with corn-fields between, is a sight not less delightful. So 
that it is hard to judge whether this plain is more beautiful to the beholders or 
profitable to the inhabitants.” This was in 1675, before the last conflicts of the Turks 
aud Venetians. Compare D1. Clarke's description. He was not allowed, however, by 
the Turkish authorities, to reach the semmit. Wagner alludes in terms of praise to 
Pouqueville’s description. It may be seen in his Travels, ch. vii. 

1 Dodwell (ii. 189., whose view was from an eminence to the S. W., from whence 
Mohammed II. reduced the Acrocorinth in 1458. Compare Clarke: “ As from the 
Parthenon at Athens we had seen the citadel of Corinth, so now we had a commanding 
view, across the Saronic Gulf, of Salamis and the Athenian Acropolis.” Sce above, 
under Athens. 

5. Τὸ μὲν πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲρος ᾿Ακροκορίνθου ἐστὶ τὸ μάλιστα ὀρθίον" ὑφ᾽’ ᾧ κεῖται ἡ 
πόλις τραπεζώδους επὶ χωρίου πρὸς αὐτῇ τῇ ῥιζῇ τοῦ ’AKpokopivOov. Strabo. Leake’s 
description entirely corresponds with this, p. 251. 

3 Pint. Ar. 9. Barth patriotically compares the relation of Corinth to Greece with 
that of Hamburg to Germany : “ Erat igitur hee Corinthi ratio similis ei, que interest 
Hamburgho cum reliqua Germania,” p. 6, note. 

+ He adds that the Sicilian sea was avoided by mariners as much as possible. 

5. The proverb concerning Malea in its Latin form was “ Ubi Maleam flexeris, ob- 
liviscere que sunt domi.” 

€ See above, note on the word “ Isthmus.” 

7 Hence the narrowest part of the Isthmus was called δίολκος, a word which in mean- 
ing and in piratic associations corresponds with the T'arbat of Scotch geography. The 
distance across is about three miles; nearer Corinth it is six miles, whence the name 
of the modern village of Hexamili. 


CORINTH 412 


COLN OF CORINTH.* 


malle value to the early traders of the Levant. And the two harbours, 
which received the ships of a more maturely developed trade,—Cenchree 
on the Eastern Sea, and Lecheum* on the Western, with a third and 
smaller port, called Schcenus,‘ where the isthmus was narrowest,—form 
an essential part of our idea of Corinth. Its common title in the poets 
is “the city of the two seas.”* It is allegorically represented in art as 
a female figure on a rock, between two other figures, each of whom bears a 
rudder, the symbol of navigation and trade. It is the same image which 
appears under another form in the words of the rhetorician, who said that 
it was “ the prow and the stern of Greece.” ° 

As we noticed above a continuous fortress which was carried across 
the Isthmus, in connection with its military history, so here we have 
to mention another continuous work which was attempted, in connec- 
tion with its mercantile history. This was the ship-canal ;—which, 
after being often projected, was about to be beguu again about the very 
time of St. Paul’s visit.7 Parallels often suggest themselves between the 
relation of the parts of the Mediterranean to each other, and those of the 
Atlantic and Pacific : for the basins of the “ Midland Sea” were to the 
Greek and Roman trade, what the Oceanic spaces are to ours. And it is 


1 Millingen. Sylloge of Ancient Unedited Coins, Pl. II. No. 30. 

? For Cenchrez, see below. It was seventy stadia from the city. 

3 Leckxxum was united to Corinth by long walls. It was about twelve stadia dis- 
-tant from the city. Strabo, and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4 and Agesel. See Leake, p. 251. 

4 Schoenus was at the point where the Isthmus was narrowest, close to the Sanctuary 
of Neptune and the eastern portion of the Isthmian wall. The ship is described as 
sailing to this port in the early times when Athens had the presidency of the games. 

5 The “bimaris Corinthus” of Horace and Ovid. See Hor. Od.1. vii. 2. Ov. Her. 
xii. 27. So Julius Pollux calis it ἀμφιθάλασσος. Compare Eurip. Troad. 1097: δίπο- 
ρον κορυφὰν “Ισθμιον. 

6 The phrase seems to have been proverbial. Ὑμεῖς ἐστε τὸ δὴ γεγόμενον πρώρα καὶ 
πρύμνα τὴς “EAAddoc. Dio Chrys. Orat. xxxvii. 464. 

7 Demetrius Poliorcetes, Julius Czesar, and Caligula had all entertained the notion 
of cutting through the Isthmus. Nero really began the undertaking in the year 52, 
but soon desisted. See Leake (pp. 297-302), who quotes all the authorities. The 
portion of the trench which remains is at the narrowest part, near the shore of the 
Corinthian Gulf. Dodwell came upen it, after crossing Mount Gerancia from Attica 
P. 183 


4«[4 ΤῊΣ LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


difficult, in speaking of a visit to the Isthmus of Corinth in the year 52, -- 
which only preceded by a short interval the work ‘or Nero’s engineers,-- 
aot to be reminded of the Isthmus of Panama ir the year 1852, during 
which the active progress will be going on of at undertaking often pro- 
jected, but never yet carried into effect. 

There is this difference, however, between the Oceanic and th: Medi- 
terranean Isthmus, that one of the great cities of the ancicnt world 
always existed at the latter. What some future Darien may be destined 
to become, we cannot prophesy : but, at avery early date, we find Coriuth 
celebrated by the poets for its wealth. This wealth must inevitably 
have grown up, from its mercantile relations, even without reference te 
its two seas,—if we attend to the fact on which Thucydides laid stress 
that it was the place through which all ingress and egress took place 
between Northern and Southern Greece, before the development of com- 
merce by water. Dut it was its conspicuous-position on the narrow neck 
of land between the A*gean and Ionian Seas, which was the main cause 
of its commercial greatness. The construction of the ship Argo is assigned 
by mythology to Corinth. The Samians obtained their ship-builders froma 
her. The first Greek triremes,—the first Greek sea-fights,—are connected 
with her history.» Neptune was her god. Her colonies® were spread 
over distant coasts in the East and West ; and ships came from every sea 
to her harbours. Thus she became the common resort and the universal 
market of the Greeks.? Her population and wealth were further aug- 
mented by the manufactures* in metallurgy, dyeing, and porcelain, which 

1 The arguments for this date may be seen in Wieseler. We shall return to the sub- 
ject again. 

? See Hom. 1]. ii. 570. Pind. ΟἹ. xiii. 4. 

3 Οἰκοῦντες τὴν πόλιν οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἐπὶ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ ἀεὶ δή ποτε ἐμπόριον εἶχον, τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων τὸ πάλαι κατὰ γῆν τὰ πλείω ἡ κατὰ ϑώλασσαν, τῶν τε ἐντὸς Πελοποννήσου 
καὶ τῶν ἔξω, διὰ τὴς ἐκείνων παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐπιμισγόντων, χρήμασί Te δυνατοὶ ἧσαν 
(ὡς καὶ τοῖς παλαίοις ποιηταῖς δεδήλωται), kK. τ. A. Thue. i. 13. 


4 Ναῦν ἐναυπήγησατο αὕτη ἡ πόλις, οὐ τριήρη μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν ᾿Αργώ. 
Aristides, Isthm. p. 24. 

® Πρῶτοι Κορίνθιοι λέγονται ἐγγύτατα τοῦ viv τρόπου μεταχείρισαι τὰ περὶ τὰς 
ναῦς, καὶ τοιήρεις πρῶτον ἐν Κορίνθῳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ναυπηγηθῆναι. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ 
Σαμίοις ᾿Αμεινοκλῆς Κορίνθιος ναυπηγὸς ναῦς ποιήσας τέσσαρας. ναυμαχία τε παλαιτάτη 
ὦν ἴσμεν γίγνεται Κορινθίων πρὸς Κερκυραίους. Thue. i. 57. See Poppo’s remark on 
the word ᾿'Ελλάδος. “ Apud alios populos quidem, ut apud Pheenices, triremes jam 
prius in usu fuisse, sed e Grecis Corinthios primos fuisse, qui ejusmodi naves sedifica- 
rent, vult dicere.” Eusebius attributes the origir of triremes to the Phceniciany and 
Heyptians. Wilckens, p. 43. 

6 Coreyra, Syracuse, &e. 

7 Κοινὴ πάντων καταφυγή" ὕδος καὶ διέξοδος πάντων ἀνβροώπων, κοιτὸν ἄστυ των 
Ἑλλήνων, μητρόπολίς τε ἀτεχνῶς καὶ μητήρ. Aristides. p. 23. In another place he 
cumpares Corinth to a ship loaded with merchandise (p. 24), and says that a perpetual 
fair was held yearly and daily at the Isthmus. 

8 For some of the details concerning these manufactures, see Wilckens, ὃ xxxrx 


CORINTH UNDER THE ROMANS. 415 


COIN oF corrNTH.! 


grew up in connection with the import and export of gocds. And at 
periodical intervals the crowding of her streets and the activity of her 
trade received a new impulse from the strangers who flocked to the 
Isthmian games ;—a subject to which our attention will be often called 
hereafter, but which must be passed over here with a simple allusion. 
If we add all these particulars together, we see ample reason why the 
wealth, luxury, and profligacy of Corinth were proverbial* in the ancient 
world. 

In passing from the fortunes of the earlier, or Greek Corinth, to its 
history under the Romans, the first scene that meets us is one of disaster 
and ruin. The destruction of this city by Mummius, about the same 
time that Carthage* was destroyed by Scipio, was so complete, that, like 
its previous wealth, it passed into a proverb.‘ Its works of skill and 
luxury were destroyed or carried away. Polybius the historian saw 
Roman soldiers playing at draughts on the pictures of famous artists ; ® 
and the exhibition of vases and statues that decorated the triumph of the 
Capitol, introduced a new era in the habits of the Romans. Meanwhile 
the very place of the city from which these works were taken remained 
desolate for many years.7 The honour of presiding over the Isthmian 
games was given to Sicyon ;* and Corinth ceased even to be a resting- 
place of travellers between the Hast and the West.2 But ἃ ὃν Corinth 


1 From the British Museum. 

" Οὐ πώντος ἄνδρος εἰς Κόρινθον ἔσθ᾽ ὁ πλοῦς (Non cuivis homini contingit tire 
Corinthum). The word Κοριενθιαζεσθαι was used proverbially for an immoral life. 

3 See Ch. I. p. 11. 

4 “Corinthos olim clara opibus, post clade notior.” Pompon. Mela, ii. 3. 

5 Strabo, viii. 6. 6 Muller’s Archaologie, § 165. 

7 Strabo, viii. Paus. ii. 2. “The words of Strabo are: Πολὺν δὲ χρόνον ἐρήμη 
weivaca ἣ Κόρινθος ἀνελήφθη πάλιν ὑπὸ Kaicapoc, &c. Those of Fausanias are not 
less explicit as to the desolation of Corinth: Κόρινθον δὲ οἰκοῦσι Κορινθίων οὐδεὶς ἐνὶ 
τῶν ἀρχαίων, ἔποικοι δὲ ἀποσταλέντες ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων. Nevertheless, the site. I conceive, 
cannot have been quite uninhabited, as the Romans neither destroyed the public build- 
ings tor persecuted the religion of the Corinthians. And as many of those buildings 
were still perfect in the time of Pausanias, there must have been some persons whe 
had the care of them during the century of desolation.’”’ Leake, p. 231, note ἃ, 

8 Pausan. ii. 2. 

® On Cicero’s journey between the East and West, we find him resting, not at 
Corinth, but at Athens. In the time of Ovid the city was rising again. 


416 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


rose from the ashes of the old. Julius Cesar, recognising the importares 
of the Isthmus as a military and mercantile position, sent thither a colony 
of Italians, who were chiefly freed men.! This new establishment rapidly 
increased by the mere force of its position. Within a few years it grew, 
as Sincapore’ has grown in our days, from nothing to an enormous city. 
The Greek merchants, who had fled on the Roman conquest to Delos and 
the neighbouring coasts, returned to their former home. The Jews set- 
tled themselves in a place most convenient both for the business of com- 
merce and for communication with Jerusalem.2 Thus, when St. Paul 
arrived at Corinth after his sojourn at Athens, he found himself in the 
midst of a numerous population of Grecks and Jews. They were pro 
bably far more numerous than the Romans, though the city had the consti- 
tution of a cclony,* and was the metropolis of a province. 

It is commonly assumed that Greece was constituted as a province 
under the name of Achaia, when Corinth was destroyed by Mummius. 
But this appears to be a mistake.» There seems to have been an iuter- 
mediate period, during which the country had a nominal independence, as 
was the case with the contiguous province of Macedonia.“ The descrip- 
tion which has been given of the political limits of Macedonia (Ch, IX.) 
defines equally the extent of Achaia. It was bounded on all other sides by 
the sea, and was nearly co-extensive with the kingdom of modern Greece. 
The name of Achaza was given to it, in consequence of the part played by 


1 ’Eroixove τοῦ ἀπελευθερικοῦ γενοῦς πλείστους. Strabo, viii. 6. See Pausan. ii. 1. 

* See the Life of Sir Stamford Raffles, and later notices of the place in Rajah 
Brooke’s journals, &e. 

3 See the preceding chapter for the establishment of the Jews at Corinth. 

4See the Latin letters on its coins. Its full name was “Colonia Laus Julia 
Corinthus.” 

5 A memoir was read on this subject by Professor K. Ε΄, Hermann of Gottingen, at 
‘he Philosophical Meeting at Basle in 1847. The substance of the memoir is given, 
with additional matter, in the Classical Museum, vol. vii. p. 259. ‘“ When did Greece 
become a Roman province?” The drift of the argument is to show that the provincial 
organisation did not immediately follow the destruction of Corinth by Mummius; but 
that Achaia was not formed into a province till the civil war between Cesar and 
Pompey, or perhaps not until the time of Augustus. The apparent evidence in favour 
of the common hypothesis, from Pausanias and Strabo, adduced by Sigonius, is shown 
to be inconclusive ; and direct evidence against it is brought from Plutarch, and the 
list of early proconsuls given by Pighius is proved to be erroneous. To Professor Her- 
mann’s arguments the writer in the Classical Museum adds further evidence from 
Cicero and Zonaras. There is a mistake, however, in the statement (pp. 267, 268) 
that Athens and Delphi were not in the province of Achaia. See the limits of the 
province as mentioned above. 

6 From 169 to 147. See Liv. xlv. 29.. The ten commissioners who, with Mummiua, 
regulated the affairs of Greece, had a similar task with those in Asia (Liv. xxxvii. 55), 
which was not at that time reduced to a province; and the phrase of Rufus, “ previncia 
obtenta est,” is used in the case of Armenia. 


PROVINCE OF ΑΟΗΛΙΑ. 417 


fhe Achzan Ieague in the last independent strvggles of ancient Greece ; 
and Corinth, the head of that league, became the metropolis.” The pro. 
vince experienced changes of government such as those which have becr 
alluded to in the case of Cyprus. At first it was procousular.t After 
wards it was placed by Tiberius under a procurator of his own.? But in 
the reign of Claudins it was again reckoned among the “ unarmed pro- 
vinces,” ὁ and governed by a proconsul.7 

One of the proconsuls who were sent out to govern the province of 
_achaia in the course of St. Paul’s second missionary journey was Gallio.® 
His original name wis Anneeus Novatus, and he was the brother of 
Annus Seneca the philosopher. The name under which he is known to 
us in sacred and secular history was due to his adoption into the family of 
Junius Gallio the rhetorician.2 The time of his government at Corinth, as 
indicated by the sacred historian, must be placed between the years 52 
and 5!, if the dates we have assigned to St. Paul’s movements be corres 
We have no exact information on this subject from any secular source, 
nor is he mentioned by any heathen writer as having been proconsul of 
Achaia. But there are some incidental notices of his life, which give 
rather a curious confirmation of what is advanced above. We are inform- 
ed by Tacitus and Dio that he died in the year 65.!° Pliny says that 
after his consulship he had a serious illness, for the removal of which he 
tried a sea-voyage :"' and from Seneca we learn that it was am Achaia 
that his brother went on shipboard for the benefit of his health.” If we 
knew the year of Gallio’s consulship, our chronological result would be 
brought within narrow limits. We do not possess this information ; but 
it has been reasonably conjected 13 that his promotion, if not due to his 
brother’s influence, would be subsequent to the year 49, in which the 
philosopher returned from his exile in Corsica, and had the youthful Nero 


1 Καλοῦσι δὲ οὐκ “EXAad0¢ ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αχαΐας ἡγεμόνα ol Ῥώμαιοι, διότι ἐχειρώσαντο τοὺς 
Ἕλληνας, ᾿Αχαίων τότε τοῦ "Ελληνικοῦ προεσηκύότων. Paus. Ach. 

3. See Wilckens, § xiv. Ritter says that this is the meaning of “Corinthus Achaiz 
urbs,” in Tac. Hist. ii. 1.} 

3 See Ch. V. 4 Dio Cass. Ix. 5 Tac. Ann. i. 76. 

6 “ Tnermes provincie,’’—a pliase applied to those provinces which were proconsu 
Jar and required the presence of no army. See Ὁ. 249, n. 1i. 

7 Suet. Cland. 25. 8 Acts xviii. 12. 

® Tac. Ann. xv. 73. Senec. Epist. 104. Nat. Qu. 4 Pref. Dio Cass. xl. 35. 

10 Tac. as above. Dio, lxii. zo. 

1 “ Preterea est alius usus multiplex, principalis vero navijrandi phthisi affectis . 
cut proxime Anneum Gallionem fecisse post consulatem meminimus.” Plin. N. Η 
XXxi. 33. 

12 ὦ ΠΙΩ͂ mihi in ore erat domini mei Gallionis, qut, cum in Achaia febrem habere 
coepisset, protinus navem ascendit, clamitans non corporis esse sed loci morbuzn.” 
Benec. Ep. 104. 

*3 See Anger and Wieseler. 

“OL. L—27 


ἘΠῸ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΚΤ. PAUL. 


placed under ais tuition. The interval of time thus marked out between 
the restoration of Seneca and the death of Gallio, includes the narrower 
period assigned by St. Luke to the proconsulate ia Achaia. 

The coming of a new governor to a province was an event of great 
importance. The whole system of administration, the general presperity, 
the state of political parties, the relative position of different sections of 
the population, were necessarily affected by his personal character. The 
provincials were miserable or happy, according as a Verres or a Cicero 
was sent from Rome.!' As regards the personal character of Gallio, the 
inference we should naturally draw from the words of St. Luke closely 
corresponds with what we are told by Seneca. His brother speaks 
of him with singular affection ; not only as a man of integrity and hon- 
esty, but as one who won universal regard by his amiable temper and 
popular manners.* His conduct on the occasion of the tumult at Corinth 
is quite in harmony with a character so described. Η did not allow lim 
self, like Pilate, to be led into injustice by the clamour of the Jews ;° 
and yet he overlooked, with easy indifference, an outbreak of violence 
which a sterner and more imperious governor would at once have 
arrested.4 

The details of this transaction were as follows:—The Jews, anxious 
to profit by a change of administration, and perhaps encouraged by the 
well-known compliance of Gallio’s character, took an early opportunity 
of accusing St. Paul before him. They had already set themselves in 
battle array > against him, and the coming of the new governor was the 
signal for a general attack. It is quite evident that the act was precon- 
eerted and the occasion chosen. Making use of the privileges they en- 
Joyed as a separate community, and well aware that the exercise of their 
worship was protected by the Roman state,’ they accused St. Paul of 


1 For a description of the misery inflicted on a province by a bad governor, see Cia. 
pro leg. Man. 23. 

2 ὦ Gallio frater meus, quem nemo non parum amat, etiam qui amare plus non 
potest. ... . Ingenium suspicere ccepisti, omnium maximum et dignissimum,.... 
Frugalitatem laudare ccepisti, qua sic a numis resiliit, ut illos habere nec damnare vi- 
deatur. . . . Capisti mirari comitatem et incompositam suavitatem, quz illos quoque, 
quos transit, abducit, gratuitum etiam in obvios meritum. JVemo enim mortalium 
uni tam dulcis est, quam hic omnibus. Cum interim tania naturalis boni vis est, ut 
artem simulationemque non redoleat.”? Quest. Nat. iv. Pref. The same character ia 
given of him by the poet Statius. Sylv. ii. 7: 

“ Hoe plus quam Senecam dedisse mundo, 
Aut dulcem generasse Gallionem.” 

3 Acts xviii. 14. 4 Acts xviii. 17. 

5 See above, note on ὠἀντιτασσομένων. 

6 'Ομοθυμαδόν, Acts xviii. 12. 

7 See Walther’s Geschichte des Romischen Rechts, p. 320: “ Zuweilen war eins 
Stadt aus mehreren Nationen zusammengesetzt; namentlich bildeten die Juden auch 
ausserhalb ihres Landes iz jeder Stadt ein anerkanntes Gemeinwesen fur sich, das sich 


GALLIO. 419 


siolating their own religious law. They scem to have thought, if this 
violation of Jewish law could be proved, that St. Paul would become 
amenable to the criminal law of the empire ; or, perhaps, they hoped, as 
afterwards at Jerusalem, that he would be given up into their hands for 
punishment. Had Gallio been like Festus or Felix, this might easily nave 
happened ; and then St. Paul’s natural resource would have been to ap- 
peal to the emperor, on the ground of his citizenship. But the appointed 
time of his visit to Rome was not yet come, and the continuance of his 
missionary labours was secured by the character of the governor, whe 
was providentially sent at this time to manage the affairs of Achaia. 

The scene is set before us by St. Luke with some details which give 
us a vivid notion of what took place. Gallio is seated on that proconsu- 
lar chair! from which judicial sentences were pronounced by the Roman 
magistrates. ΤῸ this we must doubtless add the other insignia of Roman 
power, which were suitable to a colony and the metropolis of a province. 
Before this heathen authority the Jews are preferring their accusation 
with eager clamour. Their chief speaker is Sosthenes, the successor of 
Crispus, or (it may be) the ruler of another synagogue.? The Greeks? 
are standing round, eager to hear the result, and to learn something of 
the new governor’s character ; and, at the saine time, hating the Jews, 
and ready to be the partizans of St. Paul. At the moment when the 
Apostle is “about to open his mouth,”+ Gallio will not even hear his 
defence, but pronounces a decided and peremptory judgment. 

His answer was that of a man who knew the limits of his office, and 
felt that he had no time to waste on the religious technicalities of the 
Jews.» Had it been a case in which the Roman law had been violated 


nach seinen vaterlandischen Gebrauchen regierte und die Abgaben fur den Tempel in 
Jerusalem einsammelte.”” Compare Joseph. B. J. ii. 14, 4, on Caesarea. In Alexan- 
dria, there were four distinct classes of population, among which the Jews were citizens 
under their Ethnarch, like the Romans under their Juridicus. For the later position 
of the Jews, after Caracalla had made all freemen citizens, see Walther, p. 422. 

1 The βῆμα is mentioned three times in the course of this narrative. It was of two 
kinds ; (1) fixed in some open and public place ; (2) movable, and taken by the Roman 
magistrates to be placed wherever they might sit in a judicial character. Probably 
here and in the case of Pilate (John xix. 13) the former kind of seat is intended. See 
Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, under “Sella.’’? See also some remarks on “ the 
tribunal—the indispensable symbol of the Roman judgment-seat,” in the Edinburgh 
review for Jan. 1847, p. 151. 

? Whether Sosthenes had really been elected to fill the place of Crispus, or was only 
a cc-ordinate officer in the same or some other synagogue, must be left undetermined, 
On the organisation of the synagogues, see Ch. VI. p. 185. It should be added, that 
we cannot confidently identify this Sosthenes with the “ brother”? whose name occurs 
t Cer. i. 1. 

3 See below, note on “EXanvec. 

© Μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ Παύλου ἀνοίγειν το στόμα, v. 14. 

* Son some good remarks here by Menken, Blicke in das Leben des Apostels Panius 


Ι 


450 THI LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


by any brec- » of the peace or any act of dishonesty, then it would have 
been reasona) + and right that the matter should have been fully investi- 
gated ; but, siace it was only a question of the Jewish law, relating ta 
the disputes cf Hebrew superstition,’ and to names of no pubiic interest, 
ne utterly refused to attend toit. They might excommunicate the offender, 
or inflict on him any of their ecclesiastical punishments ; but he would not 
mecdle with trifling quarrels, which were beyond his jurisdiction. And 
‘ without further delay he drove the Jews away from before his judicial 
ehair.’ 

The effect of this proceeding must have been to produce the utmost 
rage and disappointment among the Jews. With the Greeks and other 
bystanders? the result was very different. Their dislike of a superstitious 
and misanthropic nation was gratified. They held the forbearance of 
Gallio as a proof that their own religious liberties would be respected 
under the new administration ; and, with the disorderly impulse of a mob 
which has been kept for some time in suspense, they rushed upon the ruler 
of the synagogue, and beat him in the very presence of the proconsular 
tribunal.!| Meanwhile, Gallio took no notice® of the injurious punish- 
ment thus inflicted on the Jews, and with characteristic indifference left 
Sosthenes to his fate. 

Thus the accusers were themselves involved in disgrace; Gallio ob- 
tained a high popularity among the Greeks, and St. Paul was enabled to 
pursue his labours in safety. Had he been driven away from Corinth, the 
whole Christian community of the place might have been placed in jeo- 
pardy. Lut the result of the storm was to give shelter to the infant 
Church, with opportunity of safe and continued growth. As regards the 
Apostle himself, his credit rose with the disgrace of his opponents. So 
far as he might afterwards be noticed by the Roman governor or the 
Greek inhabitants of the city, he would be regarded as an injured man, 
As his own discretion had given advantage to the holy cause at Vhilippi, 
by involving his opponents in blame,* so here the most imminent peril was 
providentially turned into safety and honour. 

Thus the assurance communicated in the vision was abundantly ful- 
filled. Though bitter enemies had “set on” Paul (Acts xviii. 10), no 
one had “hurt” him. The Lord had been ‘with him” and “much peo- 

1 Ζήτημα περὶ ὀνομάτων, v.15. We recognise here that much had been made by the 
Jews of the name of “ Christ ” being given to Jesus. 

3 Kel ἀπήλασεν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, v. 16. 

3 The manuscript evidence tends to show that "E2Anvec is ἃ gloss. It cannut, how 
ever, be well doubted that the persons in question were Greeks. The reading ‘lovddey 
found in some MSS., is evidentiy wrong. 

4 *Eurppodev τοῦ βήματος, ν. 17. 

ὅ Οὐδὲν τούτων TOT. ἔμελεν, ν. 17. See above, on Gallio’s character. 

5 See p. 311. 


DEPARTURE FROM CORINTH. 421 


ple” had been gathered into Hischurch. At length the time cume wher 
the Apostle deemed it right to leave Achaia and revisit Judvea, induced (as 
it would appear) by a motive which often guided his journeys, the desire 
to be present at the great gathering of the Jews at one of their festivals,! 
and possibly also influenced by the movements of Aquila and Priscilla, 
who were about to proceed from Corinth to Ephesus.* Before his de 
parture he took a solemn farewell of the assembled Church. How tonch- 
ing St. Paul’s farewells must have been, especially after a protracted 
residence among his brethren and disciples, we may infer from the affec- 
tionate language of his letters ; and one specimen is given to us of these 
parting addresses, in the Acts of the Apostles. From the words spoken 
at Miletus (Acts xx.), we may learn what was said and felt at Corinth, 
He could tell his disciples here, as he told them there, that he had taught 
them “ publicly and from house to house ;”* that he was “pure from the 
blood of all men ;”* that by the space of a year and a half he had “ not 
ceased to warn every one night and day with tears.”° And doubtless he 
forewarned them of “grievous wolves entering in among them, of men 
speaking perverse things arising’? of themselves, to draw away disciples 
after them.” And he could appeal to them, with the emphatic gesture of 
“those hands” which had laboured at Corinth, in proof that he had 
“coveted no man’s gold or silver,” and in confirmation of the Lord’s 
words, that “it is more blessed to give than to receive.”® Thus he de- 
parted, with prayers and tears, from those who “‘ accempanied him to the 
ship” with many misgivings that they might “‘see his face no more.” 9 

The three points on the coast to which our attention is called in the 
brief notice of this voyage contained in the Acts,” are Cenchree, the 
harbour of Corinth ; Ephesus, on the western shore of Asia Minor ; and 
Cesarea Stratonis, in Palestine. More suitable occasions will be found 
hereafter for descriptions of Cesarea and Ephesus. The present seems to 
require a few words to be said concerning Cenchree. 

After descending from the low table-land on which Corinth was situ- 
ated, the road which connected the city with its eastern harbour extended 
a distance of eight or nine miles across the Isthmian plain.'' Cenchrea 
has fallen with Corinth ; but the name ” still remains to mark the place of 


1 See Acts xviii. 21. There is little doubt that the festival was Pente;ost. See 
Wieseler. 

Vive 18.190: 3 Τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀποταξάμενος, v. 18, 4 V. 20. 

5 V. 26. Compare xviii. 6, and see p. 398. 

6 V.31. Compare what is said of his tears at Philippi. Philip. iii. 18. 

7 Vy. 29, 30. 

® Compare vy. 33-35 with xviii. 2 and with 1 Cor. iv. 12. 

9 Vv. 36-38. 10 Acts xviii. 18-22. 

1 See the descriptions in Dodwell and Leake. 

1 The modern name is Kichries. In Walpole’s Memoirs, a conjecture is offered hp 


0° THE LIFE AND EIFSSTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the port, which once commanded a large trade with Alexandria and Ant 
och, with Ephesus and Thessalonica, and the other cities of the Agean. 
That it was a town of some magnitude may be inferred from the attention 
which Pausanias devotes to it in the description of the environs of Co- 
rinth ;1 and both its mercantile character, and the pains which had beer 
taken in its embellishment, are well symbolised in the coin? which repre- 
sents the port with a temple on each enclosing promontory, and a statue 
of Neptune on a rock between them. 

From this port St. Paul began his yoyage to Syria. But before the 
vessel sailed, one of his companions performed a religious ceremony which 
must not be unnoticed, since it is mentioned in Scripture. Aquila? had 
bound himself by one of those vows, which the Jews often voluntarily 
took, even when in foreign countries, in consequence of some mercy re- 
ceived, or some deliverance from danger, or some other occurrence which 
had produced a deep religious impression on the mind. The obligations 
of these vows were similar to those in the case of Nazarites,—as regards 
abstinence from strong drinks and legal pollutions, and the wearing of the 
hair uncut till the close of a definite length of time. Aquila could not be 
literally a Nazarite ; for, in the case of that greater vow, the cutting of 
the hair, which denoted that the legal time was expired, could only take 
place at the Temple in Jerusalem, or at least in Judiea.4 In this case the 
ceremony was performed at Cenchresee. Here Aquila,—who had been for 
some time conspicuous, even among the Jews and Christians at Corinth, 
for the long hair which denoted that he was under a peculiar religious re- 
striction—came to the close of the period of obligation ; and before ac- 
companying the Apostle to Ephesus, laid aside the tokens of his vow. 


Dr. Sibthorpe, that the name was given from a certain kind of grain which is still cul- 
tivated there. Some travellers (for instance, Lord Nugent) make a mistake in identi- 
fying Cenchrese with Kalamaki, which is further to the north. 

Y Pausan. ii. 2. 

? An engraving of this coin will be given in the second volume. 

3 Tt may be said that we have here cut what De Wette cails a Gordian knot, in assum- 
ing that the vow was taken by Aquilaand not by Paul. This view rests partly on the 
arrangement of the words, the order being Πρίσκιλλα καὶ ᾿Ακύλας, contrary to St. 
Luke’s ordinary practice ; partly on the improbability that St. Paul should have taken 
a vow of this kind. See Meyer on this latter point. The opinion of commentators ig 
divided on the subject. Chrysostom, Hammond, Grotius, &e., advocate the view we 
have taken. Heinrichs says :—“ Preeferendum mihi videtur, guia constructio fluit faci- 
lior, propiusque fidem est, notitiam hanc, que breviter nonnisi et quasi per transennam 
additur, de homine ignotiore adjunctam esse: but what follows is merely a conjec 
ture :—‘ videtur votum fecisse Aquila, see nullam novactlam admissurum, antequam 
ex fuga, quam Roma in Judwam capessebat, sospes ad ultimum Europe portum venis- 
set.” Niemeyer had, perhaps, the same idea :—“ Sie nahmen den Weg uber Cenchrea 
nach Ephesus, weil Aquila ein Gelubde hatte, sein Haupt daselbst zu beschecren.” 
Uhar. der Bibel. p. 197 (ed. 1778). 

¢ See De Wette and Meyer. 


VOYAGE BY EPHESUS TO CHSAREA. 423 


From Corinth to Ephesus, the voyage was among the islands of the 
Greek Archipelago. The Isles of Greece, and the waters which break on 
their shores, or rest among them in spaces of calm repose, always present 
themselves to the mind as the scenes of interesting voyages,—whether we 
shink of the stories of early legend, or the stirring life of classical times, of 
the Crusades in the middle ages, cr of the movements of modern travellers, 
some of whom seldom reflect that the land and the water round them were 
hallowed by the presence and labours of St. Paul. One great purpose of 
this book will be gained, if it tends to associate the Apostle of the Gentiles 
with the coasts, which are already touched by so many other historical 
recollections. 

No voyage across the Algean was more frequently made than that be- 
tween Corinth and Ephesus. They were the capitals of the two flourish- 
ing and peaceful provinces of Achaia and Asia,! and the two great mer- 
cantile towns on the opposite side of the sea. If resemblances may be 
again suggested between the Ocean and the Mediterranean, and between 
ancient and modern times, we may say that the relation of these cities of 
the Eastern and Western Greeks to each other was like that between 
New York and Liverpool. Even the time taken up by the voyages con- 
stitutes a point of resemblance. Cicero says that, on his eastward passage, 
which was considered a long one, he spent fifteen days, and that his return 
was accomplished in thirteen.? 

A fair wind, in much shorter time than either thirteen or fifteen days, 
would take the Apostle across from Corinth to the city on the other side 
of the sea. It seems that the vessel was bound for Syria, and staid-only a 
short time in harbour at Ephesus. Aquila and Priscilla remained there 
while he proceeded. But even during the short interval of his stay, Paul 
made a visit to his Jewish fellow-countrymen, and (the Sabbath being pro- 
bably one of the days during which he remained) he held a discussion with 
them in the synagogue concerning Christianity! Their curiosity was ex- 
cited by what they heard, as it had been at Antioch in Pisidia ; and per- 
haps that curiosity would have speedily been succeeded by opposition, ‘f 
their visitor had staid longer among them. But he was not able to grant 
the request which they urgently made. He was anxious to attend the 
approaching festival at Jerusalem ;* and, had he not proceeded with the 
ship, this might have been impossible. He was so far, however, encour 
aged by the opening which he saw, that he left the Hphesian Jews with a 
promise of his return. This promise was limited by an expression of that 


1 See how Achaia and Asia are mentioned by Tacitus, Hist. il. 

3. Cic. Ep. 3 Κἀκείνους κατέλιπεν aitou, ν. 19. 

« Διελέχθη, v.19. Contrast the aorist with the imperfect διελέγετο \v. 4), used of 
the continued discussions at Corinth. 

5 V.21. See above. 


494. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


dependence on the Divine will which is characteristic of a Christian’s life, 
whether his vovation be to the labours of an Apostle, or to the routine of 
ordinary toil. We shall see that St. Paul’s promise was literally fulfilled, 
when we come to pursue his progress on his third missionary circuit. 

The voyage to Syria lay first by the coasts and islands of the Algean 
to Cos and Cnidus, which are mentioned on subsequent voyages,” and then 
across the open sea by Rhodes and Cyprus to Cesarea.? This city has the 
closest connection with some of the most memorable events of early Chris 
tianity. We have already had occasion to mention it, in alluding to St 
Peter and the baptism of the first Gentile convert.1| We shall after- 
wards be required to make it the subject of a more elaborate notice, when 
we arrive at the imprisonment which was suffered by St. Paul under two 
suceessive Roman governors.’ The country was now no longer under nar 
tive kings. ‘Ten years had elapsed since the death of Herod Agrippa, the 
last event alluded to (Ch. IV.) in connection with Cxsarea. Felix had 
been for some years already procurator of Judea.é If the aspect of the 
country had become in any degree more national under the reign of the 
Herods, it had now resumed all the appearance of a Roman province.? 
Cexsarea was its military capital, as it was the harbour by which it was ap- 
proached by all travellers from the West. From this city roads* had 
been made to the Egyptian frontier on the south, and northwards along 
the coast by Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon, to Antioch, as well as across the 
interior by Neapolis or Antipatris to Jerusalem and the Jordan. 

The journey from Cxsarea to Jerusalem is related by St. Luke in a 
single word.’ No information is given concerning the incidents which oc 
curred there :—no mectings with other Apostles,—no controversies on dis 
puted points of doctrine,—are recorded or inferred. We are not even 
sure that St. Paul arrived in time for the festival at which he desired to 
be present."° The contrary seems rather to be inferred; for he is said 
simply to have “ saluted the Church,” and then to have proceeded to 
Antioch. It is useless to attempt to draw aside the veil which conceals 
the particulars of this visit of Paul of Tarsus to the city of his forefathers 


1 Τοῦ Θεοῦ ϑέλοντος. See Jamesiv. 15. ’Edv ὁ Κύριος ϑελήσῃ καὶ ζήσωμεν. 


*VACtS Στ  ὙΧΥΙΪ. 1: 3 See Acts xxi. 1-3. 
‘4 See p. 115. Compare p. 53. 5 Acts xxi., Xe. 
6 Tac. Ann, xiv. 54, and Josephus. 7 See pp. 28 and 55. 


8 See the map of the Roman roads in Palestine, and the remarks, p. 84. 

9 Arvabdc, y. 22. Some commentators think that St. Paul did not go t6 Jerusalem 
at all, but that this participle merely denotes his going up from the ship into the town 
of Casarea: but, independently of his intention to visit Jerusalem, it is hardly likely 
that such a circumstance would have been specified in a narrative so bricfly given. 

10 We shall see, in the case of the later voyage (Acts xx. xxi.), that he could not kave 
arrived in time for the festival, had not the weather been peculiarly favourable. 

1 ΣΑσπασάμενος THY ἐκκλησίαν, V 22. 


ST. PAULS LAST VISIT TO ANTIOCH. 498 


As if it were no longer intended that we should view the Church in con 
nection with the centre of Judaism, our thoughts are turned immediately 
to that cther city,' where the name “ Christian” was first conferred Ongit. 

From Jerusalem to Antioch it is likely that the journey was accom 
plished by land. It is the last time we shall have occasion to mention a 
road which was often traversed, at different seasons of the year, by St. 
Paul and his companions. Two of the journeys along this Phoenician 
coast have been jong ago mentioned. Many years had intervened since 
the charitable mission which brought relief from Syria to the poor in 
Judxa (Ch. IV.), and since the meeting of the council at Jerusalem, and 
the joyful return at a time of anxious controversy (Ch. VII.). When we 
allude to these previous visits to the Holy City, we feel how widely the 
Church of Christ had been extended in the space of very few years. ‘The 
course of our narrative is rapidly carrying us from the Hast towards the 
West. We are now for the last time on this part of the Asiatic shore. 
For a moment the associations which surround us are all of the primeval 
past. The monuments which still remain along this coast remind us of the 
ancient Phenician power, and of Baal and Ashtaroth,*—or of the Assy- 
rian conquerors, who came from the Euphrates to the West, and have left 
forms like those in the palaces of Nineveh sculptured on the rocks of the 
Mediterranean,?—rather than of anything connected with the history of 
Greece and Rome. The mountains which rise above our heads belong to 
the characteristic imagery of the Old Testament: the cedars are those of 
the forests which were hewn by the workmen of Hiram and Solomon ; the 
torrents which cross the road are the waters from “the sides of Lebanon.” 4 
But we are taking our last view of this Scenery : and, as we leave it, we 
feel that we are passing from the Jewjsh infancy of the Christian Church 
to its wider expansion among the Heathen. 

Once before we had occasion to remark that the Church had no longer 
now its central point in Jerusalem, but in Antioch, a city of the Gentiles.’ 
The progress of events now carries us still more remotely from the land 
which was first visited by the tidings of salvation. The world through 
which our narrative takes us begins to be European rather than Asiatic. 
So far as we know, the present visit which St. Paul paid to Antioch was 
his last.6. We have already seen how new centres of Christian life had 

1 Κατέθη εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν, ν. 22. 

3 The ruins of Tortosa and Aradus. 

3 The sculptures of Assyrian figures on the coast road near Beyrout are noticed in the 
works of many travellers. 

4 These torrents are often flooded, so as to be extremely dangerous; so that St 
Paul may have encountered “perils of rivers” in this district. Maundrell says that 
the traveller Spon lost his life in one of these torrents. 

5 Pp. 108, 109. 

“ Antioch is not mentioned in the Acts after xviii. 22. 


496 THE LIFE AND EPISTIES OF ΕἸ. PAUI. 


been established by himin the Greek cities of the Agean. The course ΟἹ 
the Gospel is further and further towards the West ; and the inspired part 
ofsthe Apostle’s biography, after a short period of deep interest in Judessa, 


finally centres in Rome. 


COIN OF CORINTH.1 


t Prom the British Museum. 


SPIRITUAL GIFTS IN THE LIFETIME OF ST. PAUL 427 


CHAPTER XIII. 
“ We see not yet all things put under Him.”’—Heb. ii. 8. 


THE SPIRITUAL GIFTS, CONSTITUTION, ORDINANCES, DIVISIONS, AND HERESI£S 
OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH IN THE LIFETIME OF ST. PAUL. 


WE are now arrived at a point in St. Paul’s history when it seems needful 
for the full understanding of the remainder of his career, and especially of 
his Epistles, to give some description of the internal condition of those 
churches which looked to him as their father in the faith. Nearly all of 
these had now been founded, and regarding the early development of 
several of them, we have considerable information from his letters to them 
and from other sources. This information we shall now endeavour to 
bring into one general view ; and in so doing (since the Pauline Churches 
were only particular portions of the universal Church), we shall necessa- 
rily have to consider the distinctive peculiarities and internal condition of 
the primitive Church generally, as it existed in the time of the Apostles. 

The feature which most immediately forces itself upon our notice, as 
distinctive of the Church in the Apostolic age, is its possession of super- 
natural gifts. Concerning these, our whole information must be derived 
from Scripture, because they appear to have vanished with the disappear- 
ance of the Apostles themselves, and there is no authentic account of 
their existence in the Church in any writings of a later date than the 
books of the New Testament. ‘This fact gives a more remarkable and im- 
pressive character to the frequent mention of them in the writings of the 
Apostles, where the exercise of such gifts is spoken of as a matter of ordi- 
nary occurrence. Indeed, this is so much the case, that these miraculous 
powers are not even mentioned by the Apostolic writers as a class apart 
(as we should now consider them), but are joined in the same classification 
with other gifts, which we are wont to term natural endowments or 
“talents.”! Thus St. Paul tells us (1 Cor. xii, 11) that all these 

1 The two great classifications of them in St. Paul’s writings are as follows :— 
J. (1 Cor. xii. 8.) 


Class 1. ᾧ μὲν Class 2. ἑτέρῳ δὲ Class 3. ἑτέρῳ δὲ 
ι41) λόγος σοφίας. (β1) πίστις. : .7}) γένη γλωσσῶν. 
(ἦ λύγος γνώσεως, (852) χαρίσματα ἰαμάτων. (7) ἑρμηνεία γλωσσων 


(88) ἐνεργήματα δυνάμεων. 
(84) προφητεία. 
(B°) διακρίσεις πνευμάτων. 


428 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


charisms, or spiritual gifts, were wrought by one and the same s,Arit, wha 
distributed them to each severally according to His own will; and among 
these he classes the gift of healing, and the gift of Tongues, as falling 
under the same category with the talent for administrative usefulness, and 
the faculty of Government. But thongh we learnffrom this to refer the 
ordinary natural endowments of men, not less than the supernatural powers 
bestowed in the Apostolic age, to a divine source, yet, since we are 
treating of that which gave a distinctive character to the Apostolic 
Church, it is desirable that we should make:a division between the two 
classes of gifts, the extraordinary and the ordinary : although this division 
was not made by the Apostles at the time when both kinds of gifts were in 
ordinary exercise. 
_ The most striking manifestation of divine interposition was the power 
of working what are commonly called Miracles, that is, changes in the 
usual operation of the laws of nature. This power was exercised by St. 
Paul himself very frequently (as we know from the narrative in the Acts), 
as well as by the other Apostles ; and in the Epistles we find repeated 
allusions to its exercise by ordinary Christians! As examples of the 
operation of this power, we need only refer to St. Paul’s raising Hutychus 
.from the dead, his striking Elymas with blindness, his healing the sick at 
Ephesus,’ and his curing the father of Publius at Melita. 
The last-mentioned examples are instances of the exercise of the gift 


II. (1 Cor. xii. 28.) 

ἀπόστολοι. 
. πμυδῆται. See (βῆ. 
. διδαυκαδοι; including (a!) and (a*) perhaps. 
. δυνάμεις. See (G3). 

(1) χαρίσματα ἰαμάτων. See (6°). 

(2) ἀντιλήψεις. 

(3) kvbepvycecc. 

(4) γένη γλωσσῶν. See (y'). 

It may be remarked, that the following divisions are in 1. and not in IL; viz. p!, 
8, and γῆ: αἱ and a’, though not explicitly in IL, yet are probably included in it as 
necessary gifts for ἀπόστολοι, and perhaps also for διδάσκαλοι, as Neander supposes. 

It is difficult to observe any principle which runs through these classifications ; pro- 
bably L. was not meant as a systematic classification at all; IL, however, certainly was 
in some measure, because St. Paul uses the words πρῶτον, δεύτερον, τρίτον, Ke. 

It is very difficult to arrive at any certain conclusion on the subject, because of our 
imperfect understanding of the nature of the χαρίσματα themselves; they are alluded 
to only as things well known to the Corinthians, and of course without, any precise 
description of their nature. : 

In Rom. xii. 6 another unsystematic enumeration of four charisms is given; vim 
(1) προφητεία, (2) διακονία, (3) διδασκαλία, (4) παράκλησις. 

1 Gal. ili. 5, ὁ ἐνεργῶν [observe the present tense] δυνώμεις ἐν ὑμῖν, is one of many 
examples. 

SUN CtS Exits ΠΠ ioe 

3 On this latter miracle, see the excellent remarks in “Smith’s Voyage and Ship 
wreck of St. Panl,” p. 115. 


oo bh ΡΣ 


a 


SPIRITUAL GIFTS IN THE LIFETIME OF ST. PAUL. 429 


of healing,’ which was a peculiar branch of the gzft of miracles,’ and some 
times apparently possessed by those who had not the higher gift. Tha 
source of all these miraculous powers was the charism of fai; namcly, 
that peculiar kind of wonder-working faith spoken of in Matt. xvii. 20. 
1 Cor. xii. 9 and xiii. 2, which consisted in an intense belicf that al 
obstacles would vanish before the power given: this must of course be 
distinguished from that disposiiion of faith which is essential to the 
Christian life. 

We have remarked that the exercise of these miraculous powers is 
spoken of both in the Acts and Epistles as a matter of ordinary occurrence ; 
and in that tone of quiet (and often incidental) allusion, in which we men- 
tion the facts of our daily life. And this is the case, not in a narrative of 
events long past (where unintentional exaggeration might be supposed to 
have crept in), but in the narrative of a cotemporary, writing immedi- 
ately after the occurrence of the events which he records, and of which he 
was an eye-witness ; and yet farther, this phenomenon occurs in letters 
which speak of those miracles as wrought in the daily sight of the readers 
addressed. Now the question forced upon every intelligent mind is, 
whether such a phenomenon can be explained except by the assumption 
that the miracles did really happen. Is this assumption more difficult 
vhan that of Hume (which has been revived with an air of novelty by 
modern infidels), who cuts the knot by assuming that whenever we meet 
with an account of a miracle, it is zpso facto to be rejected as incredible, ne 
matter by what weight of evidence it may be supported ? 

Besides the power of working miracles, other supernatural gifts of a less 
extraordinary character were bestowed upon the early Church ; the most 
important were the gift of tongues, and the gift of prophecy. With regard 
to the former there is much difficulty, from the notices of it in Scripture, 
in fully comprehending its nature. But from the passages where it is 
mentioned‘ we may gather thus much concerning it : first, that it was not 
a knowledge of foreign languages, as is often supposed 3 we never read of 
its being exercised for the conversion of foreign nations, nor (except on 
the day of Pentecost alone) for that of individual foreigners ; and even on 
that occasion the foreigners present were all Jewish proselytes, and most 
of them understood the Hellenistic ® dialect, Secondly, we learn that this 
gift was the result of a sudden influx of supernatural inspiration, which 
came upon the new believer immediately after liis baptism, and recurred 

1 Xapicua ἰαμάτων. 5. Χάρισμα δυνάμεων. [1: Χάρισμα γλωσσῶν. 

4 viz. Mark xvi.17. Acts ii. 4, &e. Acts χ. 47. Acts xi. 1ὅ-17. 1 Cor. xii., and 
1 Cor. xiv. We must refer to the notes on these two last-named chapters for some fur 
ther discussion of the difficulties connected with this gift. 

5. This must probably have been the case with all the foreigners mentioned, except 


the Parthians, Medes, Hlamites, and Arabians, and the Jews from these latter countries 
would probably understand the Aramaic of Palestine. 


480 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


afterwards at uncertain intervals. TZhzrdly, we find that while under ita 
Influence the ¢xercise of the wnderstanding was suspended, while the spurat 
was rapt into a state of eestacy by the immediate communication of the Spirit 
of God. In this ecstatic trance the believer was constrained by an irri- ἡ 
sistible! power to pour forth his feelings of thanksgiving and rapture in 
words ; yet the words which issued from his mouth were not his own ; he 
was even (usually) ignorant of their meaning ; they were the words of 
some foreign language, and not intelligible to the bystanders, unless some 
of these chanced to be natives of the country where the language was 
spoken. St. Paul desired that those who possessed this gift should not be 
suffered to exercise it in the congregation, unless some one present pos- 
sessed another gift (subsidiary to this), called the ‘interpretation of 
fongues,”? by which the ecstatic utterance of the former might be rendered 
available for general edification. Another gift, also, was needful for the 
checking of false pretensions to this and some other charisms, viz., the gift 
of discerning of spirits,3 the recipients of which could distinguish between 
the real and the imaginary possessors of spiritual gifts.‘ 

From the gift of tongues we pass, by a natural transition, to the gifs 
of prophecy.’ It is needless to remark that, in the Scriptural sense of the 
term, a prophet does not mean a foreteller of future events, but a revealer 
of God’s will to man; though the latter sense may (and sometimes does) 
include the former. So the gift of prophecy was that charism which en- 
abled its possessors to utter, with the authority of inspiration, divine 
strains of warning, exhortation, encouragement, or rebuke ; and to teach 
and enforce the truths of Christianity with supernatural energy and effect 
'The wide diffusion among the members of the Church of this prophetical 
inspiration was a circumstance which is mentioned by St. Peter as distine- 
tive of the Gospel dispensation ;* in fact, we find that in the family of 
Philip the Evangelist alone,’ there were four daughters who exercised this 
gift ; and the general possession of it is in like manner implied by the 
directions of St. Paul to the Corinthians. The latter Apostle describes 
the marvellous effect of the inspired addresses thus spoken.’ He looks 
upon the gift of prophecy as one of the great instruments for the conver- 
sion of unbelievers ; and far more serviceable in this respect than the gift 
of tongues, although by some of the new converts it was not so highly 
esteemed, because it seemed less strange and wonderful. 

1 His spirit was not Eadie to his will. See 1 Cor. xiv. 32. 

3 'Epunvela γλωσσῶν. 3 Διάκρισις πνευμάτων 

4 This latter charism seems to have been requisite for the presbyturs. See 1 Thess 
v. 21. 

5 Χάρισμα προφητείας. If it be asked why we class this as among the supernatura: 
or extraordinary gifts, it will be sufficient to refer to such passages as Acts xi. 27, 28, 


6. Acts ii. 17, 18. 7 Acts xxi. 9. 
8 1 Cor. xi. 4, and 1 Cor. xiv. 24, 31, 34. 9 1 Cor. xiv. 25. 


SPIRITUAL GIFTS IN THE LIFITIME OF 51. PAUL. 431 


Thus far we have mentioned the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit which 
were vouchsafed to the Church of that age alone ; yet (as we have before 
aaid) there was no strong line of division, no ‘great gulf fixed” between 
these, and what we now should call the ordinary gifts, or natural endow 
ments of the Christian converts. Thus the gift of prophecy cannot easily 
be separated by any accurate demarcation from another charism often 
mentioned in Scripture, which we should now consider an ordinary talent, 
namely, the gzft of teaching.! The distinction between them appears to 
have been that the latter was more habitually and constantly exercised 
hy its possessors than the former: we are not to suppose, however, that 
is was necessarily given to different persons ; on the contrary, an access 
of divine inspiration might at any moment cause the teacher to speak as a 
prophet ; and this was constantly exemplified in the case of the Apostles, 
who exercised the gift of prophecy for the conversion of their unbelieving 
hearers, and the gift of teaching for the building up of their converts in 
the faith. 

Other gifts specially mentioned as charisms are the gift of government? 
and the geft of minestration.s By the former, certain persons were spe- 
cially fitted to preside over the Church and regulate its internal order ; 
by the latter its possessors were enabled to minister to the wants of their 
brethren, to manage the distribution of relief among the poorer members 
of the Church, to tend the sick, and carry out other practical works of 
piety. 

The mention of these latter charisms leads us naturally to consider the 
offices which at that time existed in the Church, to which the possessors 
of these gifts. were severally called, according as the endowment which 
they had received fitted them to discharge the duties of the respective 
functions. We will endeavour, therefore, to give an outline of the con- 
etitution and government of the primitive Christian churches, as it ex- 
isted in the time of the Apostles, so far as we can ascertain it from the 
information supplied to us in the New Testament. 

Amongst the several classifications which are there given of church 
officers, the most important (from its relation to subsequent ecclesiastical 
history) is that by which they are divided inte Apostles,‘ Presbyters, and 


* Χάρισμα διδασκαλιας. 3 Χάρισμα κυθερνησεως. 

® Χάρισμα διακονίας or ἀντιλήψεως. 

4 ᾿Απόστολοι καὶ πρεσθύτεροι are mentioned Acts xv. 2 and elsewhere, and the twe 
classes of presbyters and deacons are m2ntioned Phil. i. 1, ἐπισκόποις καὶ διακόνοις. 
See p. 434, n. 1. 

The following are the facts concerning the use of the word ἀπόστολο in the New 
Festament. It occurs— 

once in St. Matthew ;—of the Twelve. 
ence in St. Mark; of the Twelve. 


452 THE LIFE AND EVISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Deacons. The monarchical, or (as it would be now called) the episcopal 
element of church government was, in this first period, supplied by the 
authority of the Apostles. This title was probably at first confined te 
“the Twelve,” who were immediately nominated to their office (with the 
exception of Matthias) by our Lord himself. To this body the title was 
limited by the Judaizing section of the Church ; but St. Paul vindicated 
his own claim to the Apostolic name and authority as resting upon the 
same commission givea him by the same Lord ; and his companion, St. 
Luke, applies the name to Barnabas also. In a lower sense, the term was 
applied to all the more eminent Christian teachers ; as, for example, to 
Andronicus and Junias.'. And it was also sometimes used in its simple 
etymological sense of emissary, which had not yet been lost in its other 
and more technical meaning. Still those only were called emphatically 
the Apostles who had received their commission from Christ himself, in- 
cluding the eleven who had been chosen by Him while on earth, with St. 
Matthias and St. Paul, who had been selected for the office by their Lord 
(though in different ways) after His ascension. 

In saying that the Apostles embodied that element in church govern- 
ment, which has since been represented by episcopacy, we must not, 
however, be understood to mean that the power of the Apostles was sub- 
ject to those limitations to which the authority of bishops has always been 
subjected. The primitive bishop was surrounded by his council of presby- 
ters, and took no important. step without their sanction ; but this was far 
from being the case with the Apostles. They were appointed by Christ 
himself, with absolute power to govern His Church; to them He had 
given the keys of the kingdom of Heaven, with authority to admit or 


6 times in St. Luke ;—5 times of the Twelve, once in its general etymological 
sense. 
once in St. John ;—in its general efymological sense. 
30 times in Acts ;—(always in plural) 28 times of the Twelve, and twice of Pazl 
and Barnahas. 
8. times in Romans ;—twice of St Paul, once of Andronicus. 
16 times in Corinthians ;—14 times of St. Paul or the Twelve, twice in etymolegical 
sense, viz. 2 Cor. viii. 23, and xi. 13. 
3 times in Gal. ;—of St. Paul and the Twelve. 
4 times in Ephes. ;—of St. Paul and the Twelve. 
once in Philip. ;—etymological sense. 
once in Thess. ;—of St. Paul. 
4 times in Timothy ;—of St. Paul. 
once in Titus ;—of St. Paul. 
once in Hebrews (iii. 1) ;—of Christ himself. 
3 times in Peter ;—of the Twelve. 
once in Jude ;—of the Twelve. 
3 times in Apocalypse ;—either of “false apostles” or of the ‘I'welve. 
Besides this, the word ἀποστόλη is used to signify the Apostolic office. once in Acty 
and three times by St. Paul (who attributes it to himself). 
1 Rom. xvi. 7 


CONSTITUTION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 423 


to exclude ; they were also guided by His perpetual inspiration, so that 
all their moral and religious teaching was absolutely and infallibiy true , 
they were empowered by their solemn detunciations of evil, and their in- 
spired judgments on all moral questions, to bind and to loose, to remit 
and to retain the sins of men.!' This was the essential peculiarity of their 
office, which can find no parallel in the after history of the Church, But, 
so far as their function was to govern, they represented the monarchical 
element in the constitution of the early Church, and their power was a 
full counterpoise to that democratic tendency which has sometimes been 
attributed to the ecclesiastical arrangements of the Apostolic period. 
Another peculiarity which distinguishes them from ali subsequent rulers 
of the Church is, that they were not limited to a sphere of action defined 
by geographical boundaries ; the whole world was their diocese, and they 
bore the Glad-tidings, east or west, north or south, as the Holy Spirit 
might direct their course at the time, and governed the churches which 
they founded wherever they might be placed. Moreover, those charisms 
which were possessed by other Christians singly and severally, were col- 
lectively given to the Apostles, because all were needed for their work. 
The gift of miracles was bestowed upon them in abundant measure, that 
they might strike terror into the adversaries of the truth, and win, by 
outward wonders, the attention of thousands, whose minds were closed by 
ignorance against the inward and the spiritual, They had the οἱ of 
prophecy as the very characteristic of their office, for it was their especial 
commission to reveal the truth of God to man ; they were consoled in the 
midst of their labours by heavenly visions, and rapt in supernatural ecsta- 
sies, in which they “spake in tongues” “to God and not to man.”? 
They had the “ gift of government,” for that which came upon them daily 
was “the care of all the Churches ;” the “gift of teaching,” for they 
must build up their converts in the faith ; even the “ g2ft of ministration” 
was not unneeded by them, nor did they think it beneath them to under- 
take the humblest offices of a deacon for the good of the Church. When 
needful, they could ‘ serve tables” and collect alms, and work with their 
own hands at mechanical trades, “that so labouring they might support 
the weak ;” inasmuch as they were the servants of Him who came not to 
be ministered unto, but to minister. 

Of the offices concerned with Church government, the next in rank to 
that of the Apostles was the office of Overseers or Elders, more usually 
known (by their Greek designations) as Bishops or Presbyters. ‘These 


1 No doubt, in a certain sense, this power is shared (according to the teaching of 
our Ordination Service) by Christian ministers now, but it is in quite a secondary 
sense ; viz. only so far as it is exercised in exact accordance with the inspired teaching 
of the Apostles. 

* See note on 1 Cor xiy. 18, 


VOL. 1- -28 


j 


434 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


terms are used in the New Testament as equivalent,! the former (émcxomog) 
denoting (as its meaning of overseer implies) the duties, the latter (zpeos- 
-epoc) the rank, of the office. ‘The history of the Church leaves us no room 
for doubt that on the death of the Apostles, or perhaps at an earlier 
period (and, in either case, by their directions), one amongst the presby- 
ters of each church was selected to preside over the rest, and to him was 
applied emphatically the title of the bishop or overseer, which had pre- 
viously belonged equally to all; thus he became in reality (what he was 
sometimes called) the successor of the Apostles, as exercising (though in- 
in a lower degree) that function of government which had formerly be 
longed to them. But in speaking of this change we are anticipating ; for 
at the time of which we are now writing, at the foundation of the Gentile 
Churches, the Apostles themselves were the chief governors of the Church, 
and the presbyters of each particular society were co-ordinate with one an- 
other. We find that they existed at an early period in Jerusalem, and 
likewise that they were appointed by the Apostles upon the first forma- 
tion of a church in every city. The same name, “ Hlder,” was attached 
to au office of a corresponding nature in the Jewish synagogues, whence 
both title and office were probably derived. The name of Bishop was 
afterwards given to this office in the Gentile churches, at a somewhat 
later period, as expressive of its duties, and as more familar than the other 
title to Greek ears.’ 

The office of the Presbyters was to watch over the particular church in 
which they mivistered, in all that regarded its external order and internal 
purity ; they were to instruct the ignorant,’ to exhort the faithful, to con- 
fute the gainsayers,‘ to “ warn the unruly, to comfort the feeble-minded, 
to support the weak, to be patient towards all.”° They were “to take 
heed to the flock over which the Holy Ghost had made them overseers, 
to feed the Church of God which He had purchased with His own 
blood.” ὁ In one word, it was their duty (as it has been the duty of all 
who have been called to the same office during the nineteen centuries 
which have succeeded) to promote to the utmost of their ability, and by 
every means within their reach, the spiritual good of all those committed 
to their care.’ 


1 Thus, in the address at Miletus, the same persons are called ἐπισκόπους (Acts χα, 
28) who had just before been named πρεσθυτέρους (Acts xx.17). See also the Pastora! 
Epistles, passim. 

4 Ἐπίσκοπος was the title of the Athenian commissioners to their subjcct allies. 
See Scholiast on Aristoph. Aves, 1023. 

3 1 Tim. iii. 2. 4 Tit. i. 9. 5 1 Thess. v. 14. 6 Acts xx, 28, 

7 Other titles, denoting their office, are applied to the presbyters in some passages; 
viz οἱ προιστάμενοι (Rom. xii. 8, and 1 Thess. y. 12), of ἡγούμενοι (Heb. xiii. 7), οἱ 
κατηχοῦντες (Eph. iv. 11), διδάσκαλοι (1 Cor. xii. 28). It is, indeed, possible (as 
Neander thinks) that the διδάσκαλοι may at first have been sometimes Jifferent from 


VONSTITUTION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 438 


The last of the three orders, that ef Deacons, did not take its place in 
the ecclesiastical organisation till towards the close of St. Paul’s life ; or, 
at least, this name was not assigned to those who discharged the functions 
of the Diaconate till a late period ; the Hpistle to the Philippians being 
the earliest in which the term occurs! in its technical sense. In fact, the 
word (διάκονος) occurs thirty times in the New Testament, and only three 
times (or at most four) is it used as an official designation ; in all the 
other passages it is used in its simple etymological sense of a ministering 
servant. It is a remarkable fact, too, that it never occurs in the Acts as 
the title of those seven Hellenistic Christians who are generally (though 
improperly) called the seven deacons, and who were only elected to sup- 
ply a temporary emergency.” Although the title of the Diaconate, how- 
ever, does not occur till afterwards, the office seems to have existed from 
the first in the Church of Jerusalem (see Acts v. 6, 10) ; those who dis 
charged its duties were then called the young men, in contradistinction to 
to the presbyters or e/ders; and it was their duty to assist the latter by 
discharging the mechanical services requisite for the weil-being of the 
Christian community. Gradually, however, as the Church increased, the 
natural division of labour would suggest a subdivision of the ministrations 
performed by them ; those which only required bodily labour would be in- 
trusted to a less educated class of servants, and those which required the 
work of the head, as well as the hands (such, for example, as the distribu- 
tion of alms), would form the duties of the deacons ; for we may now 
speak of them by that name, which became appropriated to them before 
the close of the Apostolic epoch. 

There is not much information given us, with regard to their functions, 
in the New Testament: but, from St. Paul’s directions to Timothy, con- 
cerning their qualifications, it is evident that their office was one of con- 
siderable importance. He requires that they should be men of grave char- 
acter, and “ποῦ greedy of filthy lucre ;” the latter qualification relating 
to their duty in administering the charitable fund of the Church. He de- 
sires that they should not exercise the office till after their character had 
been first subjected to an examination, and had been found free from all 


the mpecbirepos, as the χάρισμα διδασκαλίας was distinct from the χάρισμα κυθερνή- 
σεως; but those who possessed both gifts would surely have been chosen presbyters 
from the first, if they were to be found ; and, at all events, in the time of the Pastoral 
Epistles we find the offices united. 

1 In Romans xvi. 1, it is applied to a woman ; and we cannot confidently assert that 
it is there used technically to denote an office, especially as the word διώκονος is so 
constantly used in its non-technical sense of one who ministers in any way to others. 

8 We observe, also, that when any of the seven are referred to, it is never by the 
title of deacon; thus Philip is called “ th2 evangelist’ (Acts xxi. 8). In fact, the 
office of the seven was one of much higher importance than that held by tue subse 
guent deacons. 


£36 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


imputation against it. If (as is reasonable) we explain these intimations 
py what we know of the Diaconate in the succeeding century, we may as- 
sume that its duties in the Apostolic Churches (when their organisation 
was complete), were to assist the presbyters in all that concerned the out- 
ward service of the Church, and in executing the details of those meas 
ares, the general plan of which was organised by the presbyters. And, 
doubtless, tuose only were selected for this office who had received the 
gut of mimstration (διακονίας) previously mentioned. 

It is a disputed point whether there was an order of Deaconesses to : 
minister among the women in the Apostolic Church; the only proof of 
their existence is the epithet attached to the name of Pheebe,' which may 
be otherwise understood. At the same time, it must be acknowledged 
that the almost Oriental seclusion in which the Greek women were kept, 
would render the institution of such an office not unnatural in the churches 
of Greece, as well as in those of the Hast. ὁ 

Besides the three orders of Apostles, Presbyters, and Deacons, we find 
another classification of the ministry of the Church in the Epistle to the 
Ephesians,’ where they are divided under four heads, viz.,? Ist, Apostles; 
Qndly, Prophets ; 3rdly, Evangelists ; 4thly, Pastors and Teachers. By 
the fourth class we must understand‘ the Presbyters to be denoted, 
and we then have two other names interpolated between these and the 
Apostles ; viz. Prezhets and Evangelists. By the former we must under- 
stand those cn whom the gift of prophecy was bestowed in such abun- 
dant measure as to constitute their peculiar characteristic ; and whose 
work it was-to impart constantly to their brethren the revelations which 
they received from the Holy Spirit. The term Evangelist is applied to 
those missionaries, who, like Philip the Hellenist,> and Timothy,® travelled 
from place to place, to bear the Glad-tidings of Christ to unbelieving na- 
tions or individuals. Hence it follows that the Apostles were all EKvan- 
gelists, although there were also Evangelists who were not Apostles. It 
is needless to add that our modern use of the word Evangelist (as mean- 
ing writer of a Gospel) is of later date, and has no place here. 

All these classes of Church-officers were maintained (so far as they re- 
quired it) by the contributions of those in whose service they laboured. 
St. Paul lays down, in the strongest manner, their right to such mainten- 
ance ;7 yet, at the same time, we find that he very rarely accepted the 
offerings, which, in the exercise of this right, he might himself have claimed. 
He preferred to labour with his own hands for his own support, that he 


1 Rom. xvi. 1. See p. 435, n. 1. 2 Eph. iv. 11. 

3 A similar classification occurs 1 Cor. xii. 285; viz., lst, Apostles; 2dly, Prophets ; 
srdly, Teachers. 

4 See above, p. 434, n. 7 5 Acts xxi. 8. 

* 2 Tim, iy. 5. 7 1 Cor. ix. 7-14. 


VONSTITUTION OF TUE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 434 


might put his disinterested motives beyond the possibility of suspicion ; 
and he advises the*presbyters of the Ephesian Church to follow his exam 
ple in this respect, that so they might be able to contribute, by their own 
exertions, to the support of the helpless. 

The mode of appointment to these different offices varied with the 
nature of the office itseif. The Apostles, as we have seen, received their 
commission directly from Christ himself ; the Prophets were appointed by 
that inspiration which they received from the Holy Spirit, yet their claims 
would be subjected to the judgment of those who had received’ the gift of 
discernment of spirits. 'The Evangelists were sent on particular missions 
from time to time, by the Christians with whom they lived (but not with- 
out a special revelation of the Holy Spirit’s will to that effect), as the 
Church of Antioch sent away Paul and Barnabas to evangelise Cyprus. 
The presbyters and deacons were appointed by the Apostles themselves 
(as' at Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch in Pisidia), or by their deputies, as 
in the case of Timothy and Titus; yet, in all such cases, it is not im- 
probable that the concurrence of the whole body of the Church was ob- 
tained ; and it is possible that in other cases, as well as in the appoint- 
ment of the seven Hellenists, the officers of the Church may have been 
elected by the Church which they were to serve. 

In all cases, so far as we may infer from the recorded instances in the 
Acts, those who were selected for the performance of Church offices were 
solemnly set apart for the duties to which they devoted themselves. "118 
ordination they received, whether the office to which they were called was 
permanent or temporary. ‘The Church, of which they were members, 
devoted a preparatory season to “‘ fasting and prayer ;” and then those who 
were to be set apart were consecrated to their work by that solemn and 
touching symbolical act, the laying on of hands, which has been ever since 
appropriated to the same purpose and meaning. And thus, in answer to 
the faith and prayers of the Church, the spiritual gifts necessary for the 
performance of the office were? bestowed by Him who is “the Lord and 
Giver of Life.” 

Having thus briefly attempted to describe the Offices of the Apostolic 
Church, we pass to the consideration of its Ordinances. Of these, the 
chief were, of course, those two sacraments ordained by Christ himself, 
which have been the heritage of the Universal Church throughout all sue- 
seeding ages. ‘The sacrament of Baptism was regarded as the door of 
entrance into the Christian Church, and was held to be so indispensable 
that it could not be omitted even in the case of St. Paul. We have seen 
that although he had been called to the apostleship by the direct interven 

1 Acts xiv. 21. 


® Compare 2 Tim i. 6, “The gift of God which is in thee by the putting on of my 
bands.” ᾿ 


438 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


tion of Christ himself, yet he was commanded to receive baptism at the 
hands of a simple disciple. In ordinary cases, the sole condition 1equired 
for baptism was, that the persons to be baptized should acknowledge Jesus 
as the Messiah,' “ declared to be the Son of God with power, by his resur- 
rection from the dead.” In this acknowledgment was virtually involved 
the readiness of the new converts to submit to the guidance of those whom 
Christ had appointed as the Apostles and teachers of His Church ; and 
we find’ that they were subsequently instructed in the truths of Christi- 
anity, and were taught the true spiritual meaning of those ancient μιο- 
phecies, which (if Jews) they had hitherto interpreted of a human 
conqueror and an earthly kingdom. This instruction, however, took plave 
after baptism, not before it ; and herein we remark a great and striking 
difference from the subsequent usage of the Church. For, not long after 
the time of the Apesties, the primitive practice in this respect was com- 
pletely reversed ; in all cases the convert was,subjected to a long course of 
preliminary instruction before he was admitted to baptism, and in some 
instances the catechumen remained unbaptized till the hour of death ; for 
thus he thought to escape the strictness of ἃ Christian life, and fancied that 
a death-bed baptism would operate magically upon his spiritual condition, 
and ensure his salvation, The Apostolic practice of immediate baptism 
would, had it been retained, have guarded the Church from so baneful a 
superstition. 

It has been questioned whether the Apostles baptized adults only, or 
whether they admitted infants also into the Church ; yet we cannot but 
think it almost demonstratively proved that infant baptism was their 

1 This condition would (at first sight) appear as if only applicable to Jews or Jewish 
proselytes, who already were looking for a Messiah; yet, since the acknowledgment 
of Jesus as the Messiah involves in itself, when rightly understood, the whole of Chris- 
tianity, it was a sufficient foundation for the faith of Gentiles also. In the case both 
of Jews and Gentiles, the thing required, in the first instance, was a belief in the testi- 
mony of the Apostles, that ‘this Jesus had God raised up,” and thus had “ made that 
same Jesus, whom they had crucified, both Lord and Christ.” The most important 
passages, as bearing on this subject, are the baptism and confirmation of the Samaritan 
converts (Acts viii.), the account of the baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts viii.), 
of Cornelius (Acts x.), of the Philippian gaoler (Acts xvi.) (the only case where the 
baptism of a non-proselyted keathen is recorded), of John’s disciples at Ephesus 


(Acts xix.), and the statement in Rom. x. 9, 10. 

2 This appears from such passages as Gal. vi. 6, 1 Thess. ν. 12, Acts xx. 20, 28, and 
many others. ς 

3 It is at first startling to find Neander, with his great learning and candor, taking 
an opposite view. Yet the arguments on which he grounds his opinion, both in the 
Planting and Leading and in the Church History, seem plainly inconclusive. He 
himself acknowledges that the principles laid down by St. Paul (1 Cor. vii. 14) con- 
tain a justification of infant baptism, and he admits that it was practised in the time 
of Irenxeus. His chief reason against thinking it an Apostolical practice (Church His- 
tory, sect. 3) is, that Tertullian opposed it; but Tertullian does not pretend to call it 
wo innovation. Surely if infant baptism had not been sanctioned by the Apostles, we 


ORDINANCES OF THE CHURCH. 433 


nractice. This seems evident, not merely because (had it been otherwise’ 
we must have foundsome traces of the first introduction of infant baptism 
afterwards, but also because the very idea of the Apostolic baptisin, as 
the entrance into Christ’s kingdom, implies that it could not have been 
refused to infants without violating the command of Christ: “ Suffer little 
children to come unto me, and forbid them not, for of such is the kingdom 
of heaven.” Again, St. Paul expressly says that the children of a Chris- 
tian parent were to be looked upon as consecrated to God (ἅγιοι) by virtue 
of their very birth ;' and it would have been most inconsistent with this 
view, as well as with the practice in the case of adults, to delay the recep- 
tion of infants into the Church till they had been fully instructed in Chris- 
tian doctrine, . 

We know from the Gospels * that the new converts were baptized “1n 
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.” And 
after the performance*® of the sacrament, an outward sign was given that 
God was indeed present with His Church, through the mediation of The 
Son, in the person of The Spirit ; for the baptized converts, when the 
Apostles had laid their hands on them, received some spiritual gift, either 
the power of working miracles, or of speaking in tongues, bestowed upon 
each of them by Him who “ divideth to every man severally as He will.” 
It is needless to add that baptism was (unless in exceptional cases) ad- 
ministered by immersion, the convert being plunged beneath the surface of 
the water to represent his death to the life of sin, and then raised from 
this momentary burial to represent his resurrection to the life of right 
eousness. It must be a subject of regret that the general discontinuance 
of this original form of baptism (though perhaps necessary in our northern 
climates) has rendered obscure to popular apprehension some very import- 
ant passages of Scripture. 

With regard to the other sacrament, we know both from the Acts and 
the Epistles how constantly the Apostolic Church obeyed their Lord’s 
command : “Do this in remembrance of me.” Indeed it would seem that 
originally their common meals were ended, as that memorable feast at 
Emmaus had been, by its celebration ; so that, as at the first to those 
should have found some one at least among the many churches of primitive Chiisten- 
dom resisting its introduction. 

1 1 Cor. vii. 14. 

* Matt. xxviii. 19. We cannot agree with Néander (Planting and Leading, 1, 25 und 
188) that the evidence of this positive command is at all impaired by our finding bap- 
tism described in the Acts and Epistles as baptism into the name of Jesus ; the latter 
seems a condensed expression which would naturally be employed, just as we now 
speak of Christian baptism. The answer of St. Paul to the disciples of John the Bap- 
tist at Ephesus (Acts xix. 3), isa strong argument that the name of the Holy Ghost 
occurred in the baptismal formula then employed. 


3 The case of Cornelius, in which the gifts of the Holy Spirit were’ bestowed before 
baptism, was an exception to the ordinary rule. 


440 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 1. PAUL. 


two disviples, their Lord’s presence was daily “made knewn unto them i 
the breaking of bread.”! Subsequently the vommunion was adininistered 
at the close of the public feasts of love (ἄγαπαι ") at which the Christians 
met to realise their fellowship one with another, and to partake together, 
rich and poor, masters and slaves, on equal terms, of the common meal, 
But this practice led to abuses, as we see in the case of the Corinthiar 
Church, where the very idea of the ordinance was violated by the provid- 
ing of different food for the rich and poor, and where some of the former 
were even guilty of intemperance. Consequently a change was made, and 
the communion administered before instead of after the meal, and finally 
separated from it altogether. 

The festivals observed by the Apostolic Church were at first the same 
with those of the Jews; and the observance of these was continued, 
especially by the Christians of Jewish birth, for a considerable time. A 
higher and more spiritual meaning, however, was attached to their cele 
bration ; and particularly the Paschal feast was kept, no longer as a 
shadow of good things to come, but as the commemoration of blessings 
actually bestowed in the death and resurrection of Christ. Thus we 
already see the germ of our Easter festival in the exhortation which St. 
Pau! gives to the Corinthians concerning the manner in which they should 
celebrate the paschal feast. Nor was it only at this annual feast that they 
kept in memory the resurrection of their Lord ; every Sunday likewise was 
a festival in memory of the same event ; the Church never failed to meet 
for common prayer and praise on that day of the week ; and it very soon 
acquired the name of the “ Lord’s Day,” which it has since retained. 

But the meetings of the first converts for public worship were not 
confined to a single day of the week; they were always frequent, often 
daily. ‘The Jewish Christians met at first in Jerusalem in some of the 
courts of the temple, there to join in the prayers and hear the teaching of 
Peter and John. Afterwards the private houses* of the more vpulent 
Christians were thrown open to furnish their brethren with a place of 
assembly ; and they met for prayer and praise in some “upper chamber,” 4 
with the “doors'shut for fear of the Jews.” he outward form and order 
of their worship differed very materially from our own, as\indeed was 
necessarily the case where so many of the worshippers were under the 
miraculous influence of the Holy Spirit. Some were filled with prophetic 
inspiration ; some constrained to pour forth their ecstatic feelings in the 
exercise of the gift of tongues, ‘‘ as the Spirit gave them utterance.” We 
gee, from St. Paul’s directions to the Corinthians, that there was danger 


1 Luke xxiv. 35. 

3 Jude xii. This is the custom to which Pliny alludes, when he describes the Chrie 
finns meeting to partake of cibus promiscwus et innoxius (Ep. x. 97). 

3 See Rom. xvi. 5, and 1 Cor. xvi. 19, and Acts xviii. 7. 

4 “The upper chamber where they were gathered together.” Acts xx. 8. 


DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH. 44] 


even then lest their worship should degenerate into a scene of confusion, 
from the number who wished to take part in the publie ministrations ; and 
he lays down rules which show that even the exercise of supernatural gifts 
was to be restrained, if it tended to violate the orderly celebration of 
public worship. He directs that not more than two or three should pro- 
phecy in the same assembly ; and that those who had the gift of tongues 
should not exercise it, unless some one present had the gift of interpreta- 
tion, and could explain their utterances to the congregation. He also for- 
bids women (even though some of them might be prophetesses') to speak 
in the public assembly ; and desires that they should appear veiled, as 
became the modesty of their sex. 

In the midst of so much diversity, however, the essential parts of 
public worship were the same then as now, for we find that prayer was 
made, and thanksgiving offered up, by those who officiated, and that the 
congregation signified their assent by a unanimous Amen.’ Psalms also 
were chanted, doubtless to some of those ancient Hebrew melodies which 
have been handed down, not improbably to our own times, in the simplest 
form of ecclesiastical music ; and addresses of exhortation or instruction 
were given by those whom the gift of prophecy, or the gift of teaching, 
had fitted for the task. 

But whatever were the other acts of devotion in which these assem- 
blies were employed, it seems probable that the daily worship always con- 
cluded with the celebration of the Holy Communion. And as in this the 
members of the Church expressed and realised the closest fellowship, not 
only with their risen Lord, but also with each other, so it was customary 
to symbolise this latter union by the interchange of the kiss of peace be- 
fore the sacrament, a practice to which St. Paul frequently alludes.‘ 

It would have been well if the inward love and harmony of the Church 
had really corresponded with the outward manifestation of it in this touch- 
ing ceremony. But this was not the case, even while the Apostles them- 
selves poured out the wine and broke the bread which symbolised the per- 
fect union of the members of Christ’s body. The kiss of peace sometimes 
only veiled the hatred of warring factions. So, St. Paul expresses to the 


1 Acts xxi. 9. 1 Cora χιν. 10: 

3 This seems proved by 1 Cor, xi. 20, where St. Paul appears to assume that the very 
object of συνελθεῖν ἐν ἐκκλησιᾷ was κυρίακον δείπνον φαγεῖν, As the Lord’s Supper 
was originally the conclusion of the Agape, it was celebrated in the evening; and pro- 
bably, therefore, evening was the time, on ordinary occasions, for the meeting of the 
church. This was certainly the case in Acts xx. 8; a passage which Neander must 
have overlooked when he says (Church History, sect. 3) that the church service in the 
time of the Apostles was held early in the morning. There are obvious reasons why 
the evening would have been the most proper time for a service wh.ch was to ke attended 
by those whose day was spent in “ working with their hands,”’ 

4 See note cn 1 Thess. v. 26. 


449 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PALL. 


Corinthians his grief at hearing that there were “ divisions smong them," 
which showed themselves when they met together for public worship. 
The earliest division of the Christian Church into opposing parties was 
caused by the Judaizing teachers, of whose factious efforts in Jerusalem 
and elsewhere we have already spoken. Their great object was to turn 
the newly converted Christians into Jewish proselytes, who should differ 
from other Jews only in the recognition of Jesus as the Messiah. In 
their view the natural posterity of Abraham were still as much as ever 
the theocratic nation, entitled to God’s exclusive favour, to which the rest 
of mankind could only be admitted by becoming Jews. Those members 
of this party who were really sincere believers in Christianity, probably 
expected that a majority of their countrymen, finding their own national 
privileges thus acknowledged and maintained by the Christians, would on 
their part more willingly acknowledge Jesus as their Messiah ; and thus 
they fancied that the Christian Church would gain a larger accession of 
members than could ever accrue to it from isolated Gentile converts: so 
that they probably justified their opposition to St. Paul on grounds not 
only of Jewish but of Christian policy ; for they imagined that by his 
admission of uncircumcised Gentiles into the full membership of the 
Church, he was repelling far more numerous converts of Israelitish birth, 
who would otherwise have accepted the doctrine of Jesus. This belief 
(which in itself, and seen from their point of view, in that age, was not 
unreasonable) might have enabled them to excuse to their consciences, as 
Christians, the bitterness of their opposition to the great Christian Apos- 
tle. But in considering them as a party, we must bear in mind that they 
felt themselves more Jews than Christians. They acknowledged Jesus of 
Nazareth as the promised Messiah, and so far they were distinguished 
from the rest of their countrymen ; but the Messiah himself, they thought, 
was only a “Saviour of His people Israel ;” and they ignored that true 
meaning of the ancient prophecies, which St. Paul was inspired to reveal 
to the Universal Church, teaching us that the “excellent things” which 
are spoken of the people of God, and the city of God, in the Old Testa 
ment, are to be by us interpreted of the “household of faith,” and “the 
heavenly Jerusalem.” 

We have seen that the Judaizers at first insisted upon the observance 
of the law of Moses, and especially of circumcision, as an absolute re- 
quisite for admission into the Church, ‘‘ saying, Except ye be circumcised 
after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved.” But after the decision 
of the “ Council of Jerusalem” it was impossible for them to require this 
rondition ; they therefore altered their tactics, and as the decrees of the 
Council seemed to assume that the Jewish Christians would continue te 
abserve the Mosaic Law, the Judaizers teak advantage of this to insist 


DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH. 448 


on the necessity of a separation between those who kept the whole law 
and all others; they taught that the uncircumcised were in a lower com 
dition as to spiritual privileges, and at a greater distance from God, 
and that only the circumcised converts were in a state of full acceptance 
with Him: in short, they kept the Gentile converts who would not sub 
mit to circumcision on the same footing as the proselytes of the gate, and 
treated the circumcised alone as proselytes of righteousness. When we 
comprehend all that was involved in this, we can easily understand the 
energetic opposition with which their teaching was met by St. Paul. It 
was no mere question of outward observance, no matter of indifference 
(as it might at first sight appear), whether the Gentile converts were cir- 
cumcised or not ; on the contrary, the question at stake was nothing less 
than this, whether Christians should be merely a Jewish sect under the 
bondage of a ceremonial law, and only distinguished from other Jews by 
believing that Jesus was the Messiah, or whether they should be the 
Catholic Church of Christ, owning no other allegiance but to Him, freed 
from the bondage of the letter, and bearing the seal of their inheritance 
no longer in their bodies, but in their hearts. We can understand now 
the full truth of his indignant remonstrance, “If ye be circumcised, Christ 
shall profit you nothing.” And we can understand also the exasperation 
which his teaching must have produced in those who held the very anti- 
thesis of this, namely, that Christianity without circumcision was utterly 
worthless. Hence their long and desperate struggle to destroy the influ- 
ence of St. Paul in every Church which he founded or visited ; in Antioch, 
in Galatia, in Corinth, in Jerusalem, and in Rome. For ashe was in truth 
the great prophet divinely commissioned to reveal the catholicity of the 
Christian Church, so he appeared to them the great apostate, urged by 
the wurst motives! to break down the fence and root up the hedge, which 
separated the heritage of the Lord from a godless world, 

We shall not be surprised at their success in creating divisions in the 
Churches to which they came, when we remember that the nucleus of all 
those Churches was a body of converted Jews and proselytes. The 
Judaizing emissaries were ready to flatter the prejudices of the influential 
body ; nor did they abstain (as we know both from tradition and from hig 
own letters) from insinuating the most scandalous charges against their 
great opponent.* And thus, in every Christian church established by St. 


1 That curious apocryphal book, the Clementine Recognitions, contains, in a modi- 
fied form, a record of the view taken by the Judaizers of St. Paul, from the pen of the 
Judaizing party itself, in the pretended epistle of Peter to James. The English reader 
should consult the interesting remarks of Mr. Stanley on the Clementines (Stanley’s 
Sermons, p. 914, &c.), and also Neander’s-Church History (American translation, 
vol. ii. p. 35, &c.). 

? We learn from Epiphanius that the Ebionites accused St. Paul of renouncirg 


144. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Paul, there sprang up, as we shall see, a schismatic party, opposed to his 
teaching and hostile to his person. 

This great Judaizing party was of course subdivided into various see 
tions, united in their main object, but distinguished by minor shades of 
difference. Thus, we find at Corinth, that it comprehended two factions, 
the one apparently distinguished from the other by a greater degree of 
violence. ‘The more moderate called themselves the followers of Peter, or 
rather of Cephas, for they preferred to use his Hebrew name.' These 
dwelt much upon our Lord’s special promises to Peter, and the necessary 
inferiority of St. Paul to him who was divinely ordained to be the rock 
whereon the Church should be built. They insinuated that St. Pau. felt 
doubts about his own Apostolic authority, and did not dare to claim the 
right of maintenance,” which Christ had expressly given to His true Apos- 
tles. They also depreciated him as a maintainer of celibacy, and con- 
trasted him in this respect with the great Pillars of the Church, “ the 
brethren of the Lord and Cephas,” who were married.* And no doubt 
they declaimed against the audacity of a converted persecutor, “ born 
into the Church out of due time,” in “ withstanding to the face” the chief 
of the Apostles. A still more violent section called themselves, by a 
strange misnomer, the party of Christ.1 These appear to have laid great 
stress upon the fact, that Paul had never seen or known Our Lord while 
on earth; and they claimed for themselves a peculiar connexion with 
Christ, as having either been among the number of His disciples, or at 
least as being in close connexion with the “brethren of the Lord,” and 
especially with James, the head of the Church at Jerusalem. ΤῸ this 
subdivision probably belonged the emissaries who professed to come 
“from James,”*® and who created a schism in the Church of Antioch. 

Connected to a certain extent with the Judaizing party, but yet to be 
earefully distinguished from it, were those Christians who are known in 
the New Testament as the ‘‘ weak brethren.”® These were not a factious 
or schismatic party ; nay, they were not, properly speaking, a party at all. 


Judaism because he was a rejected candidate for the hand of the High Priest’s daugh- 
ter. See p. 97. 

1 The MS. reading is Cephas, not Peter, in those passages where the language of 
the Judaizers is referred to. See note on Gal. i. 18. 

* 1 Cor. ix. 4,6. 2,Cor. xi. 10. 3 1 Cor. ix. 5. 

4 Such appears the most natural explanation of the Χριστοῦ party (1 Cor. i. 12). 
De Wette’s view of it is different, and will be found in the Introduction to his Com- 
mentary on the Epistle. Another hypothesis is stated and defended at length by 
Neander. (Planting and Leading, p. 383, &c.) It appears to us that both De Wette’s 
view and Neander’s is inconsistent with 2 Cor. x. 7—elri¢ πέποιθεν ἑαυτῷ Χριστοῦ 
εἶναι, τοῦτο λογιζέσθω πάλιν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ὅτι καθὼς αὐτὸς Χριστοῦ οὕτω καὶ ἡμεῖς 
Χριστοῦ; for surely St. Paul would never have said, “4s those who claim some 
imaginary communion with Christ belong to Christ, so also do I belong to Christ.”’ 

5 Gal. ii. 12. 6 Rom. xiv. 1, 2. Ront. xv. 1. 1 Cor. viii. 7. ix. 22. 


DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH, 445 


They were individual converts of Jewish extraction, whose minds were not 
as yet sufficiently enlightened to comprehend the fulness of “ the liberty 
with which Christ had made them free.” ‘Their conscience was sensitive, 
and filied with scruples, resulting from early habit and old prejudices ; but 
they did not join in the violence of the Judaizing bigots, and there waa 
even a danger lest they should be led, by the example of their more en- 
lightened brethren, to wound their own conscience, by joining in acts 
which they, in their secret hearts, thought wrong. Nothing is more bean- 
tiful than the tenderness and sympathy which St; Paul shows towards 
these weak Christians ; while he plainly sets before them their mistake, 
and shows that their prejudices result from ignorance, yet he has no 
sterner rebuke for them than to express his confidence in their further en- 
lightenment : “If in anything ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal 
even this unto you.”! So great is his anxiety lest the liberty which they 
witnessed in others should tempt them to blunt the delicacy of their moral 
feeling, that he warns his more enlightened converts to abstain from lawful 
indulgences, lest they cause the weak to stumble. “If meat make my 
brother to offend, I will eat no meat while the world standeth, lest I make 
my brother to offend.”* “‘ Brethren, ye have been called unto liberty, 
only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one an- 
other.” “ Destroy not him with thy meat for whom Christ died.” 4 
These latter warnings were addressed by St. Paul to a party very dif: 
ferent from those of whom we have previously spoken ; a party who called 
themselves (as we see from his epistle to Corinth) by his own name, and 
professed to follow his teaching, yet were not always animated by his spirit. 
There was an obvious danger lest the opponents of the Judaizing section 
of the Church should themselves imitate one of the errors of their antago- 
nists, by combining as partizans rather than as Christians ; St. Paul feels 
himself necessitated to remind them that the very idea of the Catholic 
Church excludes all party combinations from its pale, and that adverse 
factions, ranging themselves under human leaders, involve a contradiction 
to the Christian name. ‘Is Christ divided ? was Paul crucified for you? 
or were you baptized into the name or Paul?” “ Who then is Paul, and 
who is Apollos, but ministers by whom ye believed?” ® 
The Pauline party (as they called themselves) appear to have ridi- 

culed the scrupulosity of their less enlightened brethren, and to have felt 
for them a contempt inconsistent with the spirit of Christian love. And 
in their opposition to the Judaizers, they showed a bitterness of feeling 

t Phil. iii. 15. 2 1.Cor. viii. 13. 

3 Gal. v. 13. 4 Rom. xiy. 15. 

5 1 Cor. i. 13, and 1 Cor. iii. 5. 


6 Rom. xiv. 10. “Why dost thou despise (ἐξουθενεῖς) thy brother?” 18 a question 
sadressed to this party. 


146 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


and violence of action,! too like that of their opponents. Some of them, 
also, were inclined to exult over the fall of God’s ancient people, and te 
plory in their own position, as though it had been won by supericr merit. 
These are rebuked by St. Paul for their “ boasting,” and warned against its 
consequences. ‘‘ Be not high-minded, but fear ; for if God spared not the 
natural branches, take heed lest He also spare not thee.”* One section 
of this party seems to have united these errurs with one still more danger- 
ous to the simplicity of the Christian faith ; they received Christianity 
more in an intellectuakthan a moral aspect ; not as a spiritual religion, so 
much as a new system of philosophy. This was a phase of error most 
likely to occur among the disputatious* reasoners who abounded in the 
oreat Greek cities ; and, accordingly, we find the first trace of its exist- 
ence at Corinth. There it took a peculiar form, in consequence of the ar- 
rival of Apollos as a Christian teacher, soon after the departure of St. 
Paul. He was a Jew of Alexandria, and as such had received that Gre- 
cian cultivation, and had acquired that familiarity with Greek philosophy, 
which distinguished the more learned Alexandrian Jews. Thus he was 
able to adapt his teaching to the taste of his philosophising hearers at 
Corinth far more than St. Paul could do ; and, indeed, the latter had pur- 
posely abstained from even attempting this at Corinth.‘ Accordingly, the 
School which we have mentioned called themselves the followers of Apol- 
los, and extolled his philosophic views, in opposition to the simple and un- 
learned simplicity which they ascribed to the style of St. Paul. It is easy 
to perceive in the temper of this portion of the Church the germ of that 
rationalising tendency which afterwards developed itself into the Greek 
element of Gnosticism. Already, indeed, although that heresy was not 
yet invented, some of the worst opinions of the worst Gnostics found δᾶ: 
vocates among those who called themselves Christians ; there was, even 
now, a party in the Church which defended fornication® on theory, and 
which denied the resurrection of the dead.¢ These heresies probably ori- 
ginated with those who (as we have observed) embraced Christianity as a 
new philosophy ; some of whom attempted, with a perverted ingenuity, to 
extract from its doctrines a justification of the immoral life to which they 
were addicted. Thus, St. Paul had taught that the law was dead to true 
Christians ; meaning thereby, that those who were penetrated by the Holy 
Spirit, and made one with Christ, worked righteousness, not in conse 
quence of a law of precepts and penalties, but through the necessary ope- 
ration of the spiritual principle within them. For, as the law against 


1 See the admonitions addressed #0 the zvev ματικοί in Gal. v. 13, 14, 26, and Gal 
vi. 1-5, 

3 Rom. xi. 17-22. 3 The συζητηταὶ τοῦ αἰῶνος τούὔύτοι, 1 Cor. i. 20. 

4 1 Cor. ii. 1. 

* Sec 1 Cor. vi. 9-20. 6 See 1 Cor. xy. 12. 


HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 447 


theft might be said to be dead to a rich man (because he would feel ne 
temptation to break it), so the whole moral law would be dead to a per- 
fect Christian ;! hence, to a real Christian, it might in one sense be truly 
paid that prohabitions were abolished? But the heretics of whom we are 
speaking took this proposition ina sense the very opposite to that whick 
it really conveyed ; and whereas St. Paul taught that prohibitions were 
abolished for the righteous, they maintained that all things were lawful te 
the wicked. “The law is dead”* was their motto, and their practice was 
what the practice of Antinomians in all ages has been. “ Let us continue 
in sin, that grace may abound” was their horrible perversion of the Hvan- 
gelical revelation that God is love. ‘In Christ Jesus, neither circum- 
cision availeth anything, nor uncircumcision.”* ‘The letter killeth, but 
the Spirit giveth life.”° ‘ Meat commendeth us not to God ; for neither 
if we eat are we the better, nor if we eat not are we the worse;”* “ the 
kingdom of God is not meat and drink.”7 Such were the words in which 
St. Paul expressed the great truth, that religion is not a matter of outward 
ceremonies, but of inward life. But these heretics caught up the words, 
and inferred that all outward acts were indifferent, and none could be 
criminal. They advocated the most unrestrained indulgence of the pas- 
sions, and took for their maxim the worst precept of Hpicurean atheism, 
“let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.” It is in the wealthy and 
vicious citics of Rome and Corinth that we find these errors first manifest- 
ing themselves ; and in the voluptuous atmosphere of the latter it was not 
unnatural that there should be some who would seek in a new religion an 
excuse for their old vices, and others who would easily be led astray by 
those “ evil communications ” whose corrupting influence the Apostle him- 
self mentions as the chief source of this mischief. 

The Resurrection of the Dead was denied in the same city and by the 
same ὃ party ; nor is it strange that as the sensual Felix trembled when 
Paul preached to him of the judgment to come, so these profligate cavil- 
lers shrank from the thought of that tribunal before which account must 
be given of the things done in the body. Perhaps, also (as some have in- 
ferred from St. Paul’s refutation of these heretics), they had misunder- 
stood the Christian doctrine, which teaches us to believe in the resurree- 
tion of a spiritual body, as though it had asserted the re-animation of 
“this vile body” of “flesh and blood,” which “ cannot inherit the kingdom 

! This state would be perfectly realised if the renovation of heart were complete ; 
and it is practically realised in proportion as the Christian’s spiritual union with Christ 
approaches its theoretic standard, We may believe that it was perfectly realised by 
Kt. Paul when he wrote Gal. ii. 20, 

3 Compare 1 Tim. 1, 9.—dikaiw νόμος οὐ κεῖται. 

8 ἸΙάντα μοι ἔξεστιν, 1 Cor. vi. 12. 4 Gal. v. 6. 


δ 2 Cor. iii. 6. 6 1 Cor. viii. 8 7 Rom. xiv. 17. 
* Thie is proved by 1 Cor. xv. 33, 34. 


448 imk LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of God ;” or it is possible that a materialistic philosophy! led them te 
maintain that when the body had crumbled away in the grave, or been 
consumed on the funeral pyre, nothing of the man remained in being. In 
either case, they probably explained away the doctrine of the Resurrec- 
tion as a metaphor, similar to that employed by St. Paul when he says 
that baptism is the resurrection of the new convert ;* thus they would 
agree with those later heretics (of whom were Hymenaus and Phitetus) 
who taught ‘ that the Resurrection was past already.” 


Hitherto we have spoken of those divisions and heresies which appear 
to have sprung up in the several Churches founded by St. Paul at the 
earliest period of their history, almost immediately after their conversion. 
Beyond this period we are not yet arrived in St. Paul’s life ; and from his 
conversion even to the time of his imprisonment, his conflict wus mainly 
with the Jews or Judaizers. But there were other forms of error which 
harassed his declining years ; and these we will now endeavour (although 
anticipating the course of our biography) shortly to describe, so that it 
may not be necessary afterwards to revert to the subject, and at the same 
time that particular cases, which will meet us in the Epistles, may be un- 
derstood in their relation to the generai religious aspect of the time. 

We have seen that, in the earliest epoch of the Church, there were two 
elements of error which had already shown themselves ; namely, the bigot- 
ed, exclusive, and superstitious tendency, which was of Jewish origin ; and 
the pseudo-philosephic, or rationalising tendency, which was of Grecian 
birth. In the early period of which we have hitherto spoken, and on- 
wards till the time of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, the first of these 
tendencies was the principal source of danger; but after this, as the 
Church enlarged itself, and the number of Gentile converts more and more 
exceeded that of the Jewish Christians, the case was altered. The catho- 
licity of the Church became an established fact, and the Judaizers, properly 
so called, ceased to exist as an influential party anywhere except in Pales- 
tine. Yet still, though the Jews were forced to give up their exclusive- 
ness, and to acknowledge the uncircumcised as ‘fellow heirs and of the same 
body,” their superstition remained, and became a fruitful source of mis- 
chief. On the other hand, those who sought for nothing more in Christi- 
anity than a new philosophy, were naturally increased in number, in pro 
portion as the Church gained converts from the educated classes ; the lee: 
turers in the schools of Athens, the ‘‘ wisdom seekers” of Corinth, the An: 
tinomian perverters of St. Paul’s teaching, and the Platonising rabbis of 
Alexandria, all would share in this tendency. The latter, indeed, as rep 


1 Tf this were the case, we must suppose them to have been of Epicurean tendencies, 
and, so far, different from the later Platonising Gnostics, who denied the Resurrectioz 
2 Col. ii. 12. Compare Rom. vi. 4. 


HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 4.8 


resented by the learned Philo, had already attempted to construct a sys 
tem of Judaic Platonism, which explained away almost all the peculiari 
ties of the Mosaic theology into accordance with the doctrines of the Aca- 
demy. And thus the way was already paved for the introduction of that 
most curious amalgam of Hellenic and Oriental speculation with Jewish 
superstition, which was afterwards called the Gnostic heresy. It is a dis 
puted point at what time this heresy made its first appearance in the 
Church ; some! think that it had already commenced in the Church of 
Corinth when St. Paul warned tnem to beware of the knowledge ( Gnosis) 
which puffeth up; others maintain that it did not originate till the time 
of Basilides, long after the last Apostle had fallen asleep in Jesus. Per- 
haps, however, we may consider this as a difference rather about the defi- 
nition of a term than the history of a sect. If we define Gnosticism to be 
that combination of Orientalism and Platonism held by the followers of 
Basilides or Valentinus, and refuse the title of Gnostic to any but those 
who adopted their system in its full-grown absurdity, no doubt we must 
not place the Gnostics among the heretics of the Apostolic age. But if, 
on the other hand (as seems most natural), we define a Gnostic to be one 
who claims the possession of a peculiar “ Gnosis” (2. 6. a deep and philo 
sophic insight into the mysteries of theology, unattainable by the vulgar), 
then it is indisputable that Gnosticism had begun when St. Paul warned 
Timothy against those who laid claim to a “knowledge falsely so called " 
(ψευδώνυμος γνῶσις). And, moreover, we find that, even in the Apostolic 
age, these arrogant speculators had begun to blend with their Hellenic phi- 
losophy certain fragments of Jewish superstition, which afterwards were 
incorporated into the Cabbala.? In spite, however, of the occurrence of 
such Jewish elements, those heresies which troubled the later years of St. 
Paul, and afterwards of St. John, were essentially rather of Gentile 4 than 
of Jewish origin. So far as they agreed with the later Gnosticism, this 


1 This is the opinion of Dr. Burton, the great English authority on the Gnostic 
heresy. (Lectures, pp. 84, 85.) We cannot refer to this eminent theologian without 
expressing our obligation to his writings, and our admiration for that union of pro- 
found learning with clear good sense and candour which distinguishes him. His pre- 
mature death robed the Church of England of a writer who, had his life been spared, 
would have been inferior to none of its brightest ornaments, 

? Neander well observes, that the essential feature in Gnosticism is its re-establishing 
an aristocracy of knowledge in religion, and rejecting the Christian principle which 
recognises no religious distinctions between rich and poor, learned and ignorant 
Church History, sect. 4. 

3 Thus the “ genealogies”? mentioned in the Pastoral Epistles were probably thosa 
speculations about the emanations of spiritual beings found in the Cabbala; at least, 
such is Burton’s opinion, (Pp. 114 and 413.) And the angel worship at Colosse be- 
longed to the same class of superstitions. Dr. Burton has shown (pp. 304-306) that 
the later Gnostic theories of eons and emanations were derived, in some measure, from 
Jewish sources, although the essential character of Gnosticism is entirely Anti-Judaical 

4 See the note at the end of this Chapter. 

VOL. I.—29 


«0 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 850. PAUL. 


must certainly have been the case, for we know that it was a characteris 
‘ic of all the Gnostic sects to despise the Jewish Scriptures, Moreover 
those who laid claims to “ Gnosis” at Corinth (as we have scen) were 4 
Gentile party, who professed to adopt St. Paul’s doctrine of the abolition 
of the law, and perverted it into Antinomianism : in short, they were the 
opposite extreme to the Judaizing party. Nor need we be surprised te 
find that some of these philosophising heretics adopted some of the wildest 
superstitions of the Jews; for these very superstitions were not so much 
the natural growth of Judaism as ingrafted upon it by its Rabbinical cor- 
rupters and derived from Oriental sources, And there was a strong affi- 
nity between the neo-Platonic philosophy of Alexandria and the Oriental 
theosophy which sprang from Buddhism and other kindred systems, and 
which degenerated into the practice of magic and incantations. 

It is not necessary, however, that we should enter into any discussion 
of the subsequent development of these errors ; our subject only reqnires 
that we give an outline of the forms which they assumed during the 
hfetime of St. Paul; and this we can only do very imperfectly, because 
the allusions in St. Paul’s writings are so few and so brief, that they give 
us but little information. Still, they suffice to show the main features of 
the heresies which he condemns, especially when we compare them with 
notices in other parts of the New Testament, and with the history of the 
Church in the succeeding century. 

We may consider these heresies, first, in their doctrinal, and, secouaie? 
in their practical, aspect. With regard to the former, we find that their 
general characteristic was the claim to a deep philosophical insight into 
the mysteries of religion. Thus the Colossians are warned against the 
false teachers who would deceive them by a vain affectation of ‘“ Philoso- 
phy,” and who were “‘ puffed up by a fleshly mind.” (Col.ii. 8,187) So, 
in the Epistle to Timothy, St. Paul speaks of these heretics as falsely 
claiming ‘‘ knowledge” (gnosis). And in the Epistle to the Ephesians (so 
called) he seems to allude to the same boastful assumption, when he 
speaks of the love of Christ as surpassing “ knowledge,” in a passage 
which contains other apparent allusions * to Gnostic doctrine. Connected 
with this claim to a deeper insight into truth than that possessed by the 
uninitiated, was the manner in which some of these heretics explained 
away the facts of revelation by an allegorical interpretation. Thus we . 
find that Hymenzeus and Philetus maintained that “the Resurrection was 
past already.” We have seen that a heresy apparently identical with 
this existed at a very early period in the Church of Corinth, among the 

1 Dr. Burton says :—‘ We find all the Gnostics agreed in rejecting the Jewish Sorip 
tures, or at least in treating them with contempt.” P. 39. 


® Compare ἡ γνῶσις φυσιοῖ, 1 Cor. viii. 1. 
3 Eph. iii. 19. See Dr. Burton’s remarks, Lectures, pp. 83 and 125. 


HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 451 


free-thinking, or pseudo-philosophical, party there ; and all the Gnostic 
sects of the second century were united in denying the resurrection of the 
dead.' Again, we find the Colossian heretics introducing a worship of 
angels, “intruding into those things which they have not seen :” and 
80, in the Pastoral Epistles, the “self-styled Gnostics” (ψευδων. γνωσ.) 
are occupied with “endless genealogies,” which were probably fanciful 
myths, concerning the origin and emanat:on of spiritual beings.* This 
latter is one of the points in which Jewish superstition was blended with 
Gentile speculation ; for we find in the Cabbala,? or collection of Jewish 
traditional theology, many fabulous statements concerning such emana- 
tions. It seems to be a similar superstition which is stigmatised in the 
Pastoral Epistles as consisting of ‘‘ profane and old wives’ fables ;”4 and, 
again, of “Jewish fables and commandments of men.”* The Gnostics of 
the second century adopted and systematised this theory of emanations, 
and it became one of the most peculiar and distinctive features of their 
heresy. But this was not the only Jewish element in the teaching of these 
Colossian heretics ; we find also that they made a point of conscience o1 
observing the Jewish Sabbaths * and festivals, and they are charged with 
clinging to outward rites (στοιχεῖα τοῦ yoouov), and making distinctions 
between the lawfulness of different kinds of food. 

In their practical results, these heresies which we are considering had 
a twofold direction. On one side was an ascetic tendency, such as we find 
at Colosse, showing itself by an arbitrarily invented worship of God,7 an 
affectation of self-humiliation and mortification of the flesh. So, in the 


1 Burton, p. 131.. So Tertullian says: “ Resurrectionem quoque mortuorum mani- 
feste annuntiatam in imaginariam significationem distorquent, asseverantes ipsam etiam 
mortem spiritaliter intelligendam ... et resurrectionem eam vindicandam qua quis 
adita veritate redanimatus ... ignorantiz morte discuss, velut de sepulcro veteris 
hominis eruperit.”? Tertul. de Resurrect. Carnis, xix. 

3 See p. 449, n. 3. According to the Cabbala, there were ten Sephiroth, vi emana- 
tions proceeding from God, which appear to have suggested the Gnostic ons. Upon 
this theory was grafted a system of magic, consisting mainly of the use of Scriptural 
words to produce supernatural effects. 

3 St. Paul denounces “the tradition of men” (Col. ii. 8) as the source of these 
exrors ; and the word Cabbala (4525) means tradition. Dr. Burton says, “ the Cab- 
bala had certainly grown into a system at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem ; 
and there is also evidence that it had been cultivated by the Jewish doctors long 
before.” FP. 298. 

4 1 Tim. iv. 7. 5 Tit. i. 14, 

6 This does not prove them, however, to have been Jews, for the superstitious heatnen 
were also in the habit of adopting some of the rites of Judaism, under the idea of their 
producing some magical effect upon them; as we find from the Roman satirists. Com 
pare Horace, Sat. 1.9, 71. (“Hodie tricesima sabbata,”’ &c.), and Juv. vi. 542-547 
See also some remarks on the Colossian hezetics in onr introductory remarks on tke 
Epistle to the Colossians. 

7 BéeAobpnckeia. 


$52 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Pastoral Epistles, we find the prohibition of marriage,! the enforceé 
abstinence from food, and other bodily mortifications, mentioned as charac 
teristics of heresy.? If this asceticism originated from the Jewish element 
which has been mentioned above, it may be compared with the practice of 
the Essenes, whose existence shows that such ascetism was not inconsistent 
with Judaism, although it was contrary to the views of the Judaizing 
party properly so' called. On the other hand, it may have arisen from 
that abhorrence of matter, and anxiety to free the soul from the dominion 
of the body, which distinguished the Alexandrian Platonists, and which 
(derived from them) became a characteristic of some of the Gnostic sects. 

But this asceticism was a weak and comparatively innocent form, in 
which the practical results of this incipient Gnosticism exhibited them- 
selves. Its really dangerous manifestation was derived, not from its Jew- 
ish, but from its Heathen element. We have seen how this showed itself 
from the first at Corinth ; how men sheltered their immoralities under the 
name of Christianity, and even justified them by a perversion of its doc- 
trines. Such teaching could not fail to find a ready audience wherever 
there were found vicious lives and hardened consciences. Accordingly, 
it was in the luxurious and corrupt population of Asia Minor,’ that this 
early Gnosticism assumed its worst form of immoral practice defended by 
Antinomian doctrine. Thus, in the Epistle to the Ephesians, St. Paul 
warns his readers against the sophistical arguments by which certain false 
teachers strove to justify the sins of impurity, and to persuade them that 
the acts of the body could not contaminate the soul,—‘‘ Let no man deceive 
you with vain words; for because of these things cometh the wrath of 
God upon the children of disobedience.” Hymenseus and Philetus are 
the first leaders of this party mentioned by name: we have seen that 
they agreed with the Corinthian Antinomians in denying the resurrection, 
and they agreed with them no less in practice than in theory. Of the 

1 Which certainly was the reverse of the Judaizing exaltation of marriage. 

? St. Paul declares that these errors shall come “in the last days;” but St. Jonn 
says “ the last days” were come in his time ; and it is implied by St. Paul’s words that 
the evils he denounces were already in action ; just as he had said before to the Thes- 
salonians, τὸ μυστήριον ἤδη ἐνεργεῖται τῆς ἀνομίας (2 Thess. ii. 7), where the peculiar 
expressions ἀνομία and ὁ ἄνομος seem to point to the Antinomian character of these 
heresies. 

3 Both at Colossee and in Crete it seems to have been the Jewish form of these here- 
sies which predominated ; at Colosse they took an ascetic direction; in Crete, among 
a simpler and more provincial population, the false teachers seem to have been hypo- 
erites, who encouraged the vices to which their followers were addicted, and inoculated 
them with foolish superstitions (lovdaixol μύϑοι-μώρας ζητήσεις καὶ γενεαλογίας) ; but 
we do not find in these Epistles any mention of the theoretic Antinomianism which ex- 
isted in some of the great cities, 

4 Eph. v. 6. See also the whole of the warnings in Eph. y. The Epistle, though 


not addressed (at any rate not exclusively) to the Ephesians, was probably sent tg 
several other cities in Asia Minor. 


MERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 452 


first cf them it is expressly said that he' had “cast away a godd con 
seience,” and of both we are told that they showed themselves not to be 
leng to Christ, because they had not His seal ; this seal being described 
as twofold—‘‘ The Lord knoweth them that are His,” and ‘‘ Let every one 
who nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity.”? St. Paul appears 
to imply that though they boasted their “ knowledge of God,” yet that the 
Lord had no knowledge of them ; as our Saviour had himself declared that 
to the claims of such false disciples He would reply, ‘ I never knew you ; 
depart from me, ye workers of iiquily.” But in the same Epistle where 
these heresiarchs are condemned, St. Paul intimates that their principles 
were not yet fully developed; he warns Timothy* that an outburst of 
immorality and lawlessness must be shortly expected within the Church 
beyond anything which had yet been experienced. The same anticipa- 
tion appears in his farewell address to the Ephesian presbyters, and ever 
at the early period of his Epistles to the Thessalonians; and we see from 
the Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude, and from the Apocalypse of St. 
John, all addressed (it should be remembered) to the Churches of Asia 
Minor, that this prophetic warning was soon fulfilled. We find that many 
Christians used their liberty as a cloak of maliciousness ;4 “ promising 
their hearers liberty, yet themselves the slaves of corruption ;”* “ turning 
the grace of God into lasciviousness ;”* that they were justly condemned 
by the surrounding Heathen for their crimes, and even suffered punish- 
ment as robbers and murderers.7_ They were also infamous for the prac- 
tice of the pretended arts of magic and witchcraft,’ which they may have 
borrowed either from the Jewish soothsayers® and exorcisers,” or from the 
Heathen professors of magical arts who so much abounded at the same 
epoch. Some of them, who are called the followers of Balaam in the 
Hpistles of Peter and Jude, and the Nicolaitans (an equivalent name) in 
the Apocalypse, taught their followers to indulge in the sensual impurities, 
anc even in the idol-feasts of the Heathen." We find moreover, that 


11 Tim. i. 19. 
3.2 ΤΊη.. 11]. 19. 3.2 Tim. iii. 41 Pet. 1]. 16. 
5 2 Pet. ii. 19. 6 Jude iv. 71 Pet. iv. 15. 


8. Rey. ii. 20. Compare Rey. ix. 21, Rev. xxi. 8, and Rev. xxii. 15. 

9 Compare Juv. vi. 546: “ Qualiacunque voles Judxi somnia yendunt.” 

10 See Acts xix. 13. 

1. Such, at least, seems the natural explanation of eidwAddura φαγεῖν (Rev. ii. 20), 
fcr we can scarcely suppose so strong a condemnation if the offence had been only eat- 
ing meat which had once formed part of a sacrifice. It is remarkable how completely 
tke Gnostics of the second century resembled these earlier heretics in all the pointa 
nere mentioned. Their immorality is the subject of constant animadversion in the 
writings of the Fathers, who tell us that the calumnies which were cast upon the Chris- 
tlans by the heathen were caused by the vices of the Gnostics. Jrenmus asserts that 
they said, “as gold deposited in the mud does not lose its beauty, so they themselves, 
whatever may be their putward immorality, cannot te injured by it, nor lose thei 


484 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


these false disciples, with their licentiousness in morals, united anarchy is 
politics, and resistance to law and government. They “walked after the 
flesh in the lust of uncleanness, and despised governments.” And thus 
they gave rise to those charges against Christianity itself, which were made 
by the Heathen writers at the time, whose knowledge of the new religion 
was naturally taken from those amongst its professors who rendered them- 
selves notorious by falling under the judgment of the Law. 

When thus we contemplate the true character of these divisions and 
heresies which beset the Apostolic Church, we cannot but acknowledge 
that it needed all those miraculous gifts with which it was endowed, and 
all that inspired wisdom which presided over its organisation, to ward off 
dangers which threatened to blight its growth and destroy its very exist 
ence. In its earliest infancy, two powerful and venomous foes twined 
themselves round its very cradle ; but its strength was according to its 
day ; with a supernatural vigour it rent off the coils of Jewish bigotry 
and stifled the poisonous breath of Heathen licentiousness ; but the peril 
was mortal, and the struggle was for life or death. Had the Churech’s 
fate been subjected to the ordinary laws which regulate the history of 
earthly commonwealths, it could scarcely have escaped one of the two 
opposite destinies, either of which must have equally defeated (if we may 
so speak) the world’s salvation. Hither it must have been cramped into 
a Jewish sect, according to the wish of the majority of its earliest mem- 
bers, or (having escaped this immediate extinction) it must have added 
one more to the innumerable schools of Heathen philosophy, subdividing 
into a hundred branches, whose votaries would some of them have sunk 
into Oriental superstitions, others into Pagan voluptuousness. If we 
need any proof how narrowly the Church escaped this latter peril, we 
have only to look at the fearful power of Gnosticism in the succeeding 
century. And, indeed, the more we consider the elements of which every 
Christian community was originally composed, the more must we wonder 
how little the flock of the wise and good! could have successfully resisted 
the overwhelming contagion of folly and wickedness. In every city the 
nucleus of the Church consisted of Jews and Jewish proselytes ; on thia 
foundation was superadded a miscellaneous mass of heathen converts, 
almost exclusively from the lowest classes, baptized, indeed, into the name 
spiritual substance.” Iren. vr. 2, quoted by Burton. And so Justin Martyr speaks of 
heretics, who said “that though they lived sinful lives, yet, if they know God, the 
Lord will not impute to them sin.” Tryph. 141. And Epiphanius gives the most 
horrible details of the enormities which they practiced. Again, their addiction to magi 
cal arts was notorious. See Burton, p. 179, &c. And their leaders, Basilides and Va- 
lentinus, are accused of eating εἰδωλόθυτα (like the Nicolaitans of the Apocalypse) te 
avoid persecution. Burton, pp. 148 and 453. 


τ Whom St. Paul calls τέλειοι (Phil. iii, 15), 7. ο. mature in the knowledg? of Chris 
tian truth. 


HERESIES IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 458 


of Jesus, but still with all the habits of a life of idolatry and vice clinging 
to them. How was it, then, that such a society could escape the twe 
temptations which assailed it just at the time when they were most likely 
to be fatai? While as yet the Jewish element preponderated, a fanatical 
party, commanding almost necessarily the sympathies of the Jewish por: 
tion of the society, made a zealous and combined effort to reduce Christi- 
anity to Judaism, and subordinate the Church to the Synagogue. Over 
their great opponent, the one Apostle of the Gentiles, they won a tem- 
porary triumph, and saw him consigned to prison and to death. How 
was it that the very hour of their victory*was the epoch from which we 
date their failure? Again,—this stage is passed,—the Church is thrown 
open to the Gentiles, and crowds flock in, some attracted by wonder at 
the miracles they see, some by hatred of the government under which 
they live, and by hopes that they may turn the Church into an organised 
conspiracy against law and order ; and even the best, as yet unsettled in 
their faith, and ready to exchange their new belief for a newer, “ carried 
about with every wind of doctrine.’ At such an epoch, a systematic 
theory is devised, reconciling the profession of Christianity with the prac- 
tice of immorality ; its teachers proclaim that Christ has freed them from 
the law, and that the man who has attained true spiritual enlightenment 
is above the obligations of outward morality ; and with this seducing phi- 
losophy for the Gentile they readily combine the Cabbalistic superstitions 
of Rabbinical tradition to captivate the Jew. Who could wonder if, 
when such incendiaries applied their torch to such materials, a flame burst 
. forth which well nigh consumed the fabric. Surely that day of trial was 
“yevealed in fire,” and the building which was able to abide the flame 
was nothing less than the Temple of God. 

It is painful to be compelled to acknowledge among the Christians of 
‘the Apostolic Age the existence of so many forms of error and sin. It 
was a pleasing dream which represented the primitive church as a society 
of angels ; and it is not without astrugele that we bring ourselves to open 
our eyes and behold the reality. But yet it is a higher feeling which bids 
us thankfully to recognise the truth that “ there is no partiality with God;” 
that he has never supernaturally coerced any generation of mankind intc 
virtue, nor rendered schism and heresy impossible in any age of the Church, 
So St. Paul tells his converts? that there must needs be heresies among 
them, that the good may be tried and distinguished from the bad ; imply- 
ing that, without the possibility of a choice, there would be no test of 
faith or holiness. And so Our Lord himself compared His Charch toa 
net cast into the sea, which gathered fish of all kinds, both good and bad ; 
nor was its purity to be attained by the exclusion of evil, tii! the end 


1 Οὐκ ἔστί ποοσωπολήπτης ὁ Θεός, Acts x. 34. 
ΣΙ ΣΝ τὶν 10. 


£56 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. FAUL. 


should come. Therefore, if we sigh, as well we may, for the realisaticn 
of an ideal which Scripture paints to us and imagination embodies, but 
which our eyes seek for and cannot find ; if we look vainly and with earnest 
tongings for the appearance of that glorious Church, “without spot or 
wrinkle or any such thing,” the fitting bride of a heavenly spouse ;—it 
may calm our impatience to recollect that no such Church has ever existed 
npon earth, while yet we do not forget that it has existed and does exist 
in heaven. In the very lifetime of the Apostles, no less than now, “ the 
earnest expectation of the creature waited for the manifestation of the 
sons of God ;” miracles did nof convert; inspiration did not sanctify ; 
then, as now, imperfection and evil clung to the members, and clogged the 
energies, of the kingdom of God; now, as then, Christians are fellow 
heirs, and of the same body with the spirits of just men made perfect ; 
nov’, as then, the communion of saints unites into one family the Church 
ni“ant with the Church triumphant. 


NOTE. 


Upon the Origin of the Heresies of the later Apostolic Age. 


In the above sketch we have taken a somewhat different view of these heresies 
from tliat advocated with great ability by Mr. Stanley. He considers all the 
heretics opposed by St. Paul in the Epistles to the Colossians and Ephesians, and 
in those to Timothy and Titus, and even those denounced by St. Peter, St. Jude, 
and St. John, to have been Judaizers: and he speaks of St. Paul’s opposition 
to them as “the second act of the conflict with Judaism.” In deference to a 
writer who has done much to give clearness and vividness to our knowledge of 
the Apostolic age, we feel bound to justify our dissent from his view by a few 
additional remarks. 

First, we think that even if the Jewish element had been the chief ingredient 
in the teaching of these heretics, still they ought not to be called Judazzers. The 
characteristic of the original Judaizers was a determination to confine Christen- 
dom within the walls of the Synagogue, and to put Christianity on the same 
footing with Pharisaism or Sadduceeism, as a tolerated Jewish sect. The rapid 
increase and gradual preponderance cf the Gentile portion of the Church, soon 
rendered the existence of this Judaizing party impossible, except in Palestine. 
Hence it seems to introduce unnecessary confusion, if we apply the distinctive 
name of Judaizers to heretics whose opinions were so very different from those ad 
socated by the party originally called by that name. 

But farther ; we cannot think that the Jewish element had that preponderat 


3 P. 210. 


ΝΟΪῈ ON THE HERESIES OF THE LATER ΑΡΟΒΤΟΙΙΟ AGE. 452 


ite influence in the heresies of the later Apostolic period which Mr. Stanley 
assigns to it. On the contrary, the accounts of them in tae Epistles inclinc us 
to believe that the Jewish element was only the accidental, and the Gentile ele 
ment the essential, constituent of these heresies. Mr. Stanley’s reasons for the 
opposite opinion are mainly as follows :— 

(1) That the party claiming ψευδώνυμος yudorg! is the same party who are 
called vouodiddoxador.2 But the former are mentioned in quite a different part of 
the Epistle from the latter, and there is no proof that the same persons are meant 
in the two passages: and even if they are, the expression νομοδιδάσκαλοι might 
very well be applied to learned Platonising Jews like Philo, who taught what 
they considered the true and deep view of the Mosaic Law, by which it was 
allegorised away into a mystic philosophy. And, in the teaching of such Jews, 
Judaism was quite subordinated to Hellenism. 

(2) Mr. Stanley argues that the anarchical policy of the heretics denounced 
by St. Peter and St. Jude, is to be attributed to the Jewish national aspiration 
after earthly empire, and impatience of the Roman yoke. It may be conceded 
that some Jewish Christians may have joined these agitators from such feelings ; 
but is it not equally probable that, as Arnold supposes, this lawless party cou 
sisted mainly of nominal converts from heathenism, who “ took part with Chris- 
tianity for its negative side, not for its positive ;” outlawed by their vices or their 
crimes from the existing order of society, and anxious to revolutionise it, and 
hoping to find in the Church an instrument for promoting their sinister ends ? 

(3) Mr. Stanley assumes that “those who say they are Jews and are not,” 1 
are to be identified with the Nicolaitans or Balaamites, mentioned in the same 
chapter. But this is not quite clear ; and even if they be the same party, there 
is no proof that they were Judaizing Christians ; on the contrary, the practices 
attributed to them are in direct opposition to Judaism.4 And we should tkere- 
fore Le inclined to agree with Dr. Burton,} that their profession of Judaism was — 
only alopted to shield them from heathen persecution, at a time when it was 
directed against Christians, Judaism being a religio licita, which Christianity 
was not. 

(4) Mr. Stanley argues that as Cerinthus. is (traditionally) connected with 
the Ebiowites, and as St. John is represented (traditionally) as opposing Cerinthus, 
therefore St. John wrote against the Ebionites, and consequently against a Juda 
izing sect of heretics. But we do not think it would be safe to rely upon such 
inferences, founded upon conditions of a vague and somewhat inconsistent kind. 
It is true that Cerinthus is sometimes classed with the Ebionites by the early 
writers agaiast heretics; but this appears only to be because some of their lesa 
important doctrinal tenets were the same ;* for in the most essential points they 

1 1 Tim. vi. 20. 3.1 ΠῚ τι 1 7 3 Rev. ii. 9. 

4 Neander (Church History, sect. 4) thinks that the Nicolaitans of the Apocalypse 
were not properly a sect. but only a class of people who were in the practice of seducicg 
Christians to partake in the heathen sacrificial feasts, and, therefore, clearly Anti- 
Judaistic. But see “ Planting anil Leading,” vol. ii. p. 533. 

5 P. 237, &e. 

6 The chief point of agreement seems to have been, that Cerinthus (as well as tha 
later Gnostics) traced back all divine attributes in Christ to the descent of tho Holy 
Spirit on Him at His baptism. 


458 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


seem to have been the very antipodes of one another. The Cerinthians are repre 
sented as advocates of gross sensuality and unbridled licence, like tke Antino- 
mians of Corinth; whereas the Ebionites were a sect of ascetics, who practised 
the most austere temperance, and resembled the Essenes in the strictness of their 
morality. Again, we are told by Epiphanius! that Cerinthus considered the Law 
as the work of an evil spirit, like the later Gnostics ; whereas the Ebionites were 
strict Judaizers, the true representatives of the original party so called. More 
over, St. John is universally believed to have written against heresies which 
manifested themselves at Kphesus ; whereas the Ebionites were confined to 
Palestine. And though Cerinthus adhered to some of the observances of the Law, 
yet he is recorded? to have derived his theology, not from Palestine, but from 
Alexandria. 

Having thus mentioned Mr. Stanley’s principal reasons for thinking the here- 
sies in question to be Jewish, we will state the arguments which have led us to 
think them of Gentile origin. ἢ 

(1) Their strong resemblance to the Corinthian Antinomianism ; shown by 
Ilyinenzeus and Philetus denying the Resurrection; and by the Sophists of the 
Epistle to the Ephesians (κενοὶ λόγοι3), who justified fornication ; and by their 
name of “ followers of Balaam,” as explained to arise from their persuading their 
followers to commit fornication.‘ 

(2) Their eating ἐιδωλόθυτα,» which we cannot easily conceive any Jewish 
sect doing. 

(3) The whole tone in which they are spoken of by St. Peter and St. Jude, 
whose denunciations are directed against a system of open and avowed profligacy, 
such as might be supposed with greater ease to spring from Heathen laxity than 
from Jewish formalism. Surelv. had they been a ὧν daizing sect, some notice of 
, the fact must have been found in these Mpistles ; wnereas it seems implied that 
they were perverters of St. Paul’s doctrines.® 

(4) The fact that the Epistles of St. John are directed against heretics who 
claimed a peculiar “ knowledge of God,” and maintained their right to sin; still 
reminding us of the Corinthian Antinomians, and with no trace of Judaism. 

(5) The close connection between the opinions of all these heretics and those 
of the later Gnostics; which leads us to infer that Judaism could not be a pre 
dominant feature in their heresies, since later Gnosticism was so especially op- 
posed to Judaism. For though the Gnostics borrowed some Jewish notions 
which they blended with their own system,’ yet they all agreed in referring the 


1 See Burton, Ὁ. 478. It is tre thet w the ~ecresentaaon of the doctrine of Cerin- 
‘hus given by others, and adopted by Neander in his Chureh History (sect. 4), Cerin- 
thus only taught that the Law was given by an angelic Demiurge, who unconsciously 
did the work of God. But even on this view, he taught that the Jews as a nation wor- 
shipped this Demiurge by mistake as the supreme “ God,” and that beyond this infe 
rior standing point the Law could not raise them. Surely this is enough to show how 
completely the Alexandrian element preponderated over the Jewish in Cerinthus’s 
doctrine. 

* By Theodoret, whose statement is believed by Neander. 

3 Eph. v. 6. 4 Rev. ii. 14. 5 Rev. ii. 20. 6 2 Pet. iii. 15. 

7 It is remarkable that the three earliest leaders of the Gnostics, viz. Cerinthus, Ba 
ailides, and Valentinus. were all Alexandrians; and the pagan name of the son af 


NOTE ON THE HERESIES OF THE LATER APOSTOLIC AGE. 459 


origin of the Mcsaic Law either to an evil spirit, or to an inferior and unenlight- 
ened Demiurge. 


Basilides (Isidorus) seems to show that Basilides could not have even been of Jewish 
race. It is true that Neander divides the Gnostic sects into two classes, one connected 
with, and the other opposed to, Judaism. But the connection with Judaism of which 
he speaks in the former, only consisted in their transferring to their own systems some 
elements derived from Judaism, which, as a whole, they all considered a religion suited 
only to the unenlightened and “ peychical”’ mass. In all of them the speculative aad 
philosophising element, whether derived from Hellenic or Oriental sources, predowi- 
sated over the Judaicai. 


ΩΣ bas 
H Mohit ἢ Ἧι 


te ἐν Mey i TRE a δὴ εν ἢ [ἢ Rie ΩΣ τυ. Ne iy ᾽ ΝΙΝ 


‘ 


Hy ἽΝ (Ὁ ἰδ ὑπ 


Ἷ Ὶ Pha ὙΠ 
Ἢ ἴω, ΝΥΝ ‘Bai Thiet 


WK winds Ae: ee μι" ΤῊ ll it? debe ΜΠ sis 


ia a oll in us bali " 


a eh ria 


ΤῊΝ 


᾿ 31 Arch of Titus. 


1 Mhan Beige (Ponte 8. A λ 
3 Remaios of Triamphal Brige, 
3 Japicnlensian Br. (Ponte Sisto 

4 Bridge of Fabricius (Ponte 4 eer 

5 do of Costius (Ponte 8, Bartolomeo) 
6 Palatine Bridge Vata Rotto). 

7 Remains of Sublician Bridge. 


8 Pyramid of Cains Cestiua 
9 Reservoir of Aqua Julia 


10 Aqua Tepula and Julia ΕῚ a- 

il Agus Claudia, he 

19 Aqua Marcia. 

13 Tarpeian Rock. os gr 

14 Temple of Romulns. sf 

16 lo Jupiter Tonans. 

16 do Concord. 

17 do Pietas Romana (S. Nicola in Carcere) 

18 do Fortuna Virilis (8, Maria Egiziaca), 

19 do Vesta (5. Maria iu Cosmedin). 

2 do Remus (S. Cosmo e Damiano). 

«λ΄. «do Castor (3, Maria Liberatrics), 

φῷ do Peace (Basilica of Constantine), 

Ὧ do Venus ἃ Rome(S, Francesca Rormana) Φ 
24 do = Antoninus & Faustiua (8, Lorenzo m Miranda) 
25 f+ 


Antoninus Pius aap House). 
Claudius (5. Ste 


27 Bathe of Paulus Emilius. 
28 Forum’of Trajan, Ὁ 
49 Pantheon ahh? 

30 Maueoleum of Augustus, 


31 OM Push & Portico of Octavias. 
32 Theatre of Apollo Tordinons 

33 Theatre of Marcellus (Orsini Palace) 
34 Theatre of Pompey. 

36 Arch of Septimins Severm. 

36 Column of Phoces Ε 


ano Rotondo). 


38 Constantine. 

® de Gallienus. 46 Circus of Magnan 

4 do  Dollabehn ὯΝ 41 Circus of Nero 

41 Arch of Droeus:& Aqueduct of Atoms. ἢν Navicella (3, Maria fn Domurca). 

42 Tombs of the Scipios. 5 

“ sprang lect το brs “ἐλ μον of 8M. Maggiore. 

Ἢ Amphitheatre of Statilras Taaras Pp 

6 macnn of Hadnan do 5. Croce in Gernsalemms 


Da | é i 
εὖ Ps 
μ its ι a 
Se ΝΥ ΤῊΝ εν» ae 


Lr. vialpra 
πα Praenestin® 
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PLAN OF ROM#, 


EXHIBITING A CUMPARATIVE VIEW op 


THE ANCIENT AND MODERN SITES. 


Porta Lating 
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hic dhe ΝΜ θλγυν! ae eee 

Ἷ iach, lia - Ly 


CONTENTS 


UF 


THE SECOND VOLUME. 


CHAPTER XIV. 
PAUSE 
Peparture from Antioch.—J ourney through Phrygia and Galatia.— Apollos 
at Ephesus and Corinth— Arrival of St. Paul at Ephesus.—Disciples of 
John the Baptist—The Synagogue.—The School of ''yrannus.— Miracles. 
—Ephesian Magic.—The Exorcists——Burning of the Books - δῦ 


CHAPTER XY. 


St. Paul pays a short Visit to CorinthReturns to Ephesus— Writes a Let- 
ter to the Corinthians, which is now lost.—They reply, desiring farther 
Explanations.—State of the Corinthian Church.—St. Paul writes The 
First Epistle to the Corinthians Fae eth irsre 2) Seem ὐρξο ΓΟ. 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Description of Ephesus.—Temple of Diana.—Her Image aud Worship.—Po- 
litical Constitution of Ephesus.—The Asiarchs.—Demetrius and the Silver- 
emiths.—Tumult in the Theatre.—Speech of the Town-Clerk.—St. Paul’s 
Departure - - - - - - - - - : - - 69 


CHAPTER XVII. 


St. Paul at Troas—He passes over to Macedonia.—Causes of his Dejec- 
tion.—He iaeets Titus at Philippi-~Writes The Second Epistle to the Cor- 
wnthzans.—Collection for the poor Christians in Judea.—J ΠΝ by Illyri- 
cum to Greece SN = ΣΙ ΩΝ ΝΣ τό αι νυ 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


St. Paul’s Feelings on approaching Corinth—Contrast with his first Visit.—- 
Bad News from Galatia.—He writes The Epistle to the Galatians . - 130 


vi CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XIX. 


St. Paul at Corinth.—Punishment of contumacious Offenders.—Subse yuent 
Character of the Corinthian Church._-Completion of the Collection.— 
Pheebe’s Journey to Rome.—She bears The Epistle to the Romans -Ἑ - 


Note on the Isthmian Stadium - - - - Ξ = = ἐδ ξ 


CHAPTER XX. 


Corinth—Isthmian Games.—Voyage from Philippi—Sunday at Troas. 
Assos.— Voyage by Mitylene and Trogyllium to Miletus.—Speech to the 
Ephesian Presbyters—Voyage by Cos and Rhod>s to Patara.—Thence to 
Pheenicia.— Christians at Tyre——Ptolemais.—Hyvents at Cxsarea.—Arri- 
valat Jerusalem - - - - - - « <j, ht a 


CHAPTER XXI. 


Reception at Jerusalem.—Assembling of the Presbyters.—Advice given tu 
St. Paul.—The four Nazarites.—St. Paul seized at the Festival.—The Tem- 
ple and the Garrison—Hebrew Speech on the Statrs——The Centurion and 
the chief Captain.—St. Paul before the Sanhedrin.—The Pharisees and 
Sadducees.—Vision in the Castle-—Conspiracy.—St. Paul's Nephew.—Let- 
ter of Claudius Tysias to Felix—Night Journey to Antipatris——Czxsarea 


CHAPTER XXII. 


History of Judeea resumed.—Roman Governors.—Felix.—Troops quartered in 
Palestine.—Description of Czesarea.—St. Paul accused there.—Speech before 
Feliz.—Continued Imprisonment.—Accession of Festus——-Appeal to the 
Hmperor.—Speech before Agrippa - - - τ - - = 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


Ships and Navigation of the Ancients—Roman Commerce in the Mediter- 
ranean.—Corn Trade between Alexandria and Puteoli—Trayellers by Sea 
—St. Paul's Voyage from Cxsarea, by Sidon, to Myra.—From Myra, by 
Cnidus and Cape Salmone, to Fair Havens.—Pheenice.—The Storm.—Sea- 
manship during the Gale—St. Paul’s Vision.—Anchoring in the Night.— 
Shipwreck.—Proof that it took place in Malta.—Winter in the Island.— 
Obiections considered.— V oyage, by Syracuse and Rhegium, to Prteoli 


P“Ge 


198 


23% 


272 


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CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


The Appian Way.—Appii Forum and the Three Taverns.—Entrance ixio 


Rome.—The Praetorian Prefect—Description of the City—Its Population. 
—The Jews in Rome.—The Roman Church.—St. Paul’s Interview with 
the Jews.—His Residence in Rome. - = - - - - - 


CHAPTER XXV. 


Delay of St. Paul’s Trial—His Occupations and Companions during his Im- 
prisonment.—He writes The Epistle to Philemon, The Epistle to the Colos- 
sians, uud The Epistle to the Ephesians, (so called) - - Ξ Ξ 


CHAPTER XXVi. 


The Pretorium and the Palatine—Arrival of Epaphroditus.— Political 
Events at Rome.—Octavia and Poppza.—St, Paul writes The Epistle ta 
the Philippians—He makes Converts in the Imperial Househol2 - «- 


CHAPTER XXVII. 


Authorities for St. Paul’s subsequent History—His Appeal is heard.—His 
Acquittal—He goes from Rome to Asia Minor.—Thence to Spain, where 
he resides two Years.—He returns to Asia Minor and Macedonia.—Writes 
The First Epistle to Timotheus— His Visit to Crete-——He writes The Epistle 
to Titus——He winters at Nicopolis.—He is again imprisoned at Rome.— 
Progress of his Trial.—He writes The Second Epistle to Timotheus. His 
Condemnation and Death Ὁ - 


Note on certain legends connected with St. Paul’s death - - 2 © « 


CHAPTER XXVIII. 


The Epistle to the Hebrews.—Its Inspiration not afftcted by the Doubts con- 
cerning its Authorship.—Its original Readers——Conflicting Testimony of 
the Primitive Church concerning its Author—His Object in writing it— 
Translation of the Epistle - - - - - - ἘΠ jist hae 


Appenpix I. (On the Date of the Pastorai Epistles) - - - τ » 
Arpenpix I. (Chronological Table, with Notes) - - - 2° τὸ » 


Ly ory .- - . - - - - - - 


TAGE 


354 


375 


4.5 


436 


488 


491 


533 


542 


549 


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τ ΤῊΝ Bt Mt ass me sh fit mi is i 
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μὴ Ny To eb ita feel 
WD; wrth thant Bhar, ΜΝ ΠΝ 
"ahaa tall et tt Wi ἀκ νηὶ sivas "" πον 


wee ΠῚ eel 
water, ΜΙ tN ANE echoes it! Ἴων ἘΝ, 
“isn πὴ wh aa Aue ἀν δ! if wie AS oh oneal? hie aos oT ἐν 
ΠΑ. oct i na Ne ld a wt WNL on ἡβιαῦν Tae ove 
thd A ἰδ aS ar MH tli La MPP RAE RN Ne ahah a 
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ἀν a ΙΝ ΤΥ ὙΓῪ i La Na “fH 


. ἃ " 


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it yuri inks y μων ἀπήμ γον atk Sac ieibhe fa AN 
ab that) ἕω ἌΟΝ, oh ἡ itonbagraiyren ἰϑννιν δ πυν νὰ ‘ 
ia ΤῸΝ chide μὰ ‘es seat ὟΝ 


ἮΝ 


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THE 


LIFE AND EPISTLES 


OF 


ὌΝ Lapel ae Bing: 


CHAPTER XIV. 


“ And the magicians did so with their enchantments; but they could not: thes the 
Magicians said, ‘ This is the finger of God.’’’—Exod. viii. 18, 19. 


DEPARTURE FROM ANTIOCH.—JOURNEY THROUGH PHRYGIA AND GALATIA.— 
APOLLOS AT EPHESUS AND CORINTH.—ARRIVAL OF ST. PAUL AT EPHESUS.— 
DISCIPLES OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.—THE SYNAGOGUE.—THE SCHOOL ΟΥ̓ 
TYRANNUS.—MIRACLES.—EPHESIAN MAGIC.—THE EXORCISTS.—BURNING OF 
THE BOOKS. 


Tne next period of St. Paul’s life opens with a third journey through the 
interior of Asia Minor.’ In the short stay which he had made at Ephesus 
on his return from his second journey, he had promised to come again to that 
city, if the providence of God should allow 1.5 This promise he was en- 
abled to fulfil, after a hasty visit to the metropolis of the Jewish nation, 
and a longer sojourn in the first metropolis of the Gentile Church. 

It would lead us into long and useless discussions, if we were to specu- 
iate on the time spent at Antioch, and the details of the Apostle’s occu- 
pation in the scene of his early labours. We have already stated our rea- 
sons for believing that the discussions which led to the Council at Jerusa- 
lem, took place at an earlier period,‘ as well as the quarrel between St. 
Peter and St. Paul concerning the propriety of concession to the Juda 

1 Acts xviii. 23. 2 Acts xviii. 21. See Vol. I. p. 423. 
3 See the end of Ch. XIII. 


4 See note at the end of Ch. VII. for the answers to Wieseler’s arguments on this 
eybject. 


10 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF S8T. PAUL. 


izers.' But without knowing the particular form of the controversies 
brought before him, or the names of those Christian teachers with whom 
he conferred, we have seen enough to make us aware that imminent dan- 
gers from the Judaizing party surrounded the Church, and that Antioch 
was a favourable place for meeting the machinations of this party, as well 
as a convenient starting-pvint for a journey undertaken to strengthen 
those communities that were likely to be invaded by false teachers from 
Judea, E 

It is evident that it was ποὺ St. Paul’s only object to proceed with all 
haste to Ephesus: nor indeed is it credible that he could pass through 
the regions of Cilicia and Lycaonia, Phrygia and Galatia, without remain- 
ing to confirm those Churches which he had founded himself, and some of 
which he had visited twice. We are plainly told that his journey was 
occupied in this work, and the few words which refer to this subject imply 
a systematic visitation.* He would be the more anxious to establish them 
in the true principles of the Gospel, in proportion as he was aware of the 
widely spreading influence of the Judaizers. Another specific object, not 
unconnected with the healing of divisions, was before him during the 
whole of this missionary journey,—a collection for the relief of the poor 
Christians in Judea? It had been agreed at the meeting of the Apos- 
tolic Council (Gal. ii. 9, 10) that while some should go to the Heathen, 
and others to the Circumcision, the former should carefully ‘‘ remember 
the poor ;” and this we see St. Paul, on the present journey among the 
Gentile Churches, “forward to do.” We even know the “ order which he 
gave to the Churches of Galatia” (1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2). He directed that 
each person should lay by in store, on the first day of the week, according 
as God had prospered him, that the collection should be deliberately 
made, and prepared for an opportunity of being taken to Jerusalem. 

We are not able to state either the exact route which St. Paul fol- 
lowed, or the names of the companions by whom he was attended. As 
regards the latter subject, however, two points may be taken for granted, 
that Silas ceased to be, and that Timotheus continued to be, an associate 
of the Apostle. It is most probable that Silas remained behind in Jeru- 
salem, whence he had first accompanied Barnabas with the Apostolic let- 
ter,‘ and where, on the first mention of his name, he is said to have held a 


1 Neander is inclined to assign the misunderstanding of the two Apostles to this 
time. So Olshausen. See Vol. I. p. 222. 

3 "Ἐπιστηρίζων πάντας τοὺς μαθητάς. Acts xviii. 23. Notice the word καθεξῆς. 

3 The steady pursuance of this object in the whole course of this journey may be 
traced through the following passages :—1 Cor. xvi. 1-4. 2 Cor. viii. ix. Rom. xv 
25, 26. Acts xxiv. 17. 

4 See Vol. 1. p. 222 and p. 253. 


DEPARTURE FROM ANTIOCH. 11 
& 


leading position in the Church.’ He is not again mentioned in connection 
with the Apostle of the Gentiles? The next place in Scripture where his 
name occurs, is in the letter of the Apostle of the Circumcision (1 Pet. v. 
12), which is addressed to the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, 
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia. There, “Silvanus” is spoken 
of as one not unknown to the persons addressed, but as “a faithful bro 
ther unto them ;”—by him the letter was sent which “exhorted” the 
Christians in the north and west of Asia Minor, and “ testified that that 
was the true grace of God wherein they stood ;”—and the same disciple 
is seen, on the last mention of his name, as on the first, to be cooperating 
for the welfare of the Church, both with St. Peter and St. Paul? | 

It may be considered, on the other hand, probabte, if not certain, that 
Timotheus was with the Apostle through the whole of this journey. Abun- 
dant mention of him is made, both in the Acts and the Epistles, in con- 
nection with St. Paul’s stay at Ephesus, and his subsequent movements.‘ 
Of the other companions who were undoubtedly with him at Ephesus, we 
cannot say with confidence whether they attended him from Antioch, or 
joined him afterwards at some other point. But Erastus (Acts xix. 22) 
may have remained with him since the time of his first visit to Corinth, 
and Caius and Aristarchus (Acts xix. 29) since the still earlier period 
of his journey through Macedonia.’ Perhaps we have stronger reasons 
for concluding that Titus, who, though not mentioned in the Acts,° was 
certainly of great service in the second missionary journey, travelled with 
Paul and Timotheus through the earlier part of it. In the frequent men- 
tion which is made of him in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, he ap- 
pears as the Apostle’s laborious minister, and as a source of his consola- 
tion and support, hardly less strikingly, than the disciple whom he had 
taken on the previous journey from Lystra and Iconium., 

Whatever might be the exact route which the Apostle followed from 
Antioch to Ephesus, he would certainly revisit those Churches, which 
twice? before had known him as their teacher. He would pass over the 
Cilician plain on the warm southern shore,’ and the high table-land of Ly- 


1 Ἡγούμενος. Acts xv.22. See Tate’s Hore Pauline, p. 54, and the Index, p. 198; 
also pp. 238, 272. 

? His name is in the Salutation in the Epistles to the Thessalonians, but not in any 
subsequent letters. Compare 2 Cor. i. 19. 

3 Compare again the account of the Council of Jerusalem and the mission of Silas 
and Barnabas. 

4 See Acts xix. 22. 1 Cor.iv.17. xvi.10. 2 Cor.i.1. Rom. xvi.21. Acts Χχ, 4, 

5 See Tate, pp. 52, 53. 

© Wieseler, indeed, identifies him with Justus, who is mentioned xviii. 7. See the 
note on this subject, Vol. I. p. 211. 

7 He had been in Lycaonia on the first and second missionary journeys, in Cilicia ou 
she second ; but he had also been there at least once since his conversion. 

® See Vol I. p. 21 and the allusions to the climate in Ch. VL and VII. 


by THE Lik AND EPISTLES OF i514. PAUL. 
2 


caonia on the other side of the Pass of Taurus.!. He would see once more 
his own early home on the banks of the Cyduus ;? and Timothy would be 
once more in the scenes of his childhood at the base of the Kara-Dagh.* 
After leaving Tarsus, the cities of Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium, possibly 
also Antioch in Pisidia,t would be the primary objects in the Apostle’s 
progress. Then we come to Phrygia and Galatia, both vague and indeter 
minate districts, which he had visited once,> and through which, as before, 
we cannot venture to Jay down a route.° Though the visitation of the 
Churches was systematic, we need not conclude that the same exact course 
was followed. Since the order in which the two districts are mentioned is 
different from that in the former instance,? we are at liberty to suppose 
that he travelled first from Lycaonia through Cappadocia’ into Galatia, 
and then by Western Phrygia to tle coast of Adgean. In this last part 
of his progress we are in still greater doubt as to the route, and one ques- 
tion of interest is involved in our opinion concerning it. The great road 
from Ephesus by Iconium to the Euphrates, passed along the valley of the 
Meander, and near the cities of Laodicea, Colosse, and Hierapolis ; and 
we should naturally suppose that the Apostle would approach the capital 
of Asia along this well-travelled line. But the arguments are so strong 
for believing that St. Paul was never personally at Colossee,’? that it is 
safer to imagine him following some road further to the north, such as 
that, for instance, which, after passing near Thyatira, entered the valley 
of the Hermus at Sardis."! 

Thus, then, we may conceive the Apostle arrived at that region, where 
he was formerly in hesitation concerning his future progress,'’*—the frontier 


1 See again Ch. VL and Ch. VIII. for Lycaonia and Mount Taurus. 

3 See Vol. I. p. 22 and 49. 

3 See Ch. VI. and Ch. VIII., with the map on p. 189. 

4 See Vol. I. p. 270. 5 Acts xvi. 6. 6 See Ch, VIIL 

7 Compare Acts xvi. 6 with xviii. 23. In hoth cases we should observe that the 
phrase ἡ Γαλατικὴ χώρα is used. See what is said on the expression “ churches of 
Galatia,” p. 272. 

8 This is Wieseler’s view. For the province of Cappadocia, see Vol. I. p. 249 
The district is mentioned Acts ii. 9 and 1 Pet. i. 1. 

9 See Vol. I. pp. 269-271, and 272. 

10 From Col. ii. 1 we should naturally infer that St. Paul had never been personally 
among the Colossians. See Wieseler on this subject, and on the question whether the 
Apostle visited Colosse from Ephesus, p. 51 and p. 440, note. For a full discussion 
on the other side, where all Lardner’s arguments are considered, see Dr. Davidson’s 
Introduction. : 

ul See Leake’s map. The characteristic scenery of the Mander and Hermus iw 
described in several parts of Hamilton’s travels. See especially ch. viii—x., xxviii— 
x}.; also li. lii, and especially Vol. I. pp. 124,136. We may observe that, on one 
ot his journeys, nearly in the direction in which St. Paul was moving, he crossed tha 
mountains from near Afium Kara Hissar (Synnada) to visit Yalobatch (Antioch in Pisi 
flia). The Apostle might easily do the sams. 

4 Acts xvi. 6-8. 


APOLLOS. 13 


. 


district of Asia and Phrygia,’ the mountains which contain the upper 
waters* of the Hermus and Meander. And now our attention is sud- 
denly called away to another preacher of the Gospel, whose name, next te 
that of the Apostles, is perhaps the most important in the early history of 
the Church. There came at this time to Ephesus, either directly from 
Egypt by sea, as Aquila or Priscilla from Corinth, or by some routa 
through the intermediate countries, like that of St. Paul himself? a 
“disciple” named Apollos,‘ a native of Alexandria. This visit occurred 
at a critical time, and led to grave consequences in reference to the esta- 
blishment of Christian truth, and the growth of parties in the Church ; 
while the religious community (if so it may be called) to which he 
belonged at the time of his arrival, furnishes us with one of the most 
interesting links between the Gospels and the Acts. 

Apollos, along with twelve others,’ who are soon afterwards mentioned 
at Ephesus, was acquainted with Christianity only so far as it had been 
made known by John the Baptist. They “knew only the baptism of 
John.”7 From the great part which was acted by the forerunner of 
Christ in the first announcement of the Gospel, and from the effect pro- 
duced on the Jewish nation by his appearance, and the number of disciples 
who came to receive at his hands the baptism of repentance, we should 
expect some traces of his influence to appear in the subsequent period, 
during which the Gospel was spreading beyond Judea. Many Jews from 
other countries received from the Baptist their knowledge of the Messiah, 
and carried with them this knowledge on their return from Palestine. 
We read of a heretical sect, at a much later period, who held John the 
Baptist to have been himself the Messiah. But in a position intermedi 
ate between this deluded party, and those who were travelling as teachers 
of the full and perfect Gospel, there were doubtless many, among ‘the 
floating Jewish population of the empire, whose knowledge of Christ ex- 
tended only to that which had been preached on the banks of the Jordan. 


1 Some description of this district is given, p. 278. 

? This part of the table-land of the interior is what is meant by τὰ dvwrepixd μέρη, 
Acts xix. 1. It is needless to say that the word “coasts”? in the Authorised Version 
has no reference to the sea. So Herodotus uses the expression τὰ ἄνω τῆς ᾿Ασίας, i. 177. 

3 Κατήντησεν. 

4 Winer remarks that this abbreviated form of the name Apollonius is found in 
Sozomen. It is, however, very rare; and it is worth observing that among the terra- 
cottas found at Tarsus (described Vol. I. p. 256, note) is a circular disc which has the 
name AIJOAAQO inscribed on it in incursive Greek. 

5 See the excellent remark of Olshausen on the whole narrative concerning Apollox 
end the other disciples of John the Baptist. 

6 See Acts xix. 1-7. 7 Acts xviii. 25. Compare xix. 3. 

* The Zabeans. See Olshausen. So in the Clementine Recognitions are nrentioned 
eome “ex discipulis Jokannis, qui magistrum suum veluti Christum pradicaruné” 
(J 64, 60.) 


14 THE LifFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


That such persons should be found at Ephesus, the natural meet.ng-slace 
of all religious sects and opinions, is what we might have supposed a 
priori. Their own connection with Judea, or the connection of their 
teachers with Judea, had been broken before the day of Pentecost. Thus 
their Christianity was at the same point at which it had stood at the com- 
mencement of our Lord’s ministry. They were ignorant of the full mean- 
ing of the death of Christ ; possibly they did not even know the fact of 
His resurrection ; and they were certainly ignorant of the mission of the 
Comforter. But they knew that the times of the Messiah were come, 
and that one had appeared? in whom the prophecies were fulfilled. That 
voice had reached them, which cried, “‘ Prepare ye the way of the Lord” 
(Is. xl. 3). They felt that the axe was laid to the root of the tree, that 
“the kingdom of Heaven was at hand,” that “ the knowledge of Salvation | 
was come to those that sit in darkness” (Luke i. 77), and that the chil- 
dren of Israel were everywhere called to “repent.” Such as were in 
this religious condition were evidently prepared for the full reception of 
Christianity, so soon as it was presented to them; and we see that they 
were welcomed by St. Paul and the Christians at Ephesus as fellow 
disciples * of the same Lord and Master. 

In some respects Apollos was distinguished from the other disciples of 
John the Baptist, who are alluded to at the same place, and nearly at the 
same time. ‘There is much significance in the first fact that is stated, that 
he was “born at Alexandria.” Something has been said by us already 
concerning the Jews of Alexandria, and their theological influence in the 
age of the Apostles.s In the establishment of a religion, which was 
intended to be the complete fulfilment of Judaism, and to be universally 
supreme in the Gentile world, we should expect Alexandria to bear her 
part, as well as Jerusalem. The Hellenistic learning fostered by the 
foundations of the Ptolemies might be made the handmaid of the truth, 
no less than the older learning of Judeea and the schools of the Hebrews. 
As regards Apollos, he was not only an Alexandrian Jew by birth, but 
he had a high reputation for an eloquent and forcible power of speaking, 
and had probably been well trained in the rhetorical schools on the banks 
of the Nile. But though he was endued with the eloquence of a Greek 
orator, the subject of his study and teaching were the Scriptures of his 
forefathers. The character which he bore in the synagogues was that of 
a man “mighty in the Scriptures.” In addition to these advantages ΟἹ 


» Acts xix. 2. ‘ 

3 Kuinoel thinks they were not even aware of Christ’s appearance. 

2 Note the word μαθητὴς, xix. 1. 

4 See pp. 35-37. Also pp, 9, 10-18, and 105. 

δ Λόγιος is probably “eloquent” rather than “ learned,” inasmuch as in thc same 
verse he is called δυνατὸς ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς. 


APOLLOS AT EPHESUS. 15 


birth and education, he seems to have had the fullest and n.ost systematic 
instruction in the Gospel, which a disciple of John could possibly receive.’ 
Whether from the Baptist himself, or from some of those who travelled 
into other lands with his teaching as their possession, Apollos had received 
full and accurate instruction in the “way of the Lord.” We are farther 
told that his character was marked by a fervent zeal? for spreading the 
truth. Thus we may conceive of him as travelling, like a second Baptist, 
beyond the frontiers of Judwa,—-expounding the prophecies of the Old 
Testament, announcing that the times of the Messiah were come, and cali- 
ing the Jews to repentance in the spirit of Elias* Hence he was, like his 
great teacher, diligently ‘“‘ preparing the way of the Lord.”* Though 
ignorant of the momentous facts which had succeeded the Resurrection 
and Ascension, he was turning the hearts of the ‘disobedient to the 
wisdom of the just,” and ‘making ready a people for the Lord,”*> whom 
he was soon to know “more perfectly.” Himself “a burning and shining 
light,” he bore witness to “that Light which lighteth every man that 
cometh into the world,” ‘—as, on the other hand, he was a “‘ swift witness” 
against those Israelites whose lives were unholy, and came among them 
“to purify the sons of Levi, that they might offer unto the Lord an offer- 
ing in righteousness,”? and to proclaim that, if they were unfaithful, God 
was still able “to raise up children unto Abraham.” 8 

Thus, burning with zeal, and confident of the truth of what he had 
learnt, he spoke out boldly in the synagogue.? An intense interest must 
have been excited about this time concerning the Messiah in the synagogue 
at Ephesus. Paul had recently been there, and departed with the promise 
of return. Aquila and Priscilla, though taking no forward. part as public 
teachers, would diligently keep the subject of the Apostle’s teaching before 
the minds of the Israelites. And now an Alexandrian Jew presented him- 
self among them, bearing testimony to the same Messiah with singular 
eloquence, and with great power in the interpretation of Scripture. Thus 
an unconscious preparation was made for the arrival of the Apostle, who 
was even now travelling towards Ephesus through the uplands ef Asia 
Minor. 

The teaching of Apollos, though eloquent, learned, and Zcalous, was 


1 Ἣν κατηχημένος τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ Κυρίου. 3. Ζέων τῷ πνεύματι. 

3 IIe was probably able to go further in Christian teaching than John the Baptist 
could do, by giving an account of the life of Jesus Christ. So far his knowledge was 
aecurate (ἀκριθὴς). Further instructions from Aquila and Priscilla made it more ac- 
curate (ἀκριθέστερον). 

4 The phrase ἢ ὁδὸς τοῦ Κυρίου should be carefully compared with the passages in 
the Gospels anil Prophets, where it occurs in reference to John the Baptist. Matt. iii, 
8. Marki. 3. Luke iii.4. John i. 28. Isa. xl. 3. (Lxx.) Compare Mal. iii. 1. (1xx) 

5 Luke i. 16, 17. 6 John v. 3,5. i. 9. 7 Mal. iii. 3-5. 

® Matt. iii. 9. 9 “Ἥρξατο παῤῥησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῇ ευναγωγῇ. xviii 26 


2 


16 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


seriously defective. But God had provided among his listeners those wha 
could instruct him more perfectly. Aquila and Priscilla felt that he waa 
proclaiming the same truth in which they had been instructed at Corinth. 
They could inform hin that they had met with one who had taught with 
authority far more concerning Christ than had been known even to John 
the Baptist ; and they could recount to him the miraculous gifts, which 
attested the outpouring of the Holy Ghost. Thus they attached them 
selves closely to Apollos,' and gave him complete instruction in that “way 
of the Lord,” which he had already taught accurately,’ though imperfectly ; 
and the learned Alexandrian obtained from the tent-makers a knowledge 
of that “mystery” which the ancient Scriptures had only partially 
revealed. 

This providential meeting with Aquila and Priscilla in Asia became 
the means of promoting the spread of the Gospel in Achaia. Now that 
Apollos was made fully acquainted with the Christian doctrine, his zeal 
urged him to go where it had been firmly established by an Apostle. It 
is possible, too, that some news received from Corinth might lead him to 
suppose that he could be of active service there in the cause of truth. The 
Christians of Ephesus encouraged‘ him in this intention, and gave him 
“letters of commendation” * to their brethren across the AZgean. On his 
arrival at Corinth, he threw himself at once among those Jews who had 
rejected St. Paul, and argued with them publicly and zealously on the 
ground of their Scriptures,’ and thus? became “a valuable support to those 
who had already believed through the grace of God ;” for he proved with 
power that that Jesus who had been crucified at Jerusalem, and whom 
Paul was proclaiming throughout the world, was indeed the Christ.2 Thus 
he watered where Paul had planted, and God gave an abundant increase. 
(1 Cor. iii. 6.) And yet ev grew up side by side with the good. For 
while he was a valuable aid to the Christians, and a formidable antagonist 
to the J qyys, and while he was honestly co-operating in Paul’s great work 
of evangelizing the world, he became the occasion of fostering pas ty-spirit 

1 TIpoceAdbovro αὐτόν. “They took him to themselves,” v. 26. 

2 Compare ἀκριθῶς, v. 25; and ἀκριθέστερον, ν. 26. 

3 y. 27. 4 Προτρεψάμενοι, ν. 27. 

5 Ol ἄδελφοι ἔγραψαν τοῖς μαθηταῖς, v. 27. Compare συστατικαὶ ἐπιστολαὶ, 2 Cor. 
tii. 1) where the reference is to commendatory letters addressed to or from the very 
sume Church of Corinth. 

6 Compare εὐτόνως (v. 28) with ζέων τῷ πνεύματι (Vv. 25) ; δημοσίᾳ with παῤῥησιά- 
(εσθαι (v. 26); and ἐπιδεικνὺς διὰ τῶν γραφῶν with δυνατὸς ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς (ν. 24). 

7 The word γὰρ should be noticed. His coring was ἃ valuable assistance te the 
Christians against the Jews, in the controversies which had doubtless been going on 
singe St. Paul’s departure. 

᾿ς 8 ’'Exudecxvog εἶναι τὸν Χριστὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν, v. 28. The phrase is much more definite 
than those which are used above (τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ Κυρίου, ana τὰ περὶ τοῦ K vy. 25) of the 
time when he was not fully instructed. 


APOLLOS AT CORINTH. 17 


among the Corinthians, and was unwillingly held up as a rival of the 
Apostle himself. In this city of rhetoricians and sophists, the erudition 
and eloquent speaking of Apollos were contrasted with the unlearned 
simplicity with which St. Paul had studiously presented the Gospel to his 
Corinthian hearers... Thus many attached themselves to the new teacher, 
and called themselves by the name of Apollos, while others ranged them- 
selves as the party of Paul (1 Cor. i. 12),—forgetting that Christ could 
not be “divided,” and that Paul and Apollos were merely ‘“ministers by 
whom they had believed.” (1 Cor. iii. 5.) We have no reason to imagine 
that Apollos himself encouraged or tolerated such unchristian divisions. 
A proof of his strong feeling to the contrary, and of his close attachment 
to St. Paul, is furnished by that letter to the Corinthians, which will soon 
be brought under our notice,? when, after vehement rebukes of the schisma- 
tic spirit prevailing among the Corinthians, it is said, “touching our 
brother Apollos,” that he was unwilling to return to them at that parti- 
cular time, though St. Paul himself had “ greatly desired it.” 

But now the Apostle himself is about to arrive in Ephesus. His resi- 
dence in this place, like his residence in Antioch and Corinth, is a subject 
to which our attention is particularly called. Therefcre, all the features 
of the city—its appearance, its history, the character cf its population, 
its political and mercantile relations—possess the utmost interest for us. 
We shall defer such description to a future chapter, and limit ourselves 
here to what may set before the reader the geographical position of Ephe- 
sus, as the point in which’St. Paul’s journey from Antioch terminated for 
the present. 

We imagined him? about the frontier of Asia and Phrygia, on his ap- 
proach from the interior to the sea. From this region of volcanic mo7a- 
tains, a tract of country extends to the Aigean, which is watered by t Ὁ 
of the long western rivers, the Hermus and the Meander, and which 8 
celebrated through an extended period of classical history, and is saci 1 


COIN oF EPHESUS. ἢ 


: See the remarks on the Corinthian parties in Vol. L p. 446. 

δ 1 Cer. xvi. 12. 3 Above, p. 13. 

4 Due to the kindness of Mr. Akerman. The abbreviation of the word veaxooe 
{Acta xix. 35) will be observed here. The image, however, of Diana is not the form 
ander which she was worshipped at Ephesus. 


VOL. I1.-—2 


18 THE LIFE’AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


+o us as the scene of the Churches of the Apocalypse.'. Near the mouth 
of one of these rivers is Smyrna ; near that of the other is Miletus. The 
islands of Samos and Chios are respectively opposite the projecting por- 
tion of coast, where the rivers flow by these cities to the sea.* Between 
the Hermus and the Meander is a smaller river, named the Cayster, separ: 
ated from the latter by the ridge of Messogis, and from the former by 
Mount Tmolus. Here, in the level valley of the Cayster, is the early 
cradle of the Asiatic name,—the district of primeval ‘‘ Asia,”—not as 
understood in its political or ecclesiastical sense, but the Asia of old poetic 
legend. And here, in a situation preeminent among the excellent posi- 
tions which the Ionians chose for their cities,t Ephesus was built, on some 
hills near the sea. For some time after its foundation by Androclus the 
Athenian, it was inferior to Miletus ;* »at with the decay of the latter 
city, in the Macedonian and Roman periods, it rose to greater eminence, 
and in the time of St. Paul it was the greatest city of Asia Minor, as 
well as the metropolis of the province of Asia. Though Greek in its 
origin, it was half-oriental in the prevalent worship, and in the character 
of its inhabitants ; and being constantly visited by ships from all parts of 
the Mediterranean, and united by great roads with the markets of the 
interior, it was the common meeting-place of various characters and 
classes of men. 
. Among those whom St. Paul met on his arrival, was the small com- 
pany of Jews above alluded to,®° who professed the imperfect Christianity 
of Johz the Baptist. By this time Apollos had departed to Corinth. 
Those “disciples” who were now at Ephesus were in the same religious 
condition in which he had been, when Aquila and Priscilla first spoke to 


1 Rev. i. ii. iii. Laodicea is in the basin of the Meander ; Smyrna, Thyatira, Sardis, 
and Philadelphia are in that of the Hermus; Pergamus is further to the north on the 
Caicus. For a description of this district, see Arundell’s Visit to the Seyen Churches, 
and Fellows’ Asia Minor. 

2 Tn the account of St. Paul’s return we shall have to take particular notice of this 
coast. He sailed between these islands and the mainland, touching at Miletus, 
Acts xx. 

3 For the early history of the word Asia, see Vol. I. pp. 237, 238. 

4 Herodotus says of the cities of the Ionians generally: Oi ἤίωνες ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ 
ἐτύγχανον ἱδρυσάμενοι πόλιας πάντων ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς iduev. i. 142; and Strabo 
says of Ephesus: Ἡ πόλις τῇ πρὸς τὰ ἄλλα εὐκαιρίᾳ τῶν τύπων αὔξεται Kat!’ ἑκάστην 
ἡμέραν ἐμπόριον οὖσα μέγιστον τῶν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν τὴν ἐντὸς 'Γαύρου. xiv. An ac- 
count of the early history of Ephesus to the time of Alexander, will be found in a trea- 
tise “De rebus Ephesiorum,” by W. C. Perry (Gottingen, 1837). A much more 
copious work is Guhl’s “ Ephesiaca” (Berlin, 1843), of which we sha]l make abundant 
ase. See alsoa paper by Mr. Akerman, containing ‘‘ Remarks on the Coins of Epheaus, 
struck during the Roman Dominion” (read before the Numismatic Society, May 20 
1841). 

5 See Guhl, p. 27; Perry, p. 11. In legend its origin is referred to the Amazona 

6 Above, p. 13. See Acts xix. 1-7, 


DISCIPLES OF JOHN THE BAPTIST. 19 


fim, though doubtiess they were infericr to him both in learning and zeal.! 
St. Paul found, on inquiry, that they had only received John’s baptism, 
and that they were ignorant of the great outpouring of the Holy Ghost, 
in which the life and energy of the Church consisted.” They were even 
perplexed by his question. He then pointed out, in conformity with 
what had been said by John the Baptist himself, that that prophet only 
preached repentance to prepare men’s minds for Christ, who is the true 
object of faith. On this they received Christian baptism : 4 and after they 
were baptized, the laying on of the Apostle’s hands resulted, as in all 
other Churches, in the miraculous gifts of Tongues and of Prophecy. 
After this occurrence has been mentioned as an isolated fact, our at- 
tention is called to the great teacher’s labours in the synagogue. Doubt- 
less, Aquila and Priscilla were there. Though they are not mentioned 
here in connection with St. Paul, we have seen them so lately (Acts xviii.) 
instructing Apollos, and we shall find them so soon again sending saluta- 
tions to Corinth in the Apostle’s letter from Hphesus (1 Cor. xvi.) that 
we cannot but believe he met his old associates, and again experienced 
the benefit of their aid. It is even probable that he again worked with 
them at the same trade: for in the address to the Enhesian elders at 
Miletus (Acts xx. 34) he stated that “his own hands had ministered to 
his necessities, and to those who were with him ;” and in writing to the 
Corinthians he says (1 Cor. iv. 11, 12) that such toil had continued 
“even to that hour.” There is no doubt that he “reasoned” in the Syna- 
gogue at Ephesus with the same zeal and energy with which his spiritual 
labours had been begun at Corinth.6 He had been anxiously expected, 
and at first he was heartily welcomed. A preparation for his teaching 
had been made by Apollos and those who instructed him. ‘For three 
months” Paul continued to speak beldly in the synagogue, “ arguing and 
endeavouring to convince his hearers of all that related to the kingdom 
of God.”? The hearts of some were hardened, while others repented and 
believed ; and in the end the Apostle’s doctrine was publicly calumniated 


1 It is impossible to know whether these men were connected with Apollos. The 
‘yhole narrative seems to imply that they were in a lower state of religious knowledge 
than he was. 

? See the last chap. in Vol. I. 

3 The English version, “ We have not so much as heard whether there be any Holy 
Ghost,” is a literal translation of the Greek, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ εἰ Πνεῦμα ἅγιον ἐστὶν ἠκούσα- 
μεν. Some commentators supply δοθέν, or some equivalent word. If taken thus, the 
passage will be a close parallel to John vii. 39, οὔπω γὰρ ἣν Πνιεῖμα éyvov—* the 
Holy Spirit is not yet [given].” 

4 On the inference derivable from this passage, that the name of the Holy Ghost was 
used in the baptismal formula, see p. 439. 

5 See again the last chap. in Vol. I., and the note below on 1 Cor. 


BU THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


by the Jews before the people.! On this he openly separated himself 
and withdrew the disciples from the Synagogue; and the Christian 
Church at Ephesus became a distinct body, separated both from the Jews 
and the Gentiles. 

As the house of Justus at Corinth® had afforded St. Paul a refuge 
from calumny, and an opportunity of continuing his public instruction, so 
here he had recourse to “ the school of Tyrannus,” who was probably a 
teacher of philosophy or rhetoric, converted by the Apostle to Christi- 
anity.2 His labours in spreading the Gospel were here continued for two 
whole years. For the incidents which occurred during this residence, for 
the persons with whom the Apostle became acquainted, and for the pre- 
cise subjects of his teaching, we have no letters to give us information 
supplementary to the Acts, as in the cases of Thessaloniva and Corinth : 3 
inasmuch as that which is called the “ Epistle to the Ephesians,” enters 
into no personal or incidental details.» “But we have, in the address to 
the Ephesian elders at Miletus, an affecting picture of an Apostle’s la- 
bours for the salvation of those whom his Master came to redvem. From 
that address we learn, that his voice had not been heard within the school 
of Tyrannus alone, but that he had gone about among his converts, in- 
structing them “from house to house,” and warning “each one” of them 
affectionately “ with tears.” 5 The subject of his teaching was ever the 
same, both for Jews and Greeks, “‘repentance towards God, and faith 
towards our Lord Jesus Christ.”7 Labours so incessant, so disinterested, 
and continued through so long a time, could not fail to produce a great 
result at Ephesus. A large Church was formed, over which many pres- 
byters were called to preside. Nor were the results confined to the city 
Throughout the province of “ Asia” the name of Christ became generally 
known, both to the Jews and Gentiles ;? and doubtless, many daughter- 
churches were founded, whether in the course cf journeys undertaken by 
the Apostle himself,” or by means of those with whom he became 


1 ᾿Ενώπιον τοῦ πλήθους, ν. 9. 2 Acts xviii. 7. See Vol. L.p. 398. 

3 Those who are apt to see a Jewish or Talmudical reference almost everywhere (ag 
Lightfoot, Vitringa, and Schottgen), think that Tyrannus ,may have been a Jew, and 
his “school” a place for theological teaching (2 nog), such as those mentioned, 
Vol. I. p. 60. 

4 See in the first volume the chapter containing the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, 
and in the present volume those which contain the two Epistles to the Corinthians. 

53. The peculiarities of this Hpistle will be considered hereafter. 

6 Acts xx. 20, 31 Compare vy. 19. 7 Tb. 21. 

8. Τρ. 17. τοὺς πρεσθυτέρους τῆς ἐκκλησίας, below (v. 28) called ἐπισκύπους. See 
what is said on this subject, Vol. I. p. 434. 

9 Ὥστε πάντας τοὺς κατοικοῦντας τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἀκοῦσαι τὸν λόγον τοῦ Κυρίου ᾿Ἰηςοῦ, 
Ἰουδαίους τε καὶ ’"EAAnvac. Acts xix. 10. There must have been many Jews in 
various parts of the province. 

10 What is said of his continued residence at Ephesus by no means implies thai ha 
did not make journeys in the province. 


ἙΡΠΈΡΙΑΝ MAGIC. 24 


acquainted,—as for instance by Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon, in com 
nection with Colosse, and its neighbour cities Hierapolis and Laodicea.' 

It is during this interval, thet one of the two characteristics of 
the people of Ephesus comes prominently into view. ‘This city was re 
nowned throughout the world for the worship of Diana, and the practice 
of magic. Though it was a Greek city, like Athens or Corinth, the manners 
of its inhabitants were half oriental. The image of the tutelary goddess 
resembled an Indian idel? rather than the beautiful forms which crowded 
the Acropolis of Athens :* and the enemy which St. Paul had to oppose 
was not a vaunting philosophy, as at Corinth,! but a dark and. Asiatic su- 
perstition. The worship of Diana and the practice of magic were closely 
connected together. Eustathius says, that the mysterious symbois, called 
“ Ephesian Letters,” were engraved on the crown, the girdle, and the feet 
of the goddess.? These Ephesian letters or monograms have been com 
pared to the Runic characters of the north.6 When pronounced, they 
were regarded as a charm ;7 and were directed to be used, especially by 
νι those who were in the power of evil spirits. When written, they were 
carried about as amulets.? Curious stories are told of their influence. 
Creesus is related to have repeated the mystic syllables when on his fune- 
ral pile ; 190 and an Hphesian wrestler is said to have always struggled suc- 
cessfully against an antagonist from Miletus until he lost the scroll, which 
before had been like a talisman. 'The study of these symbols was an ela- 
borate science ; and books, both numerous and costly, were compiled by 
its professors.” 


1 See above for the arguments against supposing that St. Paul travelled to Ephesus 
by Colosss and the valley of the Meander. The same arguments tend to prove that 
he never visited this district from Ephesus. It is thought by many that Epaphras 
was converted by St. Paul at Ephesus, and founded the church of Colosse. See Col 
i 7. iv. 12-17. Philem. 23. 

* See the Coins in the next chapter but one. We shall return to the subject hereafter 

5 See Vol. I. p. 355, &e. 4 See Vol. I. p. 446. , 

5 davai τινες ἦσαν ἐπὶ τῆς στεφάνης Kai τῆς ζώνης Kal τῶν ποδῶν τῆς ᾿Εφεσίας 
Αοτέμιδος αἰνιγματώδως γεγραμμέναι. Ἰδαδίαίῃ. Od. xiv. p. 1864, 

6 By a Swedish writer, Beeth, De Templo Dianze Ephesia : Upsal, 1700. See Guhl’r 
Ephesiaca, ο. iii. ὃ 6. 

7’Enwoat, ἃς οἱ φωνοῦντες ἐνίκων ἐν παντί, among the quotations in Guhl. 

®’Oi μάγοι, τοὺς δαιμονιζομένους κελεύουσι τὰ ᾿Εφέσια γράμματα καταλέγειν καὶ 
ὀνομάζειν. Plut. Symp. 

9 Ἔν σκυταρίοις ῥαπτοῖσι φέρων ’Edeciia γράμματα καλά, Anaxilas in Athenzeus, 
xii. 584, ὁ. 

10 See the Htymologicum Magnum. 

1 Suidas and Eustathius, referred to by Guhl. 

” For further information on Ephesian magic, see Wetstein and Grotius. The life 
of Alexander of Tralles in Smith’s Biography, and in the biography of the 1]. K. Socie« 
ty, contains some important illustrations. Olshausen quotes some of the mystic syk 
lables from Hesychius. 


22 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF wT. PAUL. 


This statement throws some light on the peculiar character of the mir 
acles wrought by St. Paul at Ephesus. We are ποῦ to suppose that the 
Apostles were always able to work miracles at will. An influx of super- 
natural power was given to them, at the time, and according to the cir-_ 
cumstances that required it. And the character of the miracles was not 
always the same. They were accommodated to the peculiar forms of sin, 
superstition, and ignorance they were required to oppose.’ Here, at 
Ephesus, St. Paul was in the face of magicians, like Moses and Aaron be- 
fore Pharaoh ; and it is distinctly said that his miracles were “not ordi- 
nary wonders ;”? from which we may infer that they were different from 
those which he usually performed. We know, in the case of our Blessed 
Lord’s miracles, that though the change was usually accomplished on the 
speaking of a word, intermediate agency was sometimes employed ; as 
when the blind man was healed at the pool of Siloam. A miracle 
which has a closer reference to our present subject, is that in which 
the hem of Christ’s garment was made effectual to the healing of a 
poor sufferer, and the conviction of the bystanders.4 So on this oceasion gar- 
ments > were made the means of communicating a healing power to those 
who were at a distance, whetber they were possessed with evil spirits, or 
afflicted with ordinary diaeases.6 Such effects, thus publicly manifested, 
must have been a signal refutation of the charms and amulets and mystic 
letters of Ephesus. Yet was this no encouragement to blind superstition, 
When the suffering woman was healed by touching the hem of the gar- 
ment, the Saviour turned round and said, “ Virtue is gone out of me.”? 
And here at Ephesus we are reminded that it was God who “ wrought 
miracles by the hands of Paul” (v.11), and that “ the name,” not of Paul, 
but “of the Lord Jesus, was magnified.” (vy. 17.) 

These miracles must have produced a great effect upon the minds of 
those who practised curious arts in Ephesus. Among the magicians whe 

1 The narrative of what was done by St. Paul at Ephesus should be compared witk 
St. Peter’s miracles at Jerusalem, when “many signs and wonders were wrought 
among the people .... insomuch that they brought forth the sick into the streets, 
and laid them on beds and couches, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by 
might overshadow some of them.” Acts vy. 12-16. 

2 Δυνάμεις ob τὰς τυχούσας. xXix. 11. : 

3 “He spat on the ground, and made clay of the spittle, and anointed the eyes of the 
blind man with the clay, and said unto him: Go, wash in the pool of Siloam.” John 
UKs Osis 

4 Matt. ix. 20. See Trenct on the Miracles, p. 189, ἄο. 

5 Both the words used here are Latin. The former, swdariwm, is that which occurs 
Luke xix. 20. John xi. 44. xx. 7, and is translated “napkin.” The latter, sezz- 
zinclium, denotes some such article of dress—shawl, handkerhief, or apron—as is 
easily laid aside. 

6 Kai ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἀπ’ ἀυτῶν τὰς νόσονς, τὰ τε πνεύματα τὰ πεονηοὰ ἐξέρχισθαι 
an αὐτῶν. ν. 12. 

7 Luke viii. 46. Compare vi. 19. 


THE EXORCISTS. 293 


were then in this city, in the course of their wanderings through the Kast, 
were several Jewish exorcists.!. This is a cireumstance which need not 
surprise us. The stern severity with which sorcery was forbidden in the 
Old Testament’ attests the early tendency of the Israelites to such prao 
tices : the Talmud bears witness to the continuance of these practices at 
a later period ;3 and we have already had occasion, in the course of this 
nistory, to notice the spread of Jewish magicians through various parts of 

e 
the Roman Empire.* It was an age of superstition and imposture—an 
age aiso in which the powers of evil manifested themselves with peculiar 
force. Hence we find St. Paul classing “‘ witchcraft ” among the works of 
the flesh (Gal. v. 20), and solemnly warning the Galatians, both in words? 
and by his letters, that they who practise it cannot inherit the king- 
dom of God ; and it is of such that he writes to Timothy (2 Tim. iii. 13), 
—that ‘evil men and sedwcers* shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and 
being deceived.” This passage in St. Paul’s latest letter had probably re- 
ference to that very city in which we see him now brought into opposition 
with Jewish sorcerers. These men, believing that the name of Jesus acted 
as a charm, and recognising the Apostle as a Jew like themselves, at- 
tempted his method of casting out evil spirits? But He to whom the 
demons were subject, and who had given to His servant “power and au- 
thority ” over them (Luke ix. 1), had shame and terror in store for those 
who presumed thus to take His Holy Name in vain. 

One specific instance is recorded, which produced disastrous conse- 
quences to those who made the attempt, and led to wide results among 
the general population. In the number of those who attempted to cast 
out evil spirits by the “name of Jesus,” were seven brothers, sons of Sceva, 
who is called a high-priest,* either because he had really held this c.tice at 
Jerusalem, or because he was chief of one of the twenty-four courses of 

1 Acts xix. 13. 

2 See Exod. xxii. 18. Ley. xx. 27. Deut. xviii, 10,11. 1 Sam. xxviii. 3. 9. 

3 See Lightfoot in Biscoe on the Acts, p. 265. A knowledge of magic was a requi- 
site qualification of a member of the Sanhedrin, that he might be able to try those who 
were accused of such practices. Josephus (Ant. xx. 7, 2) speaks of a Cyprian Jew, ἃ 
sorcerer, Who was a friend and companion of Felix, and who is identified by some with 
Simon Magus. Again (Ant. viii. 2,5) he mentions certain forms of incantation used 
by Jewish magicians which they attributed to King Solomon. 

4 See Vol. 1. 145, &e. 

5 Observe the phrase in v. 21, “as I told you in time past” (προεῖπον), perhaps og 
the very journey through Galatia which we have just had occasion to mention. Ses 
again Rey. ix. 21. xviii. 33. 

6 The word is γοῆτες, the customary term for these wandering magicians. See Neane 
der, 1. 41, &c., Eng. Trans, 

7 See v. 13. 

8 Olshausen’s version, that he was merely the chief rabbi of the Ephesian Jews (einer 


Oberrabbi, der vermuthlich das Haupt der Ephesinischen Judenschaft war) can hardly 
be a correct rendering of ἀοχιερεύς, 


94. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


priests. But the Demons, who were subject to Jesus, and by His wil! 
subject to those who preached His Gospel, treated with scorn those whe 
used His Name without being converted to His truth. ‘“ Jesus I know, 
and Paul I know ; but who are ye?” was the answer of the evil spirit. 
And straightway the man who was possessed sprang upon them, with 
frantic violence, so that they were utterly discomfitted, and “ fled out of 
the house naked and wounded.” ! 

This fearful result of the profane use of that Holy Name which was 
proclaimed by the Apostles for the salvation of all men, soon became no- 
torious, both among the Greeks and the Jews. Consternation and alarm 
took possession of the minds of many ; and in jrvportion to this alarm the 
name of the Lord Jesus began to be reverenced and honoured.2 Even 
among those who had given their faith to St. Paul’s preaching,* some ap- 
pear to have retained their attacliment to the practice of magical arts. 
Their conscience was moved by what had recently occurred, and they 
came and made a full confession to the Apostle, and publicly acknowl- 
edged and forsook their deeds of darkness.* 

The fear and conviction seems to have extended beyond those who 
made a profession of Christianity. A large number of the sorcerers them- 
selves* openly renounced the practice which had been so signally con- 
demned by a higher power ; and they brought together the books? that 
contained the mystic formularies, and burnt them before all the people. 
When the volumes were consumed,’ they proceeded to reckon up the price 
at which these manuals of enchantment would be valued. Such books, 
from their very nature, would be costly ; and all books in that age bore a 
value, which is far above any standard with which we are. familiar. 
Hence we must not be surprised that the whole cost thus sacrificed and 
surrendered amounted to as much as two thousand pounds of English mo- 
ney.® This scene must have been long remembered at Ephesus. It was 
a strong proof of honest conviction on the part of the sorcerers, and a 
striking attestation of the triumph of Jesus Christ over the powers of dark- 


1 y. 16. avails 3 ’Eyeyadivero. 

4 It seems unnatural to take the pertect participle τῶν πεπιστευκότων in any other 
sense than “those who had previously believed.” 

5 Τὰς πράξεις αὑτῶν, which must surely refer to the particular practices in question. 
The word ἐξομολογεῖσθαι denotes “ to make a full confession,” as in Matt. iii, 6. Jam. 
v. 16. 

6 v.19. 7 Τὰς βίθλους, “ their books.” 

8 The imperfect catéxazsv should be noticed, as imparting a graphic character to the 
whole narrative. The burning and blazing of the books went on for some consider- 
able time. Compare the instances of the burning of magical books recorded in Liv. xL 
29. Suet. Aug. 31: also Tac. Ann. xiii. 50. Agr. 2. 

9 The “piece of silver” mentioned here was doubtless the drachma, the current 
Greek coin.of the Levant: the value was about ten-pence. There can be no reason 
+0 suppose with Grotius that the shekel is meant. 


\ 


BURNING OF THE BOOKS. 95 


ness. The workers of evil were put to scorn, like the priests of Baal by 
Elijah on Mount Carmel ;! and the teaching of the doctrine of Christ 
“increased mightily and grew strong.” ? 

With this narrative of the burning of the books, we have nearly 
reached the term of St. Paul’s three years’ residence at Ephesus. Before 
his departure, however, two important subjects demand our attention, 
each of which may be treated in a separate chapter :—the First Epistle 
to the Corinthians, with the circumstances in Achaia which led te the 
writing of it,—and the uproar in the Ephesian Theatre, which will be 
considered in connection with a description of the city, and some notice of 
the worship of Diana, 


COIN oF ΕΡΉΠΕΙΞ. 


ΕΣ Kings xviii. 
Θύτω κατὰ κράτος ὁ λόγος τοῦ K. ηὔξανε καὶ ἴσχυεν. v. 20. 
Gee v. 21, which immediately follows. 4 See above, Ὁ. 17,a.4 


26 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUT. 


CHAPTER XV: 


“Αἱ μὲν ἐπιστολαὶ (φησὶ) βαρεῖαι καὶ ἰσχυραῖ" ἣ de παρουσία -od σώματος ἀσϑενὴν 
καὶ ὁ λόγος ἐξουθενημένος.""--- Cor. x. 10. 


ST. PAUL PAYS A SHORT VISIT TO CORINTH.—RETURNS TO EPHESUS.—WRITES A LETTER 
τὸ THE CORINTHIANS, WHICH IS NOW LOST.—THEY REPLY, DESIRING FARTHER EX 
PLANATIONS.—STATE OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH.—ST. PAUL WRITES THE F/RST 
EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


We have hitherto derived such information as we possess, concerning the 
proceedings of St. Paul at Ephesus, from the narrative in the Acts; but 
we must now record an occurrence which St. Luke has passed over in 
silence, and which we know only from a few incidental allusions in the let- 
ters of the Apostle himself. This occurrence, which probably took place 
not later than the beginning of the second year of St. Paul’s residence at 
Ephesus, was a short visit which he paid to the Church at Corinth.! 


4 The occurrence of this visit is proved by the following passages : 

(1) 2 Cor. xii. 14. τρίτον τοῦτο ἑτοίμως ἔχω ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 

(2) 2 Cor. xiii. 1. τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 

If the visit after leaving Ephesus was the third, there must have been a serona. 
before it. 

(3) 2 Cor. xii. 21. μὴ πάλιν ἐλθόντα pe ταπεινώσῃ ὁ Θεὸς, καὶ πενθήσω πολλοὺς 
τῶν προημαρτηκότων. He fears lest he should again be humbled on visiting them, 
and again have to mourn their sins. Hence there must have been a former visit, in 
which he was thus humbled and made to mourn. 

Paley in the Hore Pauline, and other commentators since, have shown that these 
passages (though they acknowledge their most natural meaning to be in favour of an 
intermediate visit) may be explained away ; in the first two St. Paul might perhaps 
only have meant “this is the third time J have intended to come to you ;” and in the 
third passage we may take πάλιν with ἐλθόντα, in the sense of ‘on my return.” But 
we think that nothing but the hypothesis of an intermediate visit can explain the fol- 
iowing passages: 

(4) 2 Cor.ii 1. ἔκρινα μὴ πάλιν ἐν λύπῃ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐλθεῖν (which is the reading 
of every one of the Uncial manuscripts). Here it would be exceeding!y unnatural to 
join πάλιν with ἐλθεῖν ; and the feeling of this probably led to the error of the Textus 
Receptus. 

(5) 2 Cor. xiii. 2. προείρηκα καὶ προλέγω, ὡς παρὼν τὸ δεύτερον, καὶ ἀπὼν vir 
[γράφω in the Textus Receptus is not found in the best MSS.] τοῖς προημαρτηκύσι καὶ 
τοῖς λοιποὶς πᾶσιν, ὅτι ἐὰν ἔλθω εἰς TO πάλιν, οὐ φείσομαι. I have warned you 
formerly, and Inow forewarn you, as when Iwas present the second time, so now 


ST. PAUL’S VISIT TO CORINTH. 2% 


If we had not possessed any direct information that such a visit had 
deen made, yet in itself it would have seemed highly probable that St 
Paul would not have remained three years at Ephesus without revisiting 
his Corinthian converts. We have already remarked! on the facility of 
communication which existed between these two great cities, which were 
united by a continual reciprocity of commerce, and were the capitals of 
two peaceful provinces. And we have seen examples of the intercourse 
which actually took place between the Christians of the two Churches, 
both in the case of Aquila and Priscilla, who had migrated from the one 
to the other, and in that of Apollos, concerning whom, ‘‘ when he was dis- 
posed to pass into Achaia,” “ the brethren [at Ephesus] wrote, exhorting 
the disciples [at Corinth] to receive him” (Acts xviii. 27). We have 
seen, in the last chapter, some of the results of this visit of Apollos to 
Corinth ; he was now probably returned to Ephesus, where we know? 
that he was remaining (and, it would seem, stationary) during the third 
year of St. Paul’s residence in that capital. No doubt, on his return, he 
had much to tell of the Corinthian converts to their father in the faith,— 
much of joy and hope, but also much of pain, to communicate ; for there 
can be little doubt that those tares among the wheat, which we shall pre- 
sently see in their maturer growth, had already begun to germinate, al- 
though neither Paul had planted, nor Apollos watered them. One evil at 
least, we know, prevailed extensively, and threatened to corrupt the whole 
Church of Corinth. This was nothing less than the addiction of many 
Corinthian Christians to those sins of impurity which they had practised 
i the days of their heathenism, and which disgraced their native city, 
even among the heathen. We have before mentioned the peculiar 
licentiousness of manners which prevailed at Corinth. So notorious was 
this, that it had actually passed into the vocabulary of the Greek tongue ; 
and the very word “ to Corinthianise,’ meant ‘to play the wanton ;” 


while Tam absent, saying to those who had sinned before that time, and to all the 
rest, “If I come again, I will not spare.” 

Against these arguments Paley sets (1st) St. Luke’s silence, which, however, is ac- 
knowledged by all to be inconclusive, considering that so very many of St. Paul’s 
travels and adventures are left confessedly unrecorded in the Acts (see note on 2 Cor. 
xi. 23, &c.). (2ndly) The passage, 2 Cor. i. 15, 16, in which St. Paul tells the Corin- 
thians he did not wish now to give them a “second benefit,” δευτέραν χάριν; whence 
he argues that the visit then approaching would be his second visit. But a more 
careful examinetion of the passage shows that St. Paul is speaking of his original 
intention of paying them a double visit, on his way to Macedonia, and on his return 
from Macedonia. 

The whole argument on both sides is very ably stated by Wieseler, Chronologie, p. 
232-241. 

1 Vol. I. p. 423. 3.1 Cor. xvi. 12. 

3 Κορε"θιάζομαι, used by Aristophanes in a lost play (quoted by Steph. Byz.). Com 
pare also Aristoph. Plut. 149. 


28 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


nay, the bad reputation of the city had become proverbial, even in foreign 
languages, and is immortalised by the Latin poets. Such being the 
habits in which many of the Corinthian converts had been educated, we 
cannot wonder if it proved most difficult to root out immorality from the 
rising Church. The offenders against Christian chastity were exceedingly 
numerous? at this period ; and it was especially with the object of at 
tempting to reform them, and to check the growing mischief, that St. 
Paul now determined to visit Corinth. 

Ue has himself described this visit as a painful one ;* he went in sor- 
row at the tidings he had received, and when he arrived, he found the 
state of things even worse than he had expected ; he tells us that it was 
a time of personal humiliation‘ to himself, occasioned by the flagrant sins 
of so many of his own converts ; he reminds the Corinthians, afterwards, 
how he had “ mourned” over those who had dishonoured the name of 
Christ by “the uncleanness and fornication and wantonness which they 
had committed.” * 

But in the midst of his grief he showed the greatest tenderness for the 
individual offenders ; he warned them of the heinous guilt which they 
were incurring ; he showed them its inconsistency with their Christian 
calling ;* he reminded them how, at their baptism, they had died to sin, 
and risen again unto righteousness ; but he did not at once exclude them 
from the Church which they had defiled. Yet he was compelled to 
threaten them with this penalty, if they persevered in the sins which had 
now called forth his rebuke. He has recorded the very words which he 
used. “If I come again,” he said, “I will not spare.” 7 

It appears probable that, on this occasion, St. Paul remained but a 
very short time at Corinth. When afterwards, in writing to them, he 
says, that he does not wish ‘‘ now to pay them a passing visit,” he seems ὃ 
to imply, that his last visit had deserved that epithet. Moreover, had it 
occupied a large portion of the “space of three years,” which he describes 
himself to have spent at, Ephesus (Acts xx. 31), he would probably have 
expressed himself differently in that part of his address to the Ephesian 


1 Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum. (Hor. Ep. i. 17.) See Vol. Lp 
415, note 2. 

2 Only a part of them who remained unrepentant after rebuke and warning are 
called πολλοὺς. 2 Cor. xii. 21. 

3 Ἔν λυπῇ (2 Cor. ii. 1). 4 Ταπεινώσῃ (2 Cor. xii. 21). 

5 2 Cor. xii. 21. 

6 There can be no doubt that he urged upon them the same arguments which he way 
afterwards obliged to repeat at 1 Cor. vi. 15. : 

7 2 Cor. xiii. 2. 

8 1 Cor. xvi. 7. Yet this admits of another explanation ; for perhaps he only meant 
to say, “1 will not now (at once) come to you (by the direct route) on my way te 
Macedunia, for a passing visit,” &e 


ST. PAUL RETURNS TO EPHESUS. 99 


e 


presbyters ;! and a long visit could scarcely have failed to furnish more 
allusions in the Epistles so soon after written to Corinth. The silence of 
St. Luke also, which is easily explained on the supposition of a short 
visit, would be less natural had St. Paul been long absent from Ephesus, 
where he appears, from the narrative in the Acts, to be stationary during 
all this period. 

On these grounds, we suppose that the Apostle, availing himself of 
the constant maritime intercourse between the two cities, had gone by sea 
to Corinth ; and that he now returned to Ephesus by the same route 
(which was very much shorter than that by land), after spending a few 
days or weeks at Corinth. 

But his censures and warnings had produced too little effect upon his 
converts ; his mildness had been mistaken for weakness ; his hesitation 
in punishing had been ascribed to a fear of the offenders ; and it was not 
long before he received new intelligence that the profligacy which had 
infected the community was still increasing. Thenit was that he felt him- 
seif compelled to resort to harsher measures ; he wrote an Epistle (which 
has not been preserved to us)? in which, as we learn from himself, he 
ordered the Christians of Corinth, by virtue of his Apostolic authority, 
“to cease from all intercourse with fornicators.” By this he meant, ag 
he subsequently explained his injunctions, to direct the exclusion of all 
profligates from the Church. The Corinthians, however, either did not, 
understand this, or (to excuse themselves) they affected not to do so; 
for they asked, how it was possible for them to abstain from all intercourse 
with the profligate, unless they entirely secluded themselves from all the 
business of life, which they had to transact with their heathen neighbours. 
Whether the lost Epistle contained any other topics, we cannot know with 
certainty ; but we may conclude with some probability, that it was very 
short, and directed to this one subject ;* otherwise it is not easy to under- 
stand why it should not have been preserved together with the two sub- 
sequent Epistles. 

Soon after this short letter had been dispatched, Timotheus, accom- 
panied by Erastus,‘ left Ephesus for Macedonia. St. Paul desired him, 


1 Wieseler, however, gets over this, by supposing that when St. Paul mentions three 
years spent among his hearers, he means to address not only the Ephesian presbyters 
whom he had summoned, but also the companions of his voyage (Acts xx. 4) who had 
been with him in Macedonia and Achaia. 

? See 1 Cor. v. 9-12. This lost Fpistle must have been written after his second 
visit ; otherwise he need not have explained it in the passage referred to. 

3 Probably it was in this lost letter that he gave them notice of his intention to 
visit them on his way to Macedonia ; for altering which he was so much blamed by his 
ppponents, 

« Erastus was probably the treasurer (οἰκονομός) of the city of Corinth mentioned 
Rom. xvi. 23 and 2 Tim. iy. 20; and therefore was most likely proceeding at any rate 
te Corinth. 


90 - THE LIFE AND EPISTJ. ES OF ST. PAUL, 


if possible, to continue his journey to Corinth ; but did not feel certain 
that it would be possible for him to do so! consistently with the other 
objects of his journey, which probably had reference to the great collec 
tion now going on for the poor Hebrew Christians at Jerusalem. 
Meantime, some members of the household of Chloe, a distinguished 
Christian family at Corinth, arrived at Ephesus ; anc from them St. Pau. 
received fuller information than he before possessed of the condition & 
the Corinthian Church. The spirit of party had seized upon its members, 
and well nigh destroyed Christian love. We have already seen, in our 
general view of the divisions of the Apostolic Church, that the great par- 
ties which then divided the Christian world had ranked themselves under 
the names of different Apostles, whom they attempted to set up against 
each other as rival leaders. At Corinth, as in other places, emissaries 
had arrived from the Judaizers of Palestine, who boasted of their “ letters 
of commendation” from the metropolis of the faith ; they did not, how- 
ever, attempt, as yet, toinsist upon circumcision, as we shall find them 
doing successfully among the simpler population of Galatia. This would 
have been hopeless in a great and civilised community like that of Corinth, 
imbued with Greek feelings of contempt for what they would have deemed 
a barbarous superstition. Here, therefore, the Judaizers confined them- 
selves, in the first instance, to personal attacks against St. Paul, whose 
apostleship they denied, whose motives they calumniated, and whose 
authority they persuaded the Corinthians to repudiate. Some of them 
declared themselves the followers of Cephas, whom the Lord himself had 
selected to be the chief Apostle; others (probably the more extreme 
members of the party”) boasted of their own immediate connection with 
Christ himself, and their intimacy with “the brethren of the Lord ;” and 
especially with James, the head of the Church at Jerusalem. The endea- 
vours of these agitators to undermine the influence of the Apostle of the 
Gentiles met with undeserved success; and they gained over a strong 
party to their side. Meanwhile, those who were still stedfast to the doc- 
trines of St. Paul, yet were not all unshaken in their attachment to his 
person: ἃ portion of them preferred the Alexandrian learning with which 
Apollos had enforced his preaching, to the simple style of their first 
teacher, who had designedly abstained, at Corinth, from anything like 
philosophical argumentation.? This party then, who sought to form for 
themselves a philosophical Christianity, called themselves the followers of 
Apollos ; although the latter, for his part, evidently disclaimed the rivalry 
with St. Paul which was thus implied, and even refused to revisit Corinth, 
lest he should seem to countenance the factious spirit of his adherents. 
! Timotheus apparently did not reach Corinth on this occasion, or the fact would 


bave been mentioned 2 Cor. xii. 18, 
2 See above, Vol. I. pp. 444, 445. 3 1 Cor. ii. 1-5. 41 Cor, xvi. 12 


STATE OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH. 81 


It is not impossible that the Antinomian Free-thinkers, whom we have 
already seen to form so dangerous a portion of the Primitive Church, 
attached themselves to this last-named party ; at any rate, they were, at 
this time, one of the worst elements of evil at Corinth: they put forward 
a theoretic defence of the practical immorality in which they lived ; and 
some of them had so lost the very foundation of Christian faith as te 
deny the resurrection of the dead, and thus toe adopt the belief as well as 
the sensuality of their Epicurean neighbours, whose motto was “ Let us 
eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.” 

A crime, recently committed by one of these pretended Christians. 
was now reported to St. Paul, and excited his utmost abhorrence : a mem- 
ber of the Corinthian Church was openly living in incestuous intercourse 
with his step-mother, and that, during his father’s life ; yet this audacious 
offender was not excluded from the Church. 

Nor were these the only evils: some Christians were’ showing their 
total want of brotherly love by bringing vexatious actions against their 
brethren in the heathen courts of law; others were turning even the 
spiritual gifts which they had received from the Holy Ghost into occasions 
of vanity and display, not unaccompanied by fanatical delusion ; the decent 
order of Christian worship was disturbed by the tumultuary claims of rival 
ministrations ; women had forgotten the modesty of their sex, and came 
forward, unveiled (contrary to the habit of their country), to address the 
public assembly ; and even the sanctity of the Holy Communion itself 
was profaned by scenes of revelling and debauch. 

About the same time that all this disastrous intelligence was brought 
to St. Paul by the household of Chloe, other messengers arrived from 
Corinth, bearing the answer of the Church to his previous letter, of which 
(as we have mentioned above) they requested an explanation ; and at the 
same time referring to his decision several questions which caused dispute 
and difficulty. These questions related—Ist, To the controversies respect- 
ing meat which had been offered to idols ; 2ndly, To the disputes regard 
ing celibacy and matrimony ; the right of divorce; and the perplexities 
which arose in the case of mixed marriages, where one of the parties was 
an unbeliever ; 3dly, to the exercise of the spiritual gifts in the public 
assemblies of the Church. 

St. Paul hastened to reply to these questions, and at the same time te 
denounce the sins which had polluted the Corinthian Church, and almost 
annulled its right to the name of Christian. The letter which he was 
thus led to write is addressed, not only to this metropolitan Church, but 
also to the Christian communities established in other places in the same 
province,' which might be regarded as dependencies of that in the capital 


1 See the translation of 1 Cor. ii, 2, and the note. Also Vol. 1. p 406, 


32 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


eity ; hence we must infer that these Churches also had been infected by 
some of the errors:or vices which had prevailed at Corinth. This letter 
is, in its contents, the most diversified of all St. Paul’s Epistles; and in 
proportion to the variety of its topics, is the depth of its interest for our- 
selves. For by it we are introduced, as it were, behind the scenes of the 
Apostolic Church, and its minutest features are revealed to us under the 
light of daily life. We see the picture of a Christian congregation as it 
met for worship in some upper chamber, such as the house cf Aquila, or 
of Gaius, could furnish. We see that these seasons of pure uevotion were 
not unalloyed by human vanity and excitement ; yet, on the oiner hand, 
we behold the heathen auditor pierced to the heart by the inspired 
eloquence of the Christian prophets, the secrets of his conscience laid bare 
to him, and himself constrained to fall down on his face and worship God; 
we hear the fervent thanksgiving echoed by the unanimous Amen; we see 
the administration of the Holy Communion terminating the feast of love. 
Again we become familiar with the perplexities of domestic life, the cor- 
rupting proximity of heathen immorality, the lingering superstition, the 
rash speculation, the lawless perversion of Christian liberty ; we witness 
the strife of theological factions, the party names, the sectarian animosi- 
ties. We perceive the difficulty of the task imposed upon the Apostle, 
who must guard from so many perils, and guide through so many difficul- 
ties, his children in the faith, whom else he had begotten in vain ; and we 
learn to appreciate more fully the magnitude of that laborious responsi- 
bility under which he describes himself as almost ready to sink, “ the care 
of all the Churches.” 

But while we rejoice that so many details of the deepest historical 
interest have been preserved to us by this Hpistle, let us not forget to 
thank God who so inspired His Apostle, that in his answers to questions of 
transitory interest he has laid down principles of eternal obligation.! Let 
us trace with gratitude the providence of Him, who “out of darkness 
calls up light ;” by whose mercy it was provided that the unchastity of 
the Corinthians should occasion the sacred laws of moral purity to be 
established for ever through the Christian world ;—that their denial of 
the resurrection should cause those words to be recorded whereon reposes, 
as upon a rock that cannot be shaken, our sure and certain hope of im- 
mortality. 

The following is a translation of the Epistle, which was written at 
Easter, in the third year of St. Paul’s residence at Ephesus :— 


1 The contrast between the short-lived interest of the questions referred to him for 
eolution, and the eternal principles by which they must be solved, was brought pro- 
minently before the mind of the Apostle himself by the Holy Spirit, under whose gui- 
dance he wrote; and he has expressed it in those sublime words which might serve aa 
Ὁ. motto fcr the whole Epistle (1 Cor. vii. 29-31). 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS, 33 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS:: 


I 

I. Pavt,a called Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will — satutation. 
2 of God, and Sosthenes? the Brother, greet the church of God at 
Corinth, who have been hallowed in Christ Jesus, and called 
to be His holy people,’ together with all who worship Jesus 
Christ our Lord in every place which is their home—and our 


home also.‘ 
3 Grace be unto you and peace, from God our father, and 


from our Lord Jesus Christ. 


4  I1* thank my God continually on your. behalf, for introductory 
thanksgiving 


1 The date of this Epistle can be fixed with more precision than that of any other. 
It gives us the means of ascertaining, not merely the year, but even the month and 
week, in which it was written. 

(1) Apollos had been working at Corinth, and was now with St. Paul at Ephesus 
(1 Cor. i. 12. iii. 4, 22. iv. 6. xvi. 12). This was the case during St. Paul’s resi- 
dence at Ephesus (Acts xix. 1). 

(2) He wrote during the days of unleavened bread, i.e. at Easter (1 Cor. y.7), and 
intended to remain at Ephesus till Pentecost (xvi. 8. ef. xv. 32). After leaving Ephe- 
sus, he purposed to come by Macedonia to Achaia (xvi. 5-7). This was the route he 
took (Acts xx. 1, 2) on leaving Ephesus after the tumult in the theatre. 

(3) Aquila and Priscilla were with him at Ephesus (xvi. 19). They had taken up 
their residence at Ephesus before the visit of St. Paul (Acts xviii. 26). 

(4) The Great Collection was going on in Achaia (xvi. 1-3). When he wrote to the 
Romans from Corinth during his three months’ visit there (Acts xx. 3), the collection 
was completed in Macedonia and Achaia (Rom. xv. 26). 

(5) He hopes to go by Corinth to Jerusalem, and thence to Rome (xvi. 4 and xvi 
25-28). Now the time when he entertained this very purpose was towards the conclu- 
sion of his long Ephesian residence (Acts xix. 21). 

(6) He had sent Timothy towards Corinth (iv. 17), but not direct (xvi. 10). Now it 
was at the close of his Ephesian residence (Acts xix. 22) that he sent Timothy with 
Erastus (the Corinthian) from Ephesus to Macedonia, which was one way to Corinth, 
but not the shortest. 

2 Sosthenes is, perhaps, the same mentioned Acts xviii. 17. See Vol. I. p. 419 

3 The sense of dyoe in the New Testament is nearly equivalent to the modern 
“Christians ;’’ but it would be an anachronism so to translate it here. since (in the 
time of St. Paul) the word “Christian” was only used asa term of reproache The 
chjection to translating it “saints” is, that the idea now conveyed by that term is quite 
different from the meaning of of ἄγιοι as used by St. Paul. 

4 The Authorised Version here appears scarcely reconcileable with the order of the 
Greek, though it is defended by the opinions of Chrysostom, Billroth, Olshausen, &c. 
The translation of Meyer, “in every place under their and our dominion,” seems 
more like a Papal than an Apostolic rescript ; and that of De Wette, “in every place 
both of their and our abode,” is frigid, and adds nothing to the idea of παντὶ τόπῳ, 
St. Paul means to say that he feels the home of his converts to be also his ewn, 
Both sentiment and expression are the same as in Rom. xvi. 13: τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ 
ἐμοῦ. 

δ Observe how εὐχαριστῷ and μου follow immediately after ἸΤαύλος καὶ Σωσθένης, 

VoL, 11.—3 


34 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


orthereon- the grace which He gave you [at the first] in Christ 
Jesus. Because, in Him, you were every-wise en- § | 
riched with all the gifts of speech and knowledge (for thus 6 
my testimony to Christ was confirmed among you), so that 7 
you came behind no other church in any spiritual gift; looking 
earnestly for the time when our Lord Jesus Christ shall be 
revealed to our sight.' 
And He also will confirm? you unto the end, that you may 8 
be without reproach at the day of His coming. For God is 9 
faithful, by whom you were called into fellowship with His Son, 
Jesus Christ, our Lord and Master. 
Bebuke of heir Nevertheless, brethren, I exhort you, by thele 
and’ special name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to shun disputes, 
and suffer no divisions among you, but to be knit 
together in the same mind, and the same judgment.’ 
For tidings have been brought to me concerning you, my 1] 
brethren, by the members of Chloe’s household, whereby 1 
have learnt that there are contentions among you. I mean, 12 
that one of you says, “Iam a follower of Paul;” another, “I 
of Apollos ;” another, “1 of Cephas;” + another, “I of Christ.” 13 
Is Christ divided? Was Paul crucified for you? or were you 
baptized unto the name of Paul? I thank God that I bap-14 
tized none of you except Crispus ‘and Gaius® (lest any onei5 
should say that I baptized unto my own name); and I bap-1. 
tized also the household of Stephanas; besides these I know not 
that I baptized any other. For Christ sent me forth as His1¥ 
apostie,® not to baptize, but to publish Ilis Glad-tidings ; and 
that, not with the wisdom of argument, lest thereby the cross 
of Christ should lose its mark of shame.’ For the tidings of the 19 
showing that, though the salutation runs in the name of both, the author of the Epistle 
was St. Paul alone. Compare the remarks on 1 Thess. p. 391, note 1. 
1 See note on Rom. ii. 5. 
7 j.@ He will do His part to confirm you unto the end. If you fall, it will not be 


for want of His help. 

3 Νοῦς refers to the view taken by the understanding ; γνώμη to the practical deci- 
sion arrived at. ) 

4 Cephas is the name by which St. Peter is called throughout this Epistle. It was 
the actual word used by our Lord himself, and remained the Apostle’s usual appellation 
among the Jewish Christians up to this time. It is strange that it should afterwards 
have been so entirely supplanted by its Greek equivalent, “ Peter,’ even among the 
Jewish Christians. See note on Gal.i.18. For an explanation of the parties here 
alluded to, see Vol. I. pp. 442-447, 

5 Or Caius, if we use the Roman spelling ; see Vol. I. p. 400. 

6 ᾿Απέστειλε. 7 κενωθῇ, literally be emptied of its contents 


¥IRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 88 


cross,! to those in the way of perdition, are folly; but to us in 
19 the way of salvation,’ they are the power of God. And so it is 
written,’ “ wil destroy the wisdom of the wise, and bring to 
20nothing the understanding of the prudent.” Where is the 
Philosopher? Where is the Rabbi? Where is the reasoner 
of this passing‘ world? Has not God turned this world’s 
21 wisdom into folly? For when the world had failed to gain by 
its wisdom the knowledge of the wisdom of God, it pleased 
God, by the folly of our preaching, to save those who have® 
22 faith therein. For the Jews ask for asign from heaven, and 
the Greeks demand a system of philosophy; but we® pro- 
23 claim a Messiah crucified, to the Jews a stumbling-block, and 
24 to the Greeks a folly; but to the called’ themselves, whether 
they be Jews or Greeks, Christ the power of God, and the 
25 wisdom of God. For the folly which is of God, is wiser than 
man’s wisdom, and the weakness which is of God, is stronger 
9¢6than man’s strength. For you see, brethren, how God has 
called you; how few of you are wise in earthly wisdom, how 
;few are powerful, how few are noble. But what the world 
thinks folly, God has chosen, to confound its wisdom; and 
what it holds for weakness He has chosen, to confound its 
28 strength; and what the world counts base and scorns as worth- 
less, nay, what it deems to have no being, God has chosen, to 
29 bring to nought the things that be; that no flesh should glory 
30 in His presence. But you He owns for His children* in Christ 
Jesus, who has become to us God’s wisdom, and righteousness, 
and sanctification, and redemption; that the Seripture might 
a1 be fulfilled which saith,? “ Ze that glorieth, let ham glory in the 
Lord.” 
Π. 


I. So, brethren, when I myself first came to declare fm his ova 

1 7. e. the tidings of a crucified Messiah. 

* For the translation of σωζόμενοι, see Winer, Gram. ὃ 46, 5. 

3 Is. xxix. 14; not quite literally quoted from LXX. 

4'O αἴων οὗτος distinguished from κύσμος by involving the notion of transitory 
duration. 

5 Observe πιστεύοντας, not πιστεύσαντας. 

6 “ We,” including St. Paul and the other preachers of Chrietianity. 

7 Κλητοῖς. All who make an outward profession of Christianity are, in St. Paul’s 
Janguage, “the called.’ They have received a message from God, which has called 
them to enter into His church. 

8 Ἔξ αὐτοῦ. 9 Jerem. ix. 23, from the LXX., but not literally. 


36 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


bed not aime among you the testimony of God, I came not with 
παρα μα ρα ce any surpassing skill of eloquence, or philosophy. 
poauence, et For it was no earthly knowledge which I deter- ἃ 
ar sos mined to display among you, but the knowledge of 
Rac tine Jesus Christ alone, and Him '—crucified. And in 3 
Spirit of God. : ν : 

my intercourse with you, I was weighed down by a 
feeling of my weakness, and was filled with anxiety, and self 
distrust.2. And when I proclaimed my message, I used not the 4 
persuasive arguments of human wisdom, but showed forth by 
sure proofs the might of the Holy Spirit, that your faith might 5 
have its foundation not in the wisdom of men, but in the power 
of God. 

Nevertheless, among those who are ripe in knowledge? I 6 
speak wisdom; albeit not the wisdom of this passing world, nor 
of those who rule it, whose greatness will soon be nothing. 
But it is God’s wisdom that I speak; wherevf the secret is ἢ 
made known to his people,’ even the hidden wisdom which 
God ordained before the ages, that we might be glorified there- 
by. But the rulers of this world knew it not; for had they 8 
known it, they would not have crucified the Lord of Glory. 
But as it is written,’ “Hye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither 9 
have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath 
prepared for them that love Ilim.” Yet to us? God has re-10 
vealed them by His Spirit, for the Spirit fathoms all things, 
even the deepest counsels of God. For who can know what is 11 
inaman but the spirit of the man which is within him? even so 
none can know what is in God, but the Spirit of God alone. 
Now to us has been granted, not the spirit of this world, but12 


1 7. 6. Him, not exalted on the earthly throne of David, but condemned to the death 
of the vilest malefactor. 

Compare 2 Cor. vii. 15 and Eph. vi. 5. St. Paul appears, on his first coming to 
Corinth, to have been suffering under great depression, perhaps caused by the bodily 
malady to which he was subject (cf. 2 Cor. xii. 8; see Vol. I. p. 274), perhaps by the 
ill-success of his efforts at Athens. See Vol. I. p. 389. 

3 Οἱ τέλειοι is St. Paul’s expression for those who had attained the maturity of 
Christian wisdom. Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 20 and Phil. iii. 15. Such men could under- 
stand that his teaching was in truth the highest philosophy. 

4 Καταργούμενοι, literally “ passing away into nothingness.” 

5 Σοφίαν ἐν μυστηρίῳ is a wisdom reveaied to the μύσται, or initiated, 2. 6. (in this 
case) to Christians ; but hidden from tie rest of the world. 

6 Isaiah Ixiv. 4 is the nearest passage to this in the Old Testament. The quotation 
Is not to be found anywhere exactly. 

7 175, including all the inspired Christian teachers, and the rest of the réAeice 


FIRST KPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. aot 


the Spirit which is of God; that we might understand those 
good things which have been freely given us by God. 

13. These are the things whereof we speak, in words not taught 
by man’s wisdom, but by the Holy Spirit; explaining spirit 

14 18} things to spiritual' men. But the natural? man rejects 
the teaching of God’s Spirit, for to him it is folly; and it 
must needs be beyond his knowledge, for the spiritual mind 

15 alone can judge thereof. But the spiritual man judges all 
things truly, yet cannot himself be truly judged by others. 

16 For “Who hath known the mind of the Lord that he may ii 
struct him , "5 but we have the mind of the Lord 4 within us. 

IIT. 

1 And JI, brethren, could not speak to you as spir- the _ party 


which claimed 


itual men, but as carnal, and in the first infancy of to be “the 


Ε ἢ is Ἂ ὃ spiritual ”’ 
2 your growth in Christ. I fed you with milk and (πνευματικοὶ) 
. are proved to 
not with meat; for you were not able to bear the be camal ny 


their ἢ dissen- 


stronger food, nay you are not yet able, for you are sions. 

3 still carnal. For while you are divided amongst 
yourselves by jealousy, and strife, and factious parties, is it not 
evident that you are carnal, and walking in the common ways 

4 ofmen? When one says, “I follow Paul,” and another “I 
foliow Apollos,” can you deny that you are carnal ? 

5 Who then is Paul, or who is Apollos? what are tt is a contra 


dictionin terms 


they but servants [of Christ,] by whose ministration to make Chris- 


tian teachers 


you believed? and was it not the Lord who gave to the leaders of 

Ἶ Opposing _ par- 

6 each of them the measure of his suecess? I planted, ties. _ Nature 
of their work. 


Apollos watered; but it was God who made the 
ἢ seed to grow. So that he who plants is nothing, nor he who 
8 waters, but God alone who gives the growth. But the planter 
and the waterer are one together;* and each will receive the 
9 wages due to him, according to his work. For we are God’s 
10 fellow-labourers,’ and you are Ged’s husbandry. You are 
God’s building; God gave me the gift of grace whereby like a 
skilful architect I have laid a foundation; and on this founda. 


1 Πνευματικὰ πνευματικοῖς. Compare iii. 1. 

* ψυχικὸς, properly man considered as endowed with the anima (the living prin 
ciple), as distinguished from the spiritual principle. See Juv. Sat. xv. 148. 

2 Isaiah xl. 13 (LXX.). 

4 The best MSS. are divided between the readings of Χριστοῦ and Κυρίου here. 

* “ And therefore cannot be set against each other” is implied. 

6 This remarkable expression is used by St. Paul repeatedly. Compare 2 Cor. vi. J, 
and the note on 1 Thess. iii. 2. 


38 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tion another builds; but let each take heed what that is which 
he builds thereon—[“ thereon,” I say,] for other foundation can 11 
no man lay, than that already laid, which is “Jesus ΤῊΒ 
Curisr.”! But on this foundation one man may raise a temple 12 
of gold, and silver, and precious marbles; another, a building 
of wood, hay, and stubble. But in due time each man’s work 13 
will be made manifest; for the day [of the Lord’s coming] will 
show of what sort it is; because that day will be revealed with 
fire, and the fire will test each builder’s work. He whose14 
building stands unharmed, .shall receive payment for his la- 
bour; but he whose work is burned down, shall forfeit his re-15 
ward: yet he shall not himself be destroyed; but shall be 
saved as one who scarcely escapes through the flames. 
the) Church ts Know? ye not yourselves that you are God’s16 
temple, and that you form a shrine wherein God’s 
Spirit dwells. Ifany man shall do hurt to the temple of God, 17 
God shall do hurt* to him; for the temple of God is holy; and 
holy 4 therefore are ye. 
τα νέο ala α Let none of you deceive himself; if any man 18 
spirit are un- among you is held wise in the wisdom of this pass- 
ing world,’ let him make himself a fool [in the 
world’s judgment], that so he may become truly wise. ΒῸΣ 19 
the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God, as it is writ- 
ten,° “ He taketh the wise in their own craftiness.” Aud 20 
again,’ “ The Lord knoweth the thoughts of the wise that they 
are vain.” Therefore let none of you make his boast in men ;* 21 
for all things are yours; both Paul and Apollos, and Cephas, 22 
and the whole world itself; both life and death, things presert 23 


1 The Textus Receptus, ᾿Ιησοῦς ὁ Χριστός, rests on very little MS. authority ; the 
best MSS. being divided between Χριστὸς ᾿Ιησοῦς and ᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς. Yet as the 
Textus Receptus gives more distinctly the sense which must virtually be involved in 
all three readings, we have retained it here. 

* The connection with what precedes is “In calling you God’s building, I tell you 
no new thing; you know already that you are God’s temple.” 

3 Observe φθερεῖ, answering to φθείρει. 

4 Oltwec not “which temple” (A. Y.). 

5 Τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ. The notion of transitory duration is always ccaveyed by this 
expression. See note on ii. 6, 

6 Job v.13. (LXX.) 7) ῬΒ, χοῖν. 11... (ΣΧ) 

8 The meaning is, “ Boast not of having this man or that as your leader ; fer all the 
Apostles, nay, all things in the universe, are ordained by God to co-operate for you 
good.” 5; 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 39 


and things to come—all are yours—but! you are Christ’s; ana 
Christ is God’s. 

TaN 

1 Look therefore on us as servants of Christ, and cnrist’s Apos 


tles are only 


stewards charged to dispense the knowledge of the eee, iat 

2 mysteries of God.* Moreover, it is but required in minister is not 
a steward faithfully to administer his master’s wealth. 

3 Yet to me it matters nothing how I may be judged by you, or 

4 by the doom of man; nay, I judge not even myself. For al- 
though I know not that I am guilty of unfaithfulness, yet my 
own sentence will not suffice to justify me; but I must be tried 

5 by the judgment of my Lord. Therefore judge nothing hastily, 
until the coming of our Lord and Master; for He shall bring to 
light the darkest counsels, and make manifest the inmost se- 
erets of men’s hearts; and then God shall give to each the? 
praise which he deserves. 

6 But these things, brethren, I have represented contrast ne. 


tween the self- 


under the persons of myself and Apollos, for your exaltation οἵ 


the  pseudo- 


sakes ; that so you may learn not to think of your- philosophical 


party, and the 


selves above that which has now been written, and «basement οἱ 
Christ’s Apos- 


that you may cease to puff yourselves up in the tes. 

7 cause‘ of one against another. For who makes thee to dif: 
fer from another? what hast thou that thou didst not receive ? 
and how then canst thou boast of it, as if thou hadst won it for 

8 thyself? But ye forsooth have eaten to the full [cf spiritual 
food], ye are rich [in knowledge], ye have seated yourselves 
upon your throne, and have no longer need* of me. Would 
that you were indeed enthroned, that I too might reign with 

g you. For,’ as to us the Apostles, I think that God has set us 
forth last of all, like criminals condemned to die, to be gazed 
at in a theatre’ by the whole world, both men and angels. 
1 All things work together for the good of Christians; all things conspire to do 

them service ; but their work is to do Christ’s service, even as He Himself came to de 


the will of His Father. 

2 Mysteries are secrets revealed to the initiated, i. 6. to all Christians. See note 
on ii. 7. 

3 Ὃ ἔπαινος. The error in A. V. was caused by not observing the article. 

4“ St. Paul means “in the cause of your party-leaders ;” but speaks with intentionsd 
jadistinetness. 

5 Χωρὶς ἡμῶν. 

6 The connection is, “ The lot of an Apostle is no Κίποῖγ lot.’ 

7 The spectacle to which St. Paul here alludes was common in those times. Crimi- 
tals condemned to death were exhibited for the amusement of the populace on tha 


40 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


We for Christ’s sake are fools, while you join faith in Christ 1¢ 
with worldly wisdom; we are weak, while you are strong ; 
you are honourable, while we are outcasts; even to the present 11 
hour we bear hunger and thirst, and nakedness and stripes, 
and have no certain dwelling-place, and toil with our own hands 12 
for daily bread; curses we answer with blessings, persecution 
with patience, railings with good words. We are counted the13 
refuse of the earth, the very off-scouring of all things, unto this 
day. I write not thus to reproach you, but as a father I chide 14 
the children whom 1 love. For though you may have ten15 
thousand guardians! to lead you towards the school of Christ, 
you can have but one father; and I it was who begat you in 
Christ Jesus, by the Glad-tidings which I brought. I beseech 16 
you, therefore, become followers of me. 
Mission of For this cause I have sent to you Timotheus, my 17 
warning to the beloved son, who has been found faithful in the ser- 
faction at vice of our Lord, and he shall put you in remem- 
brance of the path wherein I walked in fellowship 
with Christ, as I still teach everywhere in all the churches. 
Now some of you have been filled with arrogance, and imagine 18 
that Iam not coming to visit you. But I shall be with you1g 
shortly, if the Lord will; and then I shall meet these arrogant 
boasters, and shall learn their power, not by their words, but 
by their deeds. For mighty deeds, not empty words, are the 20 
tokens of God’s kingdom. What is your desire? Must I come 21 
to you with the rod of punishment, or in the spirit of love and 
gentleness ? 


V. 
Judgment on It is commonly reported that there 1s fornication 1 
the incestuous δ ἥ τ ν i 
person. among you, and such fornication, as is not so much 


as named even among the Heathen, that a man should have 
his father’s wife. And you forsooth have been puffed up with 2 
arrogance, when you ought rather to have been filled with 
shame and scrrow, and so to have put out from among you the 
man who has done this deed. Jor me—being present with 3 


arena of the amphitheatre, and forced to fight with wild beasts, or to slay one another 
as gladiators. These criminals were exhibited at the end of the spectacle as an exciting 
termination to the entertainment (ἔσχατοι ἀπεδείχθησαν). So Tertullian paraphrasea 
the passage “Vos Deus Apostolos novissimos elegit velut bestiarios.” (Tertul de 
Pudicitia, cap. xiv.) 

1 Παιδαγωγός, the guardian slave who led the child to school. See note ou 
Gal. iii. 24 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 4] 


You in spirit, although absent in body,—I have already passed 
sentence as if I were present with you, upon him who has thus 
4sinned; and I decree in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ 
that you convene an assembly, and when you, and my spirit 
with you, are gathered together, with the power of our Lord 
5 Jesus Christ, that you deliver over to Satan! the man who has 
thus sinned, for the destruction of his fleshly lusts, that his 
6 spirit may be saved in the day of our Lord Jesus. Truly you 
have no ground for boasting; know ye not that ‘a little leaven 
7 leaveneth the whole ene Cast out therefore the old leaven 
that your body may be renewed throughout, even as now [at 
this Paschal season]* you are without taint of leaven; for 
Christ Himself is our Paschal Lamb, who has been slain for 
8 us; therefore let us keep the feast, not with the old leaven, the 
leaven of vice and wickedness, but with the unleavened bread 
of purity and truth. 
9 I enjoined you in my letter‘ not to keep company open and fagi 


tious offenders 


10 with fornicators; yet I meant not altogether to bid must be ex- 


cluded from 


you forego intercourse with the men of this world the Church, 
who may be fornicators, or lascivious, or extortioners, or idola 
ters ; for so you would be forced to go utterly out of the world. 
11 Βα" my meaning was, that you Should not keep company 
with any man who, bearing the name of a Brother, is either a 
fornicator, or lascivious,’ or an idolater, or a railer, or a 


1 This expression appears used as equivalent to casting out of the Church; from 
the following words there seems also a reference to the doctrine that Satan is the 
author of bodily disease. Compare 2 Cor. xii. 7. 

3 The same proverb is quoted Gal. v. 9. 

3 In spite of the opinion of Chrysostom and some eminent modern commentators 
we must adhere to this interpretation ; for if we take καθώς ἐστε ἄζυμοι in a metapho- 
vieal sense, it is inconsistent with the previous ἐκκαθάρατε τὴν π. ζύμην ; for the passage 
would then amount to saying, “ Be free from taint as you are free from taint.’’? More- 
over, if so taken, the connection with what follows seems unnatural. There seems no 
difficulty in supposing that the Gentile Christians joined with the Jewish Christians in 
celebrating the Paschal feast after the Jewish manner, at least to this extent. And we 
see that St. Paul still observed the ἥμεραι τῶν ἀζύμων at this period of his life, from 
Acts xx. 6. Also, from what follows, we perceive how naturally this greatest of Jewish 
feasts changed into the greatest of Christian festivals, 

4 The letter here referred to has not come down to us. See p. 29. 

5 Νυνὶ here seems not to be a particle of time (see De Wette in doco). 

6 ΤΙλεονέκτης has undoubtedly this meaning in St. Paul’s writings. Compare Eph. 
v.65 (where it is coupled with ἀκάθαρτος). So πλέονεξία, in St. Paul, almost invariably 
means wnpurity. See Eph.iv.19. ν. ὃ. Col. iii.5. The only places where the word 
is used by St. Paul in the sense covetousness are 2 Cor. ix. 5 and 1 Thess. ii. 5, in the 
tatter of which passages the other meaning would not be inadmissible. How the word 


49 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL 


drunkard, or an extortioner; with such a man, I say, you must 
not so much as eat. For what need have I to judge those who 13 
are without the Church? Is it not your part to judge those 
who are within it? But those who are without are for God’s13 
judgment. And for yourselves, “ Ye shall cast out the evil 
one from the midst of you.” } 

VI 
Litigation _be- Can there be any of you who dare to bring their 1 


ians must not private differences into the courts of law, to be judged 
be brought 


pease eg by the wicked, and not rather submit them to the 
is outers is arbitration” of Christ’s people. Know ye not that 2 » 
Christ’s people shall judge the world? and if you 
are called to sit in judgment on the universe, are you anfit to 
decide even the most trifling matters? Know ye not that we 3 
shall judge angels? how much more then the affairs of this” 
life? If, therefore, you have disputes to settle which concern 4 
the affairs of this life, give the arbitration of them to the very 
east esteemed in your Church? I speak to your shame. Can 5 
it be that in your whole body, there is not so much as one: 
man wise enough to arbitrate between his brethren, but must 
brother go to law with brother, and that in the courts of the 6 
unbelievers? Nay, farther, you are in fault, throughout, in 7 
having such disputes at all. Why do you not rather submit 
to wrong? Why not rather suffer yourselves to be defrauded $ 
Nay, you are yourselves wronging and defrauding others, and 8 
No immorality that too your brethren. Know ye not that wrong a 
ee doers shall not inherit the kingdom of Gel? 96 not 
deceived—neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor 
adulterers, nor self-defilers, nor sodomites, nor robbers, norie 
wantons, nor drunkards, nor railers, nor extortioners, shall in- 
herit the kingdom of God. And such were some of you; but 1] 
you have washed away your stains,*—you have been hallowed, 
you have been justified by your fellowship with the Lord 


contracted its Pauline meaning may be inferred from the similar use of concupiscence 
in English. 

1 Dent. xxiv. 7. (LXX.) 

? Τὸ should be remembered that the law gave its sanction ‘0 the decision pronounced 
in a litigated case by arbitrators privately chosen ; so that the Christians might obtain 
a just decision of their mutual differences without resorting to the heathen tribunsta, 

3 Observe that ἀπελούσασθε is middle, not passive, asin A Y. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 43 


Jesus, whose name you bear, and by the indwelling Spirit οἱ 
our God.! 
12 [But some of you say]—“all things are lawful jeechntinomian 
efence of im- 
for me.” [Be it so;]* but not all things are good Seta yas 
for me; though all things are in my power, they 
13 shall ot bring me under thezr power. “ Meat is for the belly, 
and the belly for meat,” penal: death will soon, by God’s ordi- 
nance, put an end to both’ but the body is not for fornication, 
14 but for the Lord Jesus; and the Lord Jesus for the body ;3 and 
as God raised our Lord Jesus from the grave, so He will raise 
15 us also by Ilis mighty power.t| Know ye not that your bodies 
are the members of Christ’s body? Shall I then take the mem- 
bers of Christ, and make them the members of an harlot? God 
16 forbid. now ye not, that he who joins himself to an harlot 
becomes one body with her? As it is written, “they twain 
17 shall be one flesh.”* But he who joins himself to Christ, be- 
18 comes one with Christin spirit. Flee fornication. [It is true, 
indeed,® that] all sin springs, not from the body, but from the 
19soul; yet the fornicator sins against his own body. Know ye 
not that your bodies are temples of the Holy Spirit which 
dwells within you, which ye have received from God? And 
20 you are not your own, for you were bought with a price. 

Glority God, therefore, not in your spirit only, but in your body 

also, since both are His.s 

1 Yor the translation of ἐν in this verse, see Winer, Gram. cap. v. ὃ 52. 

* See the explanation of this in Vol. I. p. 447; and con.pare (for the true side of 
πάντα ἔξεστιν) Gal. v. 23, κατὰ τῶν τοιούτων οὐκ ἔστι νόμος. Alsosee chap. viii. 1, 
below. From what follows it is evident that these Corinthian free-thinkers argued 
that the existence of bodily appetites proved the lawfulness of their gratification. 

3 The body is for the Lord Jesus, to be consecrated by His indwelling to His ser- 
vice ; and the Lord Jesus is for the body, to consecrate it by dwelling therein in the 
person of His Spirit. 

4 St. Paul’s argument here is, that sins of unchastity, though bodily acts, yet injure 
8 part of our nature which will not be destroyed by death, and which is closely con- 
nected with our moral well-being. And it is a fact no less certain than mysterious, 
that moral and spiritual ruin is caused by such sins; which human wisdom (when un- 
taught by Revelation) held to be actions as blameless as eating and drinking. 

5. Gen. ii. 24. (LXX.), quoted by our Lord, Matt. xix. 5. 

6 Literally, “every sin which a man commits is without (ἐκτὸς, external to) the 
body.” The Corinthian freethinkers probably used this argument also; and perhaps 
availed themselves of our Lord’s words, Mark vii. 18: “ Do ye not perceive that what- 
soever thing from without entereth into the man, it cannot defile him, because it 
entereth not into his heart,” ἄρ. (See the whole passage.) 

7 The price is the blood of Christ. Compare Acts xx. 28 and Col. i. 14, 


8 The latter part of this verse, from καὶ to Θεοῦ, though not in the best MSS., yet ig 
implied in the sense. 


44 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. ; 
VI 
Answers to As to the questions which you have asked me in 1 
geal your letter, this is my answer. It is good for a man 2 
ἐν ΡΟ to remain unmarried. Nevertheless, to avoid forni- 
ote ta oases cation, let every man have his own wife, and every 3 
rage. woman her own husband. Let the husband live in 4 
the intercourse of affection with his wife, and likewise the wife 
with her husband. The wife has not dominion over her own 
body, but the husband; and so also the husband has not do- 
minion over his own body, but the wife. Do not separate one 5 
from the other, unless it be with mutual consent for a time, that 
you may give yourselves without disturbance to fasting and 
prayer, with the intent of shortly living again together, lest, 
through your fleshly passions, Satan should tempt you to sin. 
But in speaking thus, I mean not to command marriage, but 6 
only to permit it. For I would that all men were as I am; 7 
but men have different gifts from God, one this, another that. 
But to the unmarried and to the widows, I say that it would 8 
be good for them if they should remain in the state wherein I 
myself also am: yet if their desires do not allow them to re- 9 
main contented in this state, let them marry; for it is better 
to marry than to be tempted by sinful desires. To the married, 10 
not I, but the Lord Jesus Himself gives commandment,' that 
the wife leave not her husband; (but if she have already [6101] 
him, let her remain single, or else be reconciled with hit 5) 
likewise also, that the husband put not away his wife. But12 
for the cases which follow, my decisions are given not by the 
Lord Jesus, but by myself. If any of the Brethren be married 
to an unbelieving wife, let him not put her away, if she be 
content to remain with him; neither let a believing wife leave 13 
an unbelieving husband who is willing to remain with her; 
for the unbelieving husband is hallowed by union with his 14 
believing wife, and the unbelieving wife by union with her 
believing husband; for otherwise your children would be un- 
clean,’ but now they are holy. But if the unbelieving hus-15 
band or wife seeks for a divorce, let it not be hindered ; for in 


1 Compare Mark x. 12: Whosoever shall put away his wife, and marry another, 
committeth adultery against her. And if a woman shall put away her husband, 
and be married to another, she committeth adultery. 

5 Ακάθαρτος, literally “unclean,” the term being used in its Jewish sense, to denote 
that which is beyond the hallowed pale of God’s people; the antith<sis to ἅγιος 
which was applied to all within the consecrated limits. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 45 


such cases, the believing husband or wife is not bound to re 
main under the yoke. But the call whereby God called! us, 
1s a call of peace [and should not lead to household strife]. 

16 For thou who art the wife of an unbeliever, how knowest thou 
whether thou mayest save thy husband? or thou who art the 
husband, whether thou mayest save thy wife? 


11. Only let noman seek to quit that condition which General ruie, 
that the core 


God had allotted to-him when he was called by the verts should 
not qui 1a 


Lord Jesus. This rule 1 give in all the churches. state οἵ life 


wherein they 


18 Thus, if any man, at the time when he was called,? were at their 


conversion. 


bore the mark of circumcision, let him not efface it; 
and again, if he was uncircumcised at the- time of his calling, 
19 let him not receive circumcision. It matters nothing whether 
we be circumcised or uncircumcised, but only whether we keep 
20 the commands of God. Let each abide in the condition which 
2) he held when he was first called. Wast thou in slavery at the 
time of thy calling? Care not for it. Nay, though thou have 
power to gain thy freedom,’ seck rather to remain content. 
92 For the slave who has been called into fellowship with Christ, 
is Christ’s freedman ; and so also, the freeman who has been 
23 called, is Christ’s slave; for He has paid a price for you all;+ 
beware lest you bind upon yourselves the yoke of slavery to 
2.man.° Brethren, let each of you continue in the state wherein 
he was called, and therein abide with God. 
25 Concerning your virgin daughters* I have no answer to 
questions 

On the inferences from this verse, with respect to infant baptism, see Vol. I. pp. 438, 
439. 

1 Καλεῖν, in St. Paul’s writings, means “to call into fellowship with Christ ;” “to 
call from the unbelieving World into the Church.” 

7 It is needless to remark that ἐκ λήθη is mis-translated “ts called” in A. Y. through- 
out this chapter. 

3 The Greek here is ambiguous, and might be so rendered as to give directly oppo- 
site precepts; but the version given in the text (which is that advocated by Chrysos- 
‘tom, Meyer, and De Wette) agrees best with the position of the καὶ, and also with the 
context. 

4 Observe the change in the Greek from singular to plural. 

® Alluding to their servile adherence to party leaders. Compare 2 Cor. xi. 20 
(«atadovAot). 

6 We cannot help remarking, that the manner in which a recent infidel writer has 
epoken ‘of this passage is one of the most striking proofs how far a candid and acute 
mind may be warped by astrong bias. In this case the desire of the writer is to prove 
that the moral teaching of Christianity is worthless ; and he brings forward this passage 
to prove his charge, and blames St. Paul because he assumes these Corinthian daugh- 


ters to be disposable in marriage at the will of their father. We must suppose that 
xis writer would (on the same grounds) require a modern missionary to Persia ta 


46 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


sont the dis command to give you from the Lord Jesus, but I 
saughiers in give my judgment, as one who has been called by 
our Lord’s merey, to be His faithful servant. [δὲ 
think, then, that it is best, by reason of the trials which are nigh 
at hand, for all to be unmarried; [so that I would say to each} 
“Tf thou art bound to a wife, seek not separation; but if thou 27 
art free, seek not marriage; yet if thou wilt marry, thou 2g 
mayest do so without sin.” So likewise if your virgin daugh- 
ters marry, it is no sin; but they who will marry will have 
earthly sorrows to endure, and these 1 would spare you. But 29 
this I say, brethren, the time is short; meanwhile it behoves 
them that have wives to be as though they had none; and them 30 
that weep as though they wept not, and them that rejoice as 
though they rejoiced not, and them that buy as though they 31 
possessed not, and them that use this world as not abusing ' it ; 
for the world, with all its outward show, is passing away.’ but 32 
I would have you free from earthly care. The desires of the 
unmarried man are fixed upon the Lord Jesus, and he strives 
to please the Lord. But the desires of the husband are fixed 33 
upon worldly things, striving to please his wife. Likewise 34 
also the wife has this difference from the virgin; the cares of 
the virgin are fixed upon the Lord, that she may become holy 
both in body and in spirit; but the cares of the wife are fixed 
upon worldly things, striving to please her husband. Now 35 
this I say for your own profit; not that I may entangle you in 
a snare; but that I may help you to serve the Lord Jesus with 
a seemly and undivided service. But if any man thinks that 36 
ne is treating his virgin daughter in an unseemly manner, by 
leaving her unmarried beyond the flower of her age, and if 
need so require, let him act according to his will; he may do 
so without sin; let them* marry. But he who is firm in his 37 
resolve, and is not constrained to marry his daughter, but has 
the power of carrying out his will, and has determined to keep 
her unmarried, does well. Thus he who gives his daughter in 38 


preach the absolute incompatibility of despotic government with sound morality. A 
similar 7gnoratio elenchi runs through all his remarks upon this chapter. 

1 Καταχρῆσθαι appears to be distinguished from χρῆσθαι, as to use wp from to use. 
Compare 1 Cor. ix. 18. It thus acquired the sense of to abuse, in which it is some 
times employed by Demosthenes, and by the grammarians. 

2 Παράγει, literally “ passing by,” flitting past, like the shadows in Plate’s Cavers 
(Repub. vii. 1), or the figures in some moving phantasmagoria. 

3 “Them,” viz. the daughter and the suitor. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 47 


marriage docs well, but he who gives her not in marriage does 
better. 

89 The wife is bound by the law of wedlock so long. Marriage ot 
as her husband lives; but after his death she is free Nr 
to marry whom she will, provided that she choose one of the 

40 brethren! in Christ. Yet she is happier if she remain a widow, 
in my judgment; and 1 think that I, no less’ than others, have 
the spirit of God. | 

VII. 

1 As to the question concerning meats which have answer to 
been sacrificed to idols, we know—(for “ we all have eee 
knowledge,” but knowledge puffs up, while love rao 

2 builds; and if any man prides himself on his knowledge, he 

3 knows nothing yet as he ought to know; but whosoever loves 

4 God, of him God hath knowledge)—we know (1 say) that an 
idol has not any true being, and that there is no other God but 

5 one. For though there be some who are called gods, either 
celestial or terrestrial, and though we see men worship many 

6 gods and many lords, yet to us there is but one God, the Fa- 
ther, from whom are all things, and unto whom we live ; and one 
Lord, Jesus Christ, by whom the life of all things, and cur 

ἡ life also, is sustained. But it is not true that “all have know- 
ledge” [in this matter]; on the contrary, there are some who 
still have a conscientious fear of the idol, and who think that 
the meat sacrificed belongs to a false god, so that, if they eat it, 

8 their conscience being weak, is defiled. It is true that our food 
cannot change our place in God’s sight; with Him we gain 

g nothing by eating, nor loose by not eating. But beware less, 
perchance, by this exercise of your rights‘ you should cast a 


1 Literally, provided it be in the Lord. 

® The καὶ in κἀγὼ has this meaning. 

3 It is necessary for the understanding of this Epistle, that we should remember that 

it is an answer to a letter received from the Corinthian Church, and therefore con- 
stantly alludes to topics in that letter. It seems probable, from the way in which 
they are introduced, that these words, πάντες γνῶσιν ἔχομεν, are quoted from that 
letter. : 
4 ’Efovoia αὕτη. Observe again the reference to the language of the self-styled 
Pauline party at Corinth. Compare πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν (vi. 12). The decrees of the 
“Council of Jerusalem” might seem to have a direct bearing on the question discussed 
by St. Paul in this passage; but he does not refer to them as deciding the points in 
Gispute, either here or elsewhere. Probably the reason of this is, that the decrees were 
meant only to be of temporary application ; and in their terms they applied originally 
tnly to the churches of Syria and Cilicia. (see Acts xv. 23; also Vol. 1. p. 231). 


48 THE LIFE AND EPISILES O¥ ST. PAUL. 


stumbling-block in the path of your weaker brethren. For if 1¢ 
one of them see thee, who boastest of thy knowledge, feasting 
in an idol’s temple, will not he be encouraged to eat the meat 
which has been offered in sacrifice, although the weakness of 
his conscience condemns the deed? And thus, throngh the 1 
knowledge whereof thou boastest, will thy weaker brother per- 
ish, for whom Christ died. Nay, when you sin thus against 12 
your brethren, and wound their weaker conscience, you sin 
against Christ. Wherefore, if my eating cast a stwnbling-13 
block in my brother’s path, I will eat no flesh while the world 
stands, lest thereby I cause my brothev’s full. 

ΙΧ. 
He yindieates Am I indeed “no true apestle?” Am I indeed 1 


his claim to 


the Apostolic “subject to man’s authority”?! Ifave I indeed 


office against 


his Judaizing ‘6 never seen Jesus Christ our Lord?” Can it be 


detractors ; 


and explains denied that you are the fruits of my labour in the 


his renuncia- 


fee ome «Lord? If to others I am no true apostle, yet at 2 
privileges. least I am such to you; for you are yourselves the 
seal which stamps the reality of my apostleship, by the will of 
Christ; this is my answer to those who question my authority. 3 
Do they deny my right to be maintained* [by my converts]? 4 
Do they deny my right to carry a believing wife with me on 5 
my journeys, like the rest of the apostles, and the brethren of, 
the Lord,’ and Cephas? Or do they think that and Barnabas 6 
alone have no right to be maintained, except by the labour of 
our own hands? What soldier‘ ever serves at his private cost ? 7 
What husbandman plants a vineyard without sharing in its 
fruit? What shepherd tends a flock without partaking of their 8 
milk? And is this the rule of man only, or is not also com- 
manded in the law of Goa? Yea, in the book of Moses’ Law 9 
it is written, “ Zhow shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out 
the corn.”* Are oxen the objects of God’s care, or is it ποῦ 10 


1 Οὐκ ᾿Ελεύθερος. Compare verse 19 and Gal. i. 1, ἀπόστολος οὐκ ἀπ’ ἀνθρώπων. 

2 This was a point much insisted on by the Judaizers (see 2 Cor. xii. 13-16), They 
argued that St. Paul, by not ayailing himself of this undoubted apostolic right, be- 
trayed his own consciousness that he was no true Apostle. 

3 “he brethren of the Lord.” It is a very doubtful question whether these were 
the sons of our Lord’s mother’s sister, viz. the Apostles James and Judas, the sons of 
A.phxus (Luke vi. 15) for cousins were called ddeAgor). or whether they were sons 
of Joseph by a former marriage, or actually sons of the mother of our Lord. See a 
statement of the difficulties of the question in Neander (P. und L. 554). 

4 He means to say that, to have this right of maintenance, a man need be no Apostla 

6 Deut. xxv, 4. (LXX) 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 49 


altogether fcr man’s sake that He so speaks? For our sake 
doubtless, 1t was written; declaring that the plougkhman ought 
to plough, and the thresher to thresh, with hope to share in 
tithe produce of his toil. If, then, I have sown for you the 
seed of spiritual gifts, it would be no great thing if I were te 
12reap some harvest from your earthly gifts. If others share 
this right over you, how much more should Τῇ Yet I have not 
used my right, but forbear from every claim, lest I should by 
13any means hinder the course of Christ’s Glad-tidings. Know 
ye not that they’ who pertorm the service of the temple, live 
upon the revenues of the temple, and they who minister at the 
14altar share with it in the sacrifices thereon offered? So also 
the Lord Jesus ordained? that they whom he sent forth 
to publish His Glad-tidings, should be maintained thereby 
15 But I have not exercised any of these rights, nor do I write 
this that I myself may profit by it. For I had rather die than 
16 suffer the ground of my boasting to be taken from me. For, 
although I proclaim Christ’s Glad-tidings, yet this gives me no 
ground of boasting ; for [am compelled to do so by order of my 
17master. Yea, woe is me if I proclaim it not. For were my 
service given of my own free choice, I might claim wages to 
reward my labour; but since I serve by compulsion, I am [a 
siave with no claim to wages] a steward whose post obliges 
him to dispense‘ his master’s bread to his fellow-servants. 
18 What then ismy wage? It is to bear the Glad-tidings of Christ, 
and to bring it free of cost to those who hear me, without 
19 using the® full right which belongs to my ministration. There- 
fore, although free from the authority of all men, I made my- 
20self the slave of all, that I might gain the most. To the Jews 
I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to those 
under the law as though I were under the law, that I might 
21 gain those under the law ; with those who were free from the 
law, I lived as one who is free from the law (not that I was 
without law before God, but under the law of Christ), that I 
—s2might gain those who were free from the law. With those 


1 Numbers vii. and Deut. xviii. 

3 (Matt. x. 9,10.) Provide neither gold nor silver nor brass in vour purses, nor 
ecrip for your journey, neither iwo coats, neither shoes, nor yct staves; for the 
tcorkman is worthy of his meat. 

3 Avid) 13 properly the compulsion exercised by a master over a slave. 

« ΠῚ 15 is the full meaning of οἰκονομίαν. See 1 Cor. iv. 1, 2. 

δ᾽ Κοταχρήσασθαι, to use fully. See note on VII. 31. 


vou. W—-4 


50 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


who were weak, I lived as if I were weak myself, that 1 might 
gain the weak. I have become all things to all men, that by 
all means I might save some. And this Ido to spread the 23 
Glad-tidings of Christ, that I myself may share therein with 
those who hear me. For you know that in the races of the 24 
stadium, though all may run, yet but one can gain the prize; 
—(so run that you may win.)—And every man who strives in 25 
the matches, trains himself by all manner of self-restraint ; yet 
they do it to win a crown of fading leaves,'\—we, a crown that 
cannot fade. I, therefore, run not like the racer who is uncer- 26 
tain of his goal; I fight, not as the pugilist who strikes out 
against the air; but I bring my body into bondage, crushing 27 
it with heavy ' blows? lest, perchance, having called others to 
the contest, I should myself fail shamefully of the prize. 

. Xx 
He again warns But you, brethren, I call to remember our fore- 1 
the Corinthians 2 . 
against immo- fathers; how they all were guarded by the pillar of 


vality, by ex- 
amples of the the cloud, and all passed safely through the sea. 


Hons ancient And [as you were baptized unto Christ] they all, 2 
through the cloud, and through the sea, were bap- 
tized unto Moses. And all of them alike ate the same spiritual 3 
food; and all drank of the same spiritual stream; for they 4 
drank from the spiritual rock, whose waters followed them ;° 
but that rock was Christ. Yet [though all received these 5 
gifts], few only continued in God’s favour, and the rest were 
struck down, and perished in the wilderness. Now these 6 
things were shadows of our own case, that we might learn not to 
lust after sinful pleasures, as they lusted.*| Nor be ye idolaters, 7 
as were some of them; as it is written,— Zhe people sat down 
to eat and drink, and rose up to ρίαν." Neither let us com- 8 
mit fornication, as some of them committed, and fell in one 


1 This was the crown made of the leaves of the pine, groves of which surrounded 
the Isthmian Stadium: the same tree still grows plentifully on the Isthmus of Corinth, 
It was the prize of the great Isthmian games. Throughout the passage St. Panl al- 
ludes to these contests, which were so dear to the pride and patriotism of the Cerinth- 
inns. Compare also 2 Tim. ii. 5. . 

2 This is the literal meaning of the pugilistic term ὑπωπιάξω, 

3 St. Paul’s meaning is, that, under the allegorical representation of the Manna, the 
Water, and the Rock, are shadowed forth spiritual realities; for the Rock is Christ, the 
only source of living water (John iv.), and the Manna also is Christ, the true bread 
from Heaven (John vi.). 

4 Viz. after the flesh-pots of Egypt. 5 Exod. xxxii.6. ‘LXX.) 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 51 


9 day three and twenty thousand.: Neither let us try the long 
suffering of Christ,.as did some of them, who were destroyed 
10 by the fiery serpents. Nor murmur against those who are set 
over you, as some of them murmured, and were slain by the 
i destroying angel. Now all these things befel them as shadows 
of that which was to come; and they were written for our 
12 warning, who live in the end of the ages. Wherefore, let him 
who thinks that he stands firm, watch heedfully lest he fall. 
13 No trial has come upon you beyond man’s power to bear; and 
God is faithful to his promises, and will not suffer you to be 
tried beyond your strength, but will with every trial provide 
the way of escape, that you may be able to sustain it. 
14 Wherefore, my beloved children, have no fellow- tey must το: 
tire . . nounce all fel- 
15ship with idolatry. I speak as to reasonable men; ee ae 
use your own judgment upon that which I say. 
16 When we drink the cup of blessing, which we bless, are we 
not all partakers in the blood of Christ? When we break 
17 the bread, are we not all partakers in the body of Christ? For 
as the bread is one, so we, the many, are one body; for of that 
18 one bread we all partake. Or again, if you look to the carnal 
Israel, do you not see that those who eat of the sacrifices are in 
partnership with the altar, [and identified with the worship 7] 
19 What would I say then? that an idol has any real being? or 
20 that meat offered to an idol is really changed thereby? Not 
so; but I say, that when the heathen offer their sacrifices, they 
are sacrificing to demons, and not to God; and I would not 
41 αν you become partners? with the demons. You cannot 
drink the eup of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the eup which has 
22 poured libation to demons; you cannot eat at the table of the 
Lord, and at the table of demons. Or would we provoke our 
Lord to jealousy? Are we stronger than He? 
28 [But some one will say again]‘ “all things are They must de: 


y themselves 
even lawful in- 


lawful forme.” Nay, but not all things are good gVplastul ie 

1 Numbers xxv. 9, where twenty-four thousand is the number given. See the re 
marks in Vol. I. p. 176, note 1. 

? The coming of Christ was “the end of the ages,” i. e. the commencement of a new 
period of the world’s existence. So the phrase συντελεΐία τῶν αἰώνων is used Heb, ix. 
26. The same expression (with aidvoc) occurs five times in St. Matthew, signifying 
the coming of Christ to judgment. 

3 This is addressed to those who were in the habit of accepting invitations to feasts 
calcbrated in the temples of the heathen gods ἐν εἰδωλείῳ κατακείμενον, viii. 10). 

¢ See vi. 12, and note. 


529 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ther than in. for me; though all things are lawful, not all things 


jure the con 


see thefr build up the church. Let no man seek his own, 24 
Sas but every man his neighbour’s good. Whatever is 25 
sold in market, you may eat, nor Bel you ask for conscience 
sake whence it came: “For the carth is the Lord’s, and the 2 
fulness thereof”! And if any unbeliever invites you to ἃ 27 
feast, and you are disposed to go, eat of all that is set before 
you, asking no questions for conscience sake; but if one of the 28 
guests should say to you concerning any dish, “This has been 
offered to an idol,” do not eat of that dish, for the sake of him 
who pointed it out, and for the sake of conscience.” Thy neigh- 29 
bour’s conscience, I say, not thine own; for [thou mayest truly 
say] “ why is my freedom condemned by the conscience of an- 
other? and if I thankfully partake, why am I called a sinner 30 
for that which I eat with thanksgiving?” 

Therefore, whether you eat or dr ink, or whatsoever you do, 31 
do all so that God may be praised and His glory manifested.‘ 
Let no act of yours give cause of stumbling, ace to Jews or 32 
Gentiles, or to the Church of God. For so I also strive to 33 
please all men in all things, not seeking my own good, but thexI 
good of all,’ that they may be saved. I beseech you, therefore, 1 
to follow my example, as I follow the example of Christ. 


Censure on the My brethren, whereas® “you are always mind- 2 
custom of wo- 


men appearing ful of my teaching, and that you keep unchanged 


unveiled in the Θ᾽ 


assemblies for the rules which I delivered to you,” in this I praise 
public wors'sip. ἣ i 
you. But I would have you know that as Christ is 3 

the head of every man, anc God the head of Christ, so the man 
is the head of the woman. Ifa man were tostand up in the con- 4 
gregation to pray or to prophecy with a veil over his head, he 
would bring shame upon his head [by wearing the token of 
subjection]. But if a woman stands forth to pray or to pro- 
phecy, with her head unveiled, she brings shame upon her own 
head, as much as if she were shaven. I say, if she cast off her 6 

1 Psalm xxiv. 1. (LXX.) 

2 The repeated quotation is omitted in the best MSS. 

3 Compare Rom. xiv. 16: μὴ βλασφημείσθω ὑμῶν τὸ ἀγαθόν. Here again the hype 
thesis that St. Paul is quoting from the letter of the Corinthians removes all difficulty 

4 Such seems the full meaning of εἰς δόξαν Θεοῦ. 

5 Τῶν πολλῶν, not many, but the many, the whole mass of mankind. 


6 This statement was probably made in the letter sent by the Corinthian Church te 
St. Paul. 


5 


ΝΣ 


TIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 53 


veil, let her shave her head at once; but if it is shameful for a 
woman to be shorn or shaven, let her keep a veil upon her 
7 head. Fora man ought not to veil his head, since he is the 
likeness of God, and the manifestation of God’s glory. But 
8 the woman’s part is to manifest her husband’s glory. For the 
man was not made from the woman, but the woman from the 
9 man. Nor was the man created for the sake of the woman, 
10 but the woman for the sake of the man. Therefore, the wo- 
man ought to wear a sign! of subjection upon her head, be- 
11 cause of the angels.’ Nevertheless, in their fellowship with the 
Lord Jesus, man and woman may not be separated the one from 
12 the other. For as woman is sprung from man, so is man also 
born of woman; and both alike, together with all things else, 
13are sprung from God. But I beseech yon to judge of this 
matter by your own feeling. Is it seemly for a woman with 
14 her head unveiled to offer prayers to God? Or does not even 
nature itself teach you that long hair is a disgrace to a man, 
15 but a glory to a woman; for her hair has been given her for a 
16 veil. But if any one thinks to be contentious in defence of 
such a custom, let him know that it is disallowed by me,‘ and 
by all the Churches of God. 
11 {I said that I praised you for keeping the rules | Censure on 


i their profana- 


oa ray iver τ . ut I praise you Not tion of the 
which were delivered to you;] but I praise yo Tordia Supper. 


for this which I now declare to you, that your 
tgsolemn assemblies are for evil rather than good. For first, I 
hear that there are divisions among you, which show them- 
igselves when your congregation is met together; and this I 
partly believe. For there must needs be not divisions only,: 
but also adverse sects among you, that so the good may be 


1 ’Efovaia is often used for the dominion exercised by those in lawful authority 
over their subordinates (see Luke vii. 8). Here it is used to signify the sign of that 
dominion 

> The meaning of this very difficulf expression seems to be as follows :—The angela 
gre sent as ministering servants to attend upon Christians, and are especially present 
when ile church assembles for public worship; and they would be offended by any 
violation of decency or order. It need scarcely be remarked, that to translate διὰ 
τοὺς ἀγγέλους, “by the hands of angels” (as has been sometimes proposed), would 
be a gross grammatical error. 

3 Τὴ their relation to Christ. man and woman are not to be severed ( χωοίς) the one 
from the ather. Compare Gal. iii. 28. St. Paul means to say that the distinction 
Setween the sexes is one which only belongs to this life. 

4 Literally, that neither I, nor the churches of God, admit of such a custom. 

.ς Kai. 


54 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tested and made known. Moreover,! those among you who 2¢ 
meet [peaceably] together, are not really met to eat the Lord’s 
Supper; for each begins to eat what he has brought for his 21 
own supper, before anything’ has been given to others; 
so that while some are hungry, others are drunken.* [lave 23 
you then no houses for your feasts? or do you come to show 
contempt for the congregation of God’s people, and to shame 
the poor? What can I say to you? Shall I praise you in 
this? I praise you not. For I myself* received from the Lord 23 
that whichI delivered to you, how that the Lord Jesus in the 
night when He was betrayed, took bread, and when He had 24 
given thanks, He brake it, and said—“ Take, eat; this is my 
body, which is broken for you: this doin remembrance of me.” 
In the same manner also He took the cup, after supper, saying, 25 
“ This cup is the new covenant in my blood: this do ye, as often 
as ye drink it, in remembrance of me.” For as often as you eat 26 
this bread, and drink this cup, you openly show forth the 
Lord’s death until He shall come again. Therefore, whoso- 27 
ever shall eat this bread, or drink this cup of the Lord un- 
worthily, shall be guilty of profaning the body and blood 
of the Lord. But let a man examine himself, and 8028 
-et him eat of this bread and drink of this cup. For he 29 
who eats and drinks of it unworthily, eats and drinks 
a judgment against himself, since he makes no difference 
between the Lord’s body and common food. For this cause 30 
many of you are weak and sickly, and some sleep the sleep of 
death. For if we would rightly judge ourselves, we should 31 
not be judged by God. But when we are judged, we are 32 
chastened by the Lord Jesus, that we may not be condemned 
together with the world. Therefore, my brethren, when you 33 
meet for the Lord’s Supper, let none begin to eat by himself 
while he leaves others unprovided; and if any one is hungry, 34 


1 The second subject of rebuke is introduced by οὖν instead of by ἔπειτα dé (which 
would naturally have answered the πρῶτον μὲν), because the συνερχομένων, κι. τ΄ A,, ia 
taken up again from verse 18. 

2 Προλαμθάνει. 

3 For the explanation of this, see Vol. I. p. 440. It should be observed that a oem: 
mon meal, to which each of the guests contributed his own share of the provisicrs, 
was a form of entertainment of frequent occurrence among the Greeks, aud known by 
the name of ἔρανος. 

4 Observe the emphatic ἐγώ, 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 55 


Jet him eat at home, lest your meetings should bring judgment 
upon you. The other matters I willset in order when I come. 
XII. 
1 Concerning those who exercise Spiritual Gifts, onthespiritua 
2 brethren, 1 anes to remove your ignorance. You aad 
know that in the days of your Leathen eal you were blindly led 
astray to worship dumb and senseless idols [by those who pre- 
3 tended to gifts from heaven]. This test therefore I give you, to 
guide your judgment; no man who is inspired by the Spirit of 
God can call Jesus accursed; and no man can say that Jesus 
4 is the Lord, unless he be inspired by the Holy Spirit... More- 
over, there are varieties of Spiritual Gifts, but the same Spirit 
5 gives them all; and they are given for various ministrations, 
6 but all to serve the same Lord Jesus; and the inward work- 
ing whereby they are wrought is various, but they are all 
wrought in every one of those who receive them, by the work- 
7 ing of the same God.? But the gift whereby the Spirit be- 
8 comes manifest, is given to each for the profit of all. To one? 
is given by the Spirit the utterance of Wisdom, to another the 
utterance of Knowledge‘ according to the working cf the 
9 same Spirit. To another the power of Faith® through the same 
Spirit. To another gifts of Healing through the same Spirit. 
10To another the powers which work Miracles; to another the 
gift of Prophecy; to another the discernment of Spirits ;* to 
another varieties of Tongues ;7 to another the Interpretation of 
11 Tongues. Dut all these gifts are wrought by the working of 
that one and the same Spirit, who distributes them to each ac- 
12cording to His will. For as the body is one, and has many 


1 ἃς ο. the mere outward profession of Christianity is (so far as it goes) a proof of the 
Holy Spirit’s guidance. Therefore the extraordinary spiritual gifts which followed 
Christian baptism in that age proceeded in all cases from the Spirit of God, and not 
from the Spirit of Evil. This is St. Paul’s answer to a difficulty apparently felt by the 
Corinthians (and mentioned in their letter to him), whether some of these gifts might 
not be given by the Author of Evil to confuse the Church. 

? Tt should be observed that the 4th, 5th, and 6th verses imply the doctrine of the 
Trinity. 

3 On this classification of spiritual gifts, see Vol. I. p. 427, n. 2. 

4 Τνῶσις is the term used throughout this Epistle for a deep insight into the divine 
truth ; σοφία isa more general term, but here (as being opposed to γνῶσις) probably 
means practical wisdom. 

5 Sve Vai. I. p. 429. ® See Vol. I. p. 430. 

7 See Vol. L pp. 428-431 for remarks on this and the other gifts menticned in this 
parsage 


56 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


members, and as all the members, though many,! are one body ; 
so also is Christ. Jor in the communion of one Spirit we all 1a 
were’ baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or Gentiles,’ 
whether slaves or freemen, and were all made to drink of the 
same Spirit. For the body is not one member, but many. 14 
If‘ the foot should say, “I am not the hand, therefore I belong 15 
not to the body,” does it thereby sever itself from the body ? 
Or if the ear should say, “I am not the eye, therefore I belong 15 
not to the body,” does it thereby sever itself from the body ? 
If the whole body were an eye, where would be the hearing?17 
If the whole body were an ear, where would be the smelling ? 
But now God has placed the members severally in the body 18 
according to His will. If all were one member, where would 19 
be the body? But now, though the members are many, yet 20 
the body is one. And the eye cannot say to the hand, * I have 21 
no need of thee;” nor again the head to the feet, “I have no 
need of you.” Nay, those parts of the body which are reckon- 22 
ed the feeblest are the most necessary, and those parts which 23 
we hold the least honourable, we clothe with the more abun- 
dant honour, so that the less beautiful parts are clad with the 
greater beauty; and those which are beautiful need not our 24 
adornment. But God has tempered the body together, and 
given to the lowher parts the higher honour, that there should 
be no division in the body, but that all its parts should feel, 25 
one for the other, a common sympathy. And thus, if one 
member suffer, every member suffers with it; or if one mem- 26 
ber be honoured, every member rejoices with it. Now ye are 27 
together the body of Christ, and each one of you a separate 
member. And God has set the members in the Church, some 28 
in one place, and some in another: first,’ Apostles; secondly, 
Prophets; thirdly, Teachers; afterwards Miracles; then Gifts 
of Healing ; Serviceable Ministrations ; Gifts of Government ; 
varieties of Tongues. Can all be Apostles? Can all be Pro- 29 

1 The τοῦ ἑνός of the Received Text is omitted by the best MSS. ; so also is the εἰς 
before ἕν πνεῦμα in verse 15. 

3 The past tense is mistranslated in A. V. as present. 

3 See note on Rom. i. 16. 

4 The resemblance between this passage and the well-known fable of Menenius 
Agrippa (Liv. m. 32) can scarcely be accidental; and may therefore be considered 
another proof that St. Paul was not unacquainted with classical literature. 


5 On this classification, see Vol. I. p. 427, note 2; on the particular charisms and 
offices mentioned in it, see pp. 428-434, 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 57 


z0phets? Can all be Teachers? Can all work Miracles? Have 
all the Gifts of Healing? Do all speak with Torgues? Can 
ali interpret the Tongues? But I would have you delight? in 

3ithe best gifts; and moreover, beyond them all,’ I will show 
you a path wherein to walk. 

XIUI. 

1 Though it were given me to speak in all the superiority of 

, = Love to all the 
tongues of men and angels, if I have not love, I am_ extraordinary 
; ἕ ἢ Gifts οἵ the 

no better than sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal. spirit. 

2 And although I have the gift of prophecy, and understand 41] 
the mysteries, and all the depths of knowledge; and though [ 
have the fulness of faith,? so that I could remove mountains; if | 

3 have not love, 1am nothing. And though I sell all my goods 
to feed the poor, and though I give my body to be burned, if I 

4 have not love, it profits me nothing. Love is long suffering; 
love is kind; love envies not; love speaks‘ no vaunts; love 

5 shows no vanity; love is never uncourteous; love is never 
selfish ; love is not easily provoked; love bears no malice; + 

6 love rejoices not in the punishment® of wickedness, but re- 

7 joices in the victory of truth; forbears in all things,’ believes 

8 all things, hopes all things, endures all things. Love shall 
never pass away; though the gift of Prophecy shall vanish, 
and the gift of Tongues shall cease, and the gift of Knowledge 

9 shall come to nought. For our knowledge is imperfect, and 

10 our prophecying is imperfect. But when the fulness of perfec- 

11 tion is come, then all that is imperfect shallpass away. When 
I was a child, my words were childish, my desires were child- 
ish, my judgments were childish; but being grown a man, I 

12 have done away with the thoughts of childhood. So now we 
1 Ζηλοῦν means originally to feel intense eagerness about a person or thing: hence 

its different senses of love. jealousy, &c., are derived. Here the wish expressed is, that 

the Corinthians should take that delight in the exercise of the more useful gifts, which 
hitherto they had taken in the more wonderful, not that individuals should “ covet 

earnestly ” for themselves gifts which God had not given them. Compare xiv. 39. 

? This seems the meaning of καθ᾽ ὑπερθολὴν, which can scarcely be taken as an ad- 

fective with ddov, as in A. V. 

3 ἧς e. the charism of wonder-working faith. See Vol. I. p. 429. The “removal af 

mountains 7) alludes to the words of our Lord, recorded Matt. xvii. 20. 

4 Περπερευομαι, jacto me verbis (Wahl). 

5 The Authorised Version bere, “thinketh no evil,” is so beautiful that we cannot 
cut wish it had keen a correct translation. The same disposition, however, is implied 
by the παντα πιστεύει below. 


3 ᾿Επιγαΐρω is 10 rejoice in the misfortune of another. 
7 For the meaning of στέγει, see ix. 12: mora στέγνομεν. 


58 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


see darkly, by the reflection of a mirror, but then face to face, 
now I know in part, but then shall I know God, even as now 
{am? known by Him. Yet while other gifts shall pass away, 13 
these three, Faith, Hope, and Love, abide for ever; and the 
greatest of these is Love. 

Directions for I beseech you to follow earnestly after Love; 1 
the exercise of : as 

ea ane yet J would have you delight in the spiritual gifts, 
giftof Tongues. but especially in the gift of Prophecy. Tor he 2 
who speaks in a Tongue, speaks not to men but to God ; for 
no man understands him, but with his spirit he utters mys- 
teries. But he who prophecies speaks to meu, and builds them 3 
up, with exhortation and with comfort. [16 who speaks in a 4 
Tongue builds up himself alone; but he who prophecies builds 
up the Church. I wish that you all had the gift of Tongues, 5 
but rather that you had the gift of Prophecy ; for he who pro- 
phecies is above him who speaks in Tongues, unless he interpret 
the sounds he utters, that the Church may be built up there- 
by. Now, brethren, if when I came to you I were to speak in ὃ 
Tongues, what should I profit you, unless I should also speak 
either in Revelation or in Knowledge, either in Prophecying 
or in Teaching? Even if the lifeless instruments of sound, the 
flute or the harp, give no distinctness to their notes, how can 
we understand their music? Ifthe trumpet utter an uncertain 8 
note, how shall the soldier prepare himself for the battle? So 9 
also if you utter unintelligible words with your tongue, how 
can your speech be understood? you will but be speaking to 
the air. It may be that the Tongues in which you speak are 10 
among the many languages spoken in the world, and of these 
languages none is without meaning. Now if I know not thei 
meaning of the language, I shall be as a foreigner to him that 
speaks it, and he will be accounted a foreigner by me. Where-12 
fore, I beseech you (since you delight in spiritual gifts) to 
strive that your abundant possession of them may build up the 
Church. ‘Therefore, let him who speaks in a Tongue, pray that13 
he may be able to interpret? what he utters. For if I utter14 


«τ 


1 A? ἐσύπτρου, not “through a glass,” but by means of a mirror. , 

2 "Επεγνώσθην, literally “I was known,” ἡ. e. when in this world. The tense used 
retrospectively ; unless it may be better to take it as the aorist used in a perfect sense, 
which is not uncommon in St. Paul’s style. 

3 This veren distinctly proves that the gift of Tongues was not a knowledge of 
forrign languages, as is often supposed. See Vol. I. 429-430. 


FIRST EPISfLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 59 


prayers in a Tongue, my spirit indeed prays, but my under 
15 standing bears no fruit. What follows, then? I will pray in 
deed with my spirit, but I will pray with my understanding 
also; I will sing praises with my spirit, but I will sing with my 
1g6understanding also. For if thou, with thy spirit, offerest 
thanks and praise, how shall the Amen be said to thy thanks: 
giving by those worshippers who take no part! in the ministra- 
tions, while they are ignorant of the meaning of thy words? 
17 Thou indeed fitly offerest thanksgiving, but they who hear 
18 thee are not built up. I offer thanksgivings to God in private,? 
19speaking in Tongues to Him, more than any of you. Yet in 
the congregation I would rather speak five words with my un- 
derstanding so as to instruct others, than ten thousand words in 
20a Tongue. Brethren, be not children gin understanding; but 
21in malice be children, and in understanding be men. It is 
written in the book of the Law, “ With men of other tongues 
and other lips will IL speak unto this people; and yet for all 
22 that they will not hear me, saith the Lord.” So that the gift 
of Tongues is a sign‘ given to men in a state of anbelief; 
23whereas the gift of Prophecy belongs to believera. When, 
therefore, the whole congregation is assembled in its place of 
meeting, if all the brethren speak in Tongues, and if any who 
take no part in your ministrations, or who aro unbelievers, 
should enter your assembly, will they not say that you are 
24mad?° But ifall exercise the gift of Prophecy, then if any 
man who is an unbeliever, or who takes no part in your minis- 
trations, should enter the place of meeting, he is convicted in 
25 conscience by every speaker, he feels hiraself judged by all, 
and® the secret depths of his heart are laid open; and so he 
will fall upon his face and worship God, declaring to all men 
that God is in you of a truth. What follows then, brethren? 
1 Tod ἰδιώτου, not the unlearned (A. V.), but him who takes no part in the parti- 


cular matter in hand. 

? This is evidently the meaning of the verse. Cumpare verse 2, ὁ λαλῶν γλώσσῃ 
οὐκ ἀνθρώποις λαλεῖ ἀλλὰ τῷ θεῷ, and verse 28, ἑαυτῷ λαλείτω καὶ τῷ θεῷ. 

3 Is. xxviii. 11. Not exactly according to the Hebrew or LXX. 

4 That is, a condemnatory sign. 

5 We must not be led, from any apparent analogy, to confound the exercise sf the 
gift of Tongues in the primitive Church with modern exhibitions of fanaticism, which 
bear a superficial resemblance to it. We must remember that such modern pretensions 
to this gift must of course resemble the manifestations ef the original gift in external 
features, because these very features have been the objects of intentional imitation, 

& Οὕτω is omitted in best MSS. 


60 JHE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


If, when you are met together, one is prepared to sing a lyin 2 
of praise, another to exercise his gift of Teaching, another his 
gift of Tongues, another to deliver a Revelation,’ another an In- 
terpretation ; let all be so done as to build up the Church. If 21 
there be any who speak in Tongues, let not more than two, or at 
the most three, speak [in the same assembly]; and let them speak 
in turn; and let the same interpreter explain the words of all. 
But if there be no interpreter, let him who speaks in Tongues 28 
keep silence in the congregation, and speak in private to him- 
self and God alone. Of those who have the gift of Prophecy, 29 
let two or three speak [in each assembly], and let the rest? 
judge; but if another of them, while sitting as hearer, receives 30 
a revelation calling him to prophecy, let the first end his dis- 
course. Jor so every one of you [who have received the gift] 31 
can prophecy, that all in turn may receive teaching and exhor- 
tation; (and the gift of Prophecy does not take from the pro- 32 
phets* the control over their own spirits). Jor God is not the 33 
author of confusion, but of peace. 

The women “4In your congregation, as in all the congre- 


must not offici- 


ate publicly in gations of Christ’s people, the women must keep 
the congrega- Ss j Σ 
tion. silence; for they are not permitted to speak in pub- 34 
lic, but to show submission, as it is said also in the Book of the 
Law.* And if they wish to ask any question, let them ask it 35 
of their own husbands at home ; for it is disgraceful to women 
to speak publicly in the congregation. [Whence is your claim 36 
to change the rules delivered to you?] Was it from you that 
the word of God was first sent forth ? or, are you the only church 
which it has reachea? Nay, if any think that he has the gift 37 
of Prophecy, or that he is a spiritual® man, let him acknow- 
ledge the words which I write for commands of the Lord Jesus. 
But if any man refuse this acknowledgment, let him refuse it 38 
at his own peril. 
Therefore, brethren, I would have you delight in the gift of 39 

1 This would be an exercise of the gift of προφητεία. 

7 7. e. let the rest of the prophets judge whether those who stand up to exercise the 
gift have really received it. This is parallel to the direction in 1 Thess. v. 21. 

3 Literally, “the spirits of the prophets are under the control of the prophets.” 
This is a reason why the rule given above can easily be observed. 

4 This translation places a full-stop at εἰρήνης, and a comma at ἁγίων, 

> Gen. iii. 16: “Thy husband shall have the dominion over thee.” 


6 πνευματικός, the epithet on which the party of Apollos (the ultra-Pauline party) 
especially prided themselves. See chap. iii, 1-3, and Gal. vi. 1, ὑμεῖς οἱ πνευματικοὶ; 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 61 


40 Prophecy, and not hinder the gift of Tongues. And let all be 
done with decency and order. 

XV. 

J Moreover, brethren, I call to your remembrance _The doctrins 


f the Resur- 


that which I declared to you as the Glad-tidings of rection of the 
Dead establish- 


Christ, which you then received, and wherein you Saetenee oe 
2 now stand firm; by which also you are saved! if 
3 you still hold it fast, unless indeed you believed in vain. For 
the first thing which I taught you was that which 1 had my- 
self been tanght, that Christ died for our sins as the Scriptures 
4 had foretold,’ and that He was buried, and that Ie rose? the 
5 third day from the dead, according to the Scriptures;4 and 
6 that He was seen by Cephas, and then by The Twelve; after 
that he was seen by above five hundred brethren at once, of 
whom the greater part are living at this present time, but 
7 some are fallen asleep.* Next He was seen by James, and then 
8 by all the Apostles; and last of all He was seen by me also, 
who am placed among the rest as it were by an untimely 
9 birth; for lam the least of the Apostles, and am not worthy 
to be called an Apostle, because I persecuted the Church of 
10God. But by the grace of God, I am what Iam; and His 
grace, which was bestowed upon me, was not fruitless; but 1 
laboured more abundantly than all the rest; yet not I, but the 
li grace of God which was with me. So then, whether pro- 
claimed by me, or by them, this is the truth which we declare, 
and this is the truth which you believed. 
12 zf then {115 be our tidings, that Christ is risen from the 
_ dead, how is it that some among you say, there is no resurrec- 
13 tion of the dead? But if the dead rise not, then Christ is not 
14risen; and if Christ be not risen, vain is the Glad-tidings which 


1 Σώζεσθε, literally you are in the way of salvation. The words which follow (τίνι 
λόγῳ ev.) we join with εὐεγγελισάμην in the preceding verse. 

® So our Lord quotes Is, liii. 12, in Luke xxii. 37. 

3 In the original itis ἐγήγερται, not ἡγέρθη : “ He is risen,” κοὐ “ He rose ;” because 
Christ, being once risen, dieth no more. 

4 Among the “Scriptures” here referred to by St. Paul, one is the prophecy which 
he himself quoted in the speech at Antioch from Ps. xvi. 10. 

® Can we imagine it possible that St. Paul should have said this without knowing it 
to be true? or without himself having seen some of these “ five hundred brethren,” of 
whom “the greater part” were alive when he wrote these words? The sceptical (but 
eandid and honest) De Wette acknowledges this testimony as conclusive: “ Das Zeug- 
niss des Apostels entscheidet fur die Richtigkcit des Tactums.” (De W. in doco.) 


« 


62 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


we proclaim, and vain the faith with which you heard it. 
Moreover, we are found guilty of false witness against Gud 5 14 
because we bore witness of God that He raised Christ from 
the dead, whom He did not raise, if indeed the dead rise not. 
For if there be no resurrection of the dead, Christ himself? is 16 
not risen. And if Christ be not risen, your faith is vain, you 17 
are still in? your sins. Moreover, if this be so, they who have 13 
fallen asleep in Christ, perished when they died. Yea, if in1 
this life only we have hope in Christ, we are of all men most 
miserable. But now, Christ is risen from the dead; and He 20 
rose to be the first-fruits? of all who sleep. For since by 21 
man came death, by man came also the resurrection of the 
dead. For as, in Adam, all men die, so, in Christ, shall all be 22 
raised to life. But each in his own order; as the first-fruits of 23 
all Christ is already risen ; afterwards they who are Christ’s shall 
rise, at His appearing; finally, the end shall come, when. He 24 
shall give up His kingdom to God His Father, having destroyed 
all other powers which claim rule and sway.t For His king- 25 
dom must last “tll He hath put all enemies under His feet.” 5 
And last of His enemies, Death also shall be destroyed. For * 26 
“ God hath put all things under His feet.” But in that saying, 27 
“all things are put under Him,” it is manifest that God is 
excepted, who put all things under Him. And when all things 28 
are made subject to Him, then shall the Son also subject Him- 
self to Him who made them subject, that God may be all 
in all. : 

Again, what will become of those who cause themselves to 29 


1 This argument is founded on the union between Christ and His members: they 80 
share His life, that because He lives for ever, they must live also; and conversely, if 
we deny their immortality, we deny His. 

3 Because we “are saved ” from our sins “ by His life.” (Rom. v. 10.) 

3 ’Arapyy. On the second day of the feast of Passover a sheaf of ripe corn wag 
offered upon the altar as a consecration of the whole harvest. ‘Till this was done it 
was considered unlawful to begin reaping. See Levit. xxiii. 10, 11, and Josephus 
Antiq., iii. 10. The metaphor, therefore, is, “ As the single sheaf of first-fruits repre- 
sents and consecrates all the harvest, so Christ’s resurrection represents and involves 
that of all who sleep in Him.” It should be observed that ἐγένετο is not present (aa 
in A. V.), but past. 

4 'Αρχὴν καὶ ἐξουσίαν καὶ δύναμιν. Compare Col. ii. 15: ἀπεκδυσάμενος tag ἀρχὰς 
καὶ τὰς ἐξουσίας. Compare also Eph. i. 21. 

5 Ps, ex. 1. (ΧΧ.) Quoted. and similarly applied, by our Lord himself, Mats 
rxli. 44. 

6 Ps, viii. 6, nearly after LXX. 


FIRST EPISTLE ΤῸ THE ΟΟΠΙΝΤΗΙΑΙΪΒ, 63 


be baptized for the dead,'if the dead never rise again? Why 
then do they submit to baptism for the dead? 
80 And I too, why do I expose my life every hour to deadly 
3iperil? Iam daily at the point of death, I protest by my? very 
boasting thereof, which I make [not in myself, but] in Christ 
32 Jesus our Lord and Master. If] have fought (so to speak) with 
beasts at Ephesus,? what am I profited if the dead rise not? 
“ Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.” + Beware lest 
you be led astray ; “ Converse with evil men corrupts good man- 
33 ners.”*> Change your drunken revellings* into the sobriety 
84 οὗ righteousness, and live no more in sin; for some of you 
know not God; I speak this to your shame. 
δῦ  DButsome disputer will say, “‘ How are the dead raised up ? 
36 and with what body do they rise?” Thou fool, the seed which 
thou sowest is not quickened into life till it hath partaken of 
37 death. And that seed which thou sowest has not the same 
body with the plant which will spring from it, but it is mere 
88 grain, of wheat, or whatever else it may chance to be. But 
God gives it a body according to His will; and to every seed 
the body of its own proper plant. For all flesh is not the same 
39 flesh [but each body is fitted to the place it fills]; the bodies 


1 The only meaning which the Greek seems to admit here is a reference to the prac 
tice of submitting to baptism instead of some person wlio had died unbaptized. Yet 
this explanation is liable to very great difficulties. (1) How strange that St. Paul 
should refer to such a superstition without rebuking it! (2) If such a practice did 
exist in the Apostolic Church, how can we account for its being discontinued in the 
period which followed, when a magical efficacy was more and more ascribed to the 
material act of baptism. Yet the practice was never adopted except by some obscure 
sects of Gnostics, who seem to have founded their custom on this very passage. 

The explanations which have been adopted to avoid the difficulty, such us “ over the 
graves of the dead,” or “in the name of the dead (meaning Christ),” &c., are all inad- 
missible, as being contrary to the analogy of the language. On the whole, therefore, 
the passage must be considered to admit of no satisfactory explanation. It alludes to 
some practice of the Corinthians, which has not been recorded elsewhere, and of which 
every other trace has perished. 

2 We read ἡμετέραν with Griesbach, on the authority of the Codex Alexandrinus. 

3 This is metaphorical, as appears hy the qualifying expression κατ᾽ ἄνθρωπον. It 
must refer to some very violent opposition which St. Paul had met with at Ephesus, 
the particulars of which are not recorded 

4 Js. xxii. 13. (LXX.). 

5 St. Paul bere quotes a line from the Thais, a comedy of Menander’s: the line had 
probably passed into a proverbial expression. We see, from this passage, that the 
free-thinking party at Corinth joined immoral practice with their licentious doctrine; 
ard that they were corrupted by the evil example of their heathen neighbours. 

6 'Exvjpate, Dot swake (A. V.), but cease to be drunken. 


64 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of men, and of beasts, of birds, and of fishes, differ the 
one from the other. And there are bodies which belony 46 
to heaven, and bodies which belong to earth; but in bright- 
ness and in beauty the heavenly differ from the earthly. ‘The 41 
sun is more glorious than the moon, and the moon is more 
glorious than the stars, and one star excels another in the glory 
of its brightness. So will it be in the resurrection of the dead ; 
[they will be clothed with a body fitted to their lot]; it is sown 42 
in corruption, it is raised in incorruption; it is sown in dis- 43 
honour, it is raised in glory; it is sown in weakness, it is raised 
in power; it is sown a natural! body, it is raised a spiritual 44 
body; for as there are natural bodies, so there are also spirit- 
ual bodies. And so it is written,’ “ Zhe jirst man Adam was 45 
made a living soul,” whereas, the last Adam was made a life- 
giving spirit. But the spiritual comes not tiil after the natu- 4ς 
ral. The first man was made of earthly clay, the second man 47 
was the Lord from heaven. As is the earthly, such are they 48 
also that are earthly ; and as is the heavenly, such are they 
also that are heavenly ; and as we have borne the image of the 49 
earthly, we shall also bear the image of the heavenly. But 50 
this I say, brethren, that flesh and blood® cannot inherit the 


1 For the translation of ψυχικός, see note on ii. 14. The reference to this of the fol- 
jowing ψυχὴν (in the quotation) should be observed, though it cannot be retained in 
English. 

* Gen. ii. 7, slightly altered from LXX. 

3 The importance of the subject justifies our quoting at some length the admirable 
remarks of Dr. Burton (formerly Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford) on this pas 
sage, in the hope that his high reputation for learning and for unblemished orthodoxy 
may lead some persons to reconsider the loose and unscriptural language which they 
are in the habit cf using :—After regretting that some of the early Fathers have (when 
treating of the Resurrection of the Body) appeared to contradict these words of St. 
Paul, Dr. Burton continues as follows :— 

“Tt is nowhere asserted in the New Testament that we shall rise again with our 
bodies. Unless a man will say that the stalk, the blade, and the ear of corn are 80- 
tualiy the same thing with the single grain which is put into the ground, he cannot 
quote St. Paul as saying that we shall rise again with the same bodies; or at least he 
must allow that the future body may only be like to the present one, inasmuch as 
both come under the same genus; 7. 6. we speak of human bodies, and we speak of 
heavenly bodies. But St. Paul’s words do not warrant us in saying that the resem 
bla..ce between the present and future body will be greater than between a man and a 
stu, or between a bird anda fish. Nothing can be plainer than the expression whica 
he uses in the first of these two analogies, Thow sowest not that body that shall be. 
(xv. 37.) He says also, with equal plainness, of the body, It is sown a natural body 
tt is raised a spiritual body: there is a natural body, and there is a spiritual body, 
(v. 44.) These words require to be examined closely, and involve remotely a deep 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 6 


kingdom of God, neither can corruption inherit incorruption. 

61 Behold, I declare to you a mystery; we shall not all sleep, but 

52 we shall all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an 
eye, at the sound of the last trumpet; for the trumpet; shall 
sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall 

53be changed. For this corruptible must put on incorruption 
and this mortal must put on immortality. 

54. But when this corruptible is clothed with incorruption, ana 
this mortal is clothed with immortality, then shall be brought 
to pass the saying which is written,’ “ Death is swallowed up 

δδ ὅ7υ victory.” 7“ O death, where is thy sting ?” “O grave, where 

36 ts thy victory?” The sting of death is sin, and the strength of 

57sin is the law;* but thanks be to God, who gives to us the 
victory, through our Lord Jesus Christ. 

58 Therefore, my beloved brethren, be ye stedfast, immovable, 
always abounding in the work of the Lord; knowing that your 
labour is not in vain, in the Lord. 


XVI. 
1. Concerning the collection for Christ’s people [at Directions com 
cerning the col- 


Jerusalem] I would have you follow the same plan, lection for the 
Judean Christ- 


which I have enjoined upon the churches of Galatia, ins 
2 Upon the first day of the week, let each of you set apart what- 
ever his gains may enable him to spare; that there may be no 


metaphysical question. In common language, the terms Body and Spirit are accus- 
tomed to be opposed, and are used to represent two things which are totally distinct. 
Eut St. Paul here brings the two expressions together, and speaks of a spiritual body. 
Sc. Paul therefore did not oppose Body to Spirit: and though the looseness of mod- 
ein language may allow us to do so, and yet to be correct in our ideas, it may save 
some confusion if we consider Spirit as opposed to Matter, and if we take Body to be 
a generic term, which comprises both. .4 body, therefore, in the language of St. Paul, 
is something which has a distinct individual existence. 

“St. Paul tells us that every individual, when he rises again, will have a spiritual 
body: but the remarks which I have made may show how different is the idea con- 
veyed by these words from the notions which some persons entertain, that we shall 
rise again with the same identical body. St. Paul appears effectually to preclude this 
notion, when he says, Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God.” (ver. 
50.)—Burton’s Lectures, pp. 429-431. 

1 Is. xxv. 8. Not quoted from the LXX., but apparently from the Hebrew, with 
some alteration. 

? Hosea xiii. 14. Quoted, but not exactly, from LXX. 

3 Why is the Law called “the strength of Sin?” Because the Law of Duty, being 
acknowledged, gives to sin its power tc wound the conscience; in fact, a moral law 
of precepts and penalties announces the fatal consequences of sin, without giving us 
any power of conquering sin. 

VoL. 11.--ὃ 


66 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


need to make collections when I come. And when 1 am witk 3 
vou, whomsoever you shall judge to be fitted for the trust, I 
will furnish with letters, and send them to carry your benevo- 
lence to Jerusalem; or if there shall seem sufficient reason for 4 
me also to go thither, they shall go with me. But I will 5 
eee visit you after I have passed through Macedonia 
(for through Macedonia I shall pass); and perhaps 6 
I shall remain with you, or even winter with you, that you may 
forward me on my farther journey, whithersoever I go. For I ἢ 
do not wish to see you now for a passing! visit; but I hope to 
stay some time with you, if the Lord permit. But I shall re- 8 
main at Ephesus until Pentecost, for a door is opened to me g 
both great and effectual; and there are many adversaries 
Timotheus. [against whom I must contend]. If Timotheus come 19 
to you, be careful to give him no cause of fear,” for he is Jabour- 
ing, as I am, in the Lord’s work. Therefore, let no mani 
despise him, but forward him on his way in peace, that he 
may come hither to me; for I expect him, and the brethren 
with him, 
Apollos. As regards the brother Apollos, 1 urged him 12 
much to visit you with the brethren [who bear this letter]; 
nevertheless, he was resolved not to come to you at this time, 
but he will visit you at a more convenient season. 


Exhortations. Be watchful, stand firm in faith, be manful andi3 
stout-hearted.s Let all you do be done in love. 14 
τεϑύσρβαδα, You know, brethren, that the house of Stepha-15 
ortunatus, 


and Achaicus. nag were the first-fruits of Achaia, and that they 
have taken on themselves the task of ministering to Christ’s 
people. I exhort you, therefore, to show submission towards 16 
men like these, and towards all who work laboriously with 
them. I rejoice in the coming of Stephanas and Fortunatus, 17 
and Achaicus, for they * have supplied all which you needed 318 


1 ἃ, 6, St. Paul had altered his original intention, which was to go from Ephesus, by 
sea, to Corinth, and thence to Macedonia. For this change of purpose he was re- 
proached by the Judaizing party at Corinth, who insinuated that he was afraid to 
come, and that he dared not support the loftiness of his pretensions by corresponding 
deeds (see 2 Cor. i. 17 and x. 1-12). He explains his reason for postponing his visit 
in 2 Cor. i. 23. It was an anxiety to give the Corinthians time far repentance, that he 
might not be forced to use severity with them. 

2 The youth of Timotheus accounts for this request. Compare 1 Tim. iy. 12, 

3 i. δ. under persecution. 4 See Vol. I. 399, 200. 

5 Compare 2 Cor xi. 9 


FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 67 


since they have lightened my spirit and yours.!’ Render, there 
fore, to such men the acknowledgment of their worth. 
19 The Churches of Asia salute you. Aguila and — salutations 
Sake « a Ξ Δ 5 from the Pro 
Priscilla send their loving salutation in the Lord vince of Asia. 
Jesus, together with the Church which assembles at their house. 
20 All the brethren here salute you. Salute one another with the 


kiss of holiness.? 


21. I, Paul, add this my salutation with my own Autograph 

22hand. Let him who loves not the Lord Jesus Christ erg 
be accursed. Zhe Lord cometh. 

23,24 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. My 

love be with you all in Christ Jesus.+ 


In the concluding part of this letter we have some indication of the 
Apostle’s plans for the future. He is looking forward to a journey 
through Macedonia (xvi. 5), to be succeeded by a visit to Corinth (ib. 
2-7), and after this he thinks it probable he may proceed to Jerusalem 
ib. 3, 4). In the Acts of the Aposties the same intentions® are ex- 
pressed, with a stronger purpose of going to Jerusalem (xix. 21), and 
with the additional conviction that after passing through Macedonia and 
Achaia, and visiting Palestine, he “must also see Rome” (ib.). He had 
won many of the inhabitants of Asia Minor and Ephesus to the faith : 
and now, after the prospect of completing his charitable exertions for the 
poor Christians of Juda, his spirit turns towards the accomplishment of 
remoter conquests.° Far from being content with his past achievements, 
or resting from his incessant labours, he felt that he was under a debt of 
perpetual obligation to all the Gentile world.7 Thus he expresses himself, 


1 Viz. by supplying the means of our intercourse. 

2 See note on 1 Thess. ν. 25. 

5 Maran-Atha (xm 74/2) means “The Lord cometh,” and is used apparently by St. 
Paul as a kind of motto; compare ὁ κύριος εγγύς (Phil. iv. 5). Billroth thinks that he 
wrote it in Hebrew characters, as a part of the autograph by which he authenticated this 
letter. Buxtorf (Lex. Chald. 827) says it was part of a Jewish cursing formula, from 
tre “Prophecy of Enoch” (Jude 14) ; but this view appears to be without foundation. 
in fact. it would have been most incongruous to have blended together a Greek word 
(ANATHEMA) with a Hebrew phrase (MARAN ATHA), and to use the compound 
as a formula of execration. This was not done till (in later ages of the Church) the 
meaning of the terms themselves was lost. 

4 The “ Amen” is not found in the best MSS. 

5 Tke important application made in the Hore Pauline of those coincidences 
between the Acts and Corinthians, and again those referred to below between the Asta 
and Romans, need only be alluded to. 

4 See Menken’s Blicke in das Leben, ἃ. s. w. 

7 “Ἐλλησί τ: Kal Βαρθάοιος ὀφειλέτης xyi. Rom. i. 14. 


68 THE LIFE ΑΚ EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL 


soon after this time, in the Epistle to the Roman Christians, whums he 
had long ago desired to see (Rom. i. 10-15), and whom he hopes at 
length to visit, now that he is on his way to Jerusalem, and looks forward 
to a still more distant and hazardous journey to Spain (ib. xv. 22-29). 
The path thus dimly traced before him, as he thought of the future at 
Ephesus, and made more clearly visible, when he wrote the letter at 
Corinth, was made still more evident! as he proceeded on his course. 
Yet not without forebodings of evil,* aud much discouragement,? and 
mysterious delays,‘ did the Apostle advance on his courageous career. 
But we are anticipating many subjects which will give a touching in- 
terest to subsequent passages of this history. Important events still 
detain us in Ephesus. Though St. Paul’s companions had been sent be- 
fore in the direction of his contemplated journey (Acts xix. 22), he still 
resolved to stay till Pentecost (1 Cor. xvi.8). A “great door” was open 
to him, and there were “ many adversaries,” against whom he had yet te 
contend. 


1 By the visions at Jerusalem (Acts xxiii. 11), and on board the ship (xxvii. 23, 24). 

* Compare what he wrote to the Romans (Rom. xv. 30, 31) with what ke said ad 
Miletus (Acts xx. 22, 23), and with the scene at Ptolemais (Ib. xxi. 10-14). 

< The arrest at Jerusalem. 

4 The two years’ imprisonment at Caesarea, and the shipwreck 


DESCRIPTION OF EPHESUS. θυ 


CHAPTER XVI. 


“ But I shall remain at Ephesus until Pentecost; for a door is opened to me both 
great and effectual, and there are many adversaries against whom I must contend.”— 


1 Cor. xvi. 8, 9. 
“ Great is Diana of the Ephesians.’’—Acts xix. 28. 


DESCRIPTION OF EPHESUS.—TEMPLE OF DIANA.—HER IMAGE AND WORSHIP.— 
POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF EPHESUS.—THE ASIARCHS.—-DEMETRIUS AND 
THE SILVERSMITHS.—TUMULT IN THE THEATRE.—SPEECH OF THE TOWN: 
CLERK.—ST. PAUL’S DEPARTURE. 


comn or EPHESUS.! 


Tre boundaries of the province of Asia,’ and the position of its chief city 
Hphesus,? have already been placed before the reader., It is now time 
that we should give some description of the city itself, with a notice οἱ 
its characteristic religious institutions, and its political arrangements under 
the Empire. 

No cities were ever more favourably placed for prosperity and στον 
than those of the colonial Greeks in Asia Minor, They had the advan- 
tage of a coast-line full of convenient harbours, and of a sea which was 
favourable to the navigation of that day; and, by the long approaches 
formed by the plains of the great western rivers, they had access to the 
inland trade of the East, Two of these rivers have been more than once 
alluded to,—the Hermus and the Meander.‘ The valley of the first was 
bounded on the south by the ridge of Tmolus ; that of the second was 
bounded on the north by Messogis. In the interval between these two 
mountain ranges was the shorter course of the river Cayster. A few 


1 From Ak. Num. Ill. p. 49. For the form under which Diana is represented, sea 
below, p. 76. Compare p. 18. 

? Ch. viii. Vol. I. p. 237. 3 Ch. xiv. Vol. 11. p. 18, 

4 fee above, Vol. Il. pp. 12 18. 


τῇ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


miles from the sea a narrow gorge is formed by Mount Pactyas on the 
south, which is the western termination of Messogis,! and by the preci: 
pices of Gallesus on the north, the pine-clad summits* of which are more 
remotely connected with the heights of Tmolus. This gorge separates the 
Upper ‘‘Caystrian meadows”? from a small alluvial plain‘ by the sea. 
Partly on the long ridge of Coressus, which is the southern boundary of 
this plain,—partly on the detached circular eminence of Mount Prion,— 
and partly on the plain itself, near the windings of the Cayster, and about 
the edge of the harbour,—were the buildings of the city.’ Ephesus was 
not so distinguished in early times as several of her Ionian sisters,® and 
some of them outlived her glory. But, though Phocsa and Miletus sent 
out more colonies, and Smyrna has ever remained a flourishing city, yet 
Ephesus had great natural advantages, which were duly developed in the 
age of which we are writing. Having easy access through the defiles of 
Mount Tmolus to Sardis, and thence up the valley of the Hermus far 
into Phrygia,’ and again, by a similar pass through Messogis to the 
Meander, being connected with the great road through Iconium to the 


Euphrates,’ it became the metropolis of the province of Asia under the 

1 See Strabo xiv. 1. i 

? “ Our road lay at the foot of Gallesus, beneath precipices of a stupendous height, 
abrupt and inaccessible. In the rock are many holes inhabited by eagles ; of which 
several were soaring high in the air, with crows clamouring about them, so far above 
us as hardly to be discernible.” Chandler, p.111. Of another journey he says: “‘ We 
rode among the roots of Gallesus, or the Aleman, through pleasant thickets abounding 
with goldfinches. The aerial summits of this immense mountain towered above us, 
clad with pines. Steep succeeded steep, as we advanced, and the path became more 
narrow, slippery, and uneven..... the known sureness of foot of our horses being our 
confidence and security by fearful precipices and giddy heights.” p.103. For the 
Cayster and the site of Ephesus, see p. 107. The approach from Sardis, by which we 
suppose St. Paul to have come (see above, p. 10), was on this side: and part of the 
pavement of the road still remains. 

3 For the “Aovog λειμών, see above, Vol. I. p. 238. 

4 The piain is said by Mr. Arundell (p. 25) to be about five miles long; and the 
morass has advanved considerably into the sea since the flourishing times of Ephesus. 
See Plin. H. N. v. 31. 3 

5 The only maps which can be referred to for the topography of Ephesus are the 
Admiralty chart, and the plans given in Guhl and Kiepert. 

6 The Ephesian Diana, however, was the patroness of the Phocean navigators, even 
when the city of Ephesus was unimportant. See Grote’s Greece, vol. m1. p. 375 and 
compare pp. 235-243. 

7 In this direction we imagine St. Paul to have traveWed. See above. 

* We have frequently had occasion to mention this great road. See Vol. I. pp. 269- 
272. II. p.12. It was the principal line of communication with the eastern provinces : 
but we have conjectured that St. Paul did not travel by it, because it seems probable 
that he never was at Colosse. See Vol. 11. Ὁ. 12. A description of the route by Colos- 
se and Laodicea will be found in Arundell’s Asia Minor. The view he gives of the 
sliffs of Colosse (vol. τι. p. 164) should be noticed. Though St. Paul may never have 
seen them, they are interesting as connected with Epaphras and his other converts, 


DESCRIPTION OF EPHESUS. τί 


Romans, and the chief emporium of trade on the nearer side of Taurus 
The city built by Androclus and his Athenian followers was on the slope 
of Coressus ; but gradually it descended into the plain, in the direction ot 
the Temple of Diana. The Alexandrian age produced a marked altera- 
tion in Ephesus, as in most of the great towns in the East ; and Lysima- 
chus extended his new city over the summit of Prion as well as the 
heights of Coressus.'. The Roman age saw, doubtless, a still further in- 
crease both of the size and magnificence of the place. To attempt to 
reconstruct it from the materials which remain, would be a difficult task,’ 
—far more difficult than in the case of Athens, or even Antioch ; but 
some of the more interesting sites are easily identified. Those who walk 
over the desolate site of the Asiatic metropolis, see piles of ruined edifices 
on the rocky sides, and among the thickets of Mount Prion:? they look 
out from its summit over the confused morass which once was the har- 
bour,* where Aquila and Priscilla landed ; and they visit in its deep 
recesses the dripping marble-quarries, where the marks of the tools are 
visible still. On the outer edge of the same hill they trace the enclosure 
of the Stadium,® which may have suggested to St. Paul many of those 
images with which he enforces Christian duty, in the first letter written 
from Ephesus to Corinth.7 Farther on, and nearer Coressus, the remains 
of the vast theatre’ (the outline of the enclosure is still distinct, though 


1 The changes are mentioned by Strabo, xiv. See Steph. Byz. 

2 A plan of the entire city, with a descriptive memoir, has been prepared by E. 
Falkener, Esq., architect, but remains unpublished. 

3 Hamilton’s Researches in Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 23,. Compare Chandler . 

4 “ Wven the sea has retired from the scene of desolation, and a pestilential morass, 
covered with mud and rushes, has succeeded to the waters which brought up the ships 
laden with merchandize from every country.” Arundell’s Seven Churches, p. 27. 
Another occasion will occur for mentioning the harbour, which was very indifferent. 
Some attempts to improve it were made about this time. 

5 Chandler. A curious story is told of the discovery of this marble. A shepherd 
named Pixodorus was feeding his flock on the hill: two of his rams fighting, one of 
them missed his antagonist, and with his horn broke a crust of the whitest marble. 
The Ephesians were at this time in search of stone for the building of their temple. 
The shepherd ran to his fellow-citizens with the specimen, and was received with joy. 
His name was changed into Evangelus (the giver of glad-tidings), and divine honours 
were afterwards paid to him. Vitruv. x. 7. 

6 See Chandler, who measured the area and found it 687 feet in length. The side 
next the plain is raised on vaults, and faced with a strong wall. 

7 1 Cor. ix. 24-27. 

8 ‘Of the site of the theatre, the scene of the tumult raised by Demetrius, there can 
be no doubt, its ruins being a wreck of immense grandeur. I think it must have been 
larger than the one at Miletus, and that exceeds any I have elsewhere seen in scale, 
although not in ornament. Its form alone can now be spoken of, for every seat is 
removed, and the proscenium is a hill of ruins.”’ Fellows’ Asia Minor, p. 274. The 
theatre of Ephesus is said to be the largest known of any that have remained to us 
from antiquity. 


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DESCRIPTION OF EPHESUS. V3 


the marble seats are removed) show the place where the multitude, roused 
by Demetrius, shouted out, for two hours, in honour of Diana.' Below 
is the Agora,’ through which the mob rushed up to the well-known place 
of meeting. And in the valley between Prion and Coressus is one of the 
gymnasia,? where the athletes were trained for transient honours and a 
perishable garland. Surrounding and crowning the scene, are the long 
Hellenic walls of Lysimachus, following the ridge of Coressus# On a 
spur of the hill, they descend to,an ancient tower, which is still called the 
prison of St. Paul.» The name is doubtless legendary ; but St. Paul may 
have stood here, and looked over the city and the plain, and seen the 
Cayster winding towards him from the base of Gallesus.6 Within his view 
was another eminence, detached from the city of that day, but which be- 
came the Mahomedan town when ancient Ephesus was destroyed, and 
nevertheless preserves in its name a record of another apostle, the “ disci- 
ple” St. John.’ 

But one building at Ephesus surpassed all the rest in magnificence and 
in fame. This was the Temple of Artemis or Diana,® which glittered in 
brilliant beauty at the head of the harbour, and was reckoned by the 
ancients as one of the wonders of the world. ‘The sun, it was said, saw 
nothing in his course more magnificent than Diana’s Temple. Its honour 
dated from remote antiquity. Leaving out of consideration the earliest 
temple, which was cotemporaneous with the Athenian colony under An- 
droclus, or even yet more ancient,® we find the great edifice, which was 


1 Acts xix. 

? The Agora, with its public buildings, would naturally be between the hill-side on 
which the theatre and stadium stood, and the harbour. For the general notion of a 
. Greek Agora, see the description of Athens. 

3 See an engraving of these ruins in the second volume of Ionian Antiquities,. pub- 
lished by the Dilettanti Society. 

4 “An interesting feature in these ruins is the Hellenic wall of Lysimaehus, ranging 
along the heights of Coressus. It extends for nearly a mile and three-quarters, in a 
8. E. and N. W. direction, from the heights immediately to the S. of the gymnasium to 
the tower called the Prison of St. Paul, but which is in fact one of the towers of the 
uncient wall... .. It is defended and strengthened by numerous square towers of the 
same character at unequal distances.’ Hamilton’s Researches, vol. ii. p. 26. An 
engraving of one of the gateways is given, p. 27. 5 Hamilton, as above. 

6 “This eminence (a root of Coressus running out towards the plain) commands a 
lovely prospect of the river Cayster, which there crosses the plain from near Gallesus, 
with a small but full stream, and with many luxuriant meanders.”? Chandler. 

7 Ayasaluk, which is a round hill like Prion, but smaller. This is the eminence 
which forms a conspieuous object in our engraved view. See Vol. I. Its name is said 
to be a corruption of ὁ ἅγιος Θεόλογος. 

8 One of the chief works on this temple is that of Hirt (Ueber den Tempel der 
Diana von Ephesus: Berlin, 1809). We have not been able to consult it, though we 
have used the extracts given by Guhl. See also Miuller’s Archaologie. New light 
may be expected on the subject in Mr. Falkener’s work. See above. 

® For all that is known on this subject, see Guhl, pp. 78 and 160, 


74 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


anterior to the Macedonian period, begun and continued in the midst of 
the attention and admiration both of Greeks and Asiatics. The fourda- 
tions were carcfully laid, with immense substructions, in the marshy 
ground. Architects of the highest distinction were employed.? The 
quarries of Mount Prion supplied the marble? All the Greek cities of 
Asia contributed to the structure ; and Cresus, the king of Lydia, himself 
lent his aid.* The work thus begun before the Persian war, was slowly 
continued even through the Peloponnesian war ; and its dedication was 
celebrated by a poet contemporary with Euripides.6 But the building, 
which had been thus rising through the space of many years, was not des- 
tined to remain long in the beauty of its perfection. The fanatic Heros- 
tratus set fire to it on the same night in which Alexander was born.’ This 
is one of the coincidences of history, on which the ancient world was fond 
of dwelling: and it enables us, with more distinctness, to pursue the 
annals of ‘‘ Diana of the Ephesians.” The temple was rebuilt with new 
and more sumptuous magnificence. The ladies of Ephesus contributed 
their jewellery to the expense of the restoration.?7 The national pride in 
the sanctuary was so great, that, when Alexander offered the spoils of his 
eastern campaign if he might inscribe his name on the building, the honour 
was declined.s The Ephesians never ceased to embellish the shrine of 
their goddess, continually adding new decorations and subsidiary buildings, 
with statues and pictures by the most famous artists. This was the temple 
that kindled the enthusiasm of St. Paul’s opponents (Acts xix.), and was 
still the rallying-point of heathenism in the days of St. John and Pelycarp. 
In the second century we read that it was united to the city by a long 
colonnade. But soon after it was plundered and laid waste by the Goths, 
who came from beyond the Danube in the reign of Gallienus.® It sunk 
entirely into decay in the age when Christianity was overspreading the 

1 Ὁ τεχνίτης τὰ βάθη τῶν ὀρυγμάτων καταθιθάσας εἰς ἄπειρον ἐβάλλετο τὴν κατώρυγα 
ϑεμελίωσιν. Philo Byz. de Septem Orbis Miraculis, in the eighth volume of Grono 
vius, 2682. Ne in lubrico atque instabili fundamenta tante molis locarentur, calcatis 
ea substuere carbonibus, dein velleribus lanz. Plin. xxxvi. 21. He says that it was 
built in marshy ground, lest it should be injured by earthquakes. See Diog. 
Laert. ii. 8, 19. 

2 The first architect was Theodore of Samos. He was succeeded by Chersiphon of 


Gnossus, then by his son Metagenes. The building was completed by Demetrius and 
Peeonius. 

3 Sce above, p. 71. 

4 Communiter a civitatibus Asie factum. Liv. i.45. Tota Asia extruente, Plin, 
xvi. 79. Factum a tota Asia, Plin. xxxvi. 21. 

5 Timotheus. See Muller’s History of Greek Literature. 

3. Strabo, xiv. 1. 

7 "AAAov ἀμείνω κατεσκεύασαν συνενέγκαντες Tov τῶν γυναίκωι κόσμον, K, τ. A 
Strabo. 

8 Strabo, as above. See Arrian, i. 17. 

> Arundell’s Seven Churches, p. 46. 


TEMPLE OF DIANA. %5 


empire ; and its remains are to be sought for in medizval buildings, in the 
colum.us of green jasper which support the dome of St. Sophia, or even in 
the naves of Italian cathedrals. 

Thus the Temple of Diana of Ephesus saw all the changes of Asia 
Minor, trom Croesus to Constantine. Though nothing now remains on the 
spot to show us what or even where it was,” there is enough in its written 
memorials to give us some notions of its appearance and splendour. The 
reader will bear in mind the characteristic style which was assumed by 
Greek architecture, and which has suggested many of the images of the 
New Testament.* It was quite different from the lofty and ascending 
form of those buildings which have since arisen in all parts of Christian 
Europe, and essentially consisted in horizontal entablatures resting on 
vertical columns. In another respect, also, the temples of the ancients 
may be contrasted with our churches and cathedrals. They were not 
roofed over for the reception of a large company of worshippers, but were 
in fact colonnades erected as subsidiary decorations, round the cell which 
contained the idol,‘ and were, through a great part of their space, open to 
the sky. The colonnades of the Hphesian Diana really constituted an 
epoch in the history of Art, for in them was first matured that graceful 
Tonic style, the feminine beauty ὃ of which was more suited to the genius of 
the Asiatic Greek, than the sterner and plainer Doric, in which the Par- 
thenon and Propylea were built.6 The scale on which the Temple was 
erected was magnificently extensive. It was 425 feet in length and 220 
in breadth, and the columns were 60 feet high.?/ The number of columns 
was 127, each of them the gift of a king ; and 36 of them were enriched 


1 Arundell’s Seven Churches, p. 47. 

? Tts actual site is a matter of dispute. Discussions on this subject will be found im 
Chandler, Arundell, &c. One conjectural position may be seen in Guhl’s map, also in 
that of Kiepert. Mr. Falkener’s opinion is that it lay more to the west, and nearer 
the sea. . 

3 See, for instance, Gal. ii. 9. Rev. 111,12, also 1 Tim. iii, 15 ; comparing what has 
been said above, Vol. I. p. 219. : 

4 See on this subject, Hermann’s Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen Alterthumer, τι. 1. 
§§ 18,19. [While this is passing throngh the press, a friend suggests one parallel in 
Christian architecture, viz. the Atrium, or western court of St. Ambrogio at Milan, 
which is a colonnade west of the Church, itself enclosing a large oblong space not 
roofed over.] 

5 “Tones Diane constituere sedem querentes, novi generis speciem ad muliebrem 
transtulerunt gracilitatem.” Vitruv. iv. 1. Hirt remarks here, p. 5, ‘Der Tempel 
der Diana von Ephesus bezeichnet eine wesentliche Epoche in dieser Kunst. Et 
weckte in derselben einen ganz neuen Geist, und bewirkte den kuhnen Umschwung, 
vermoge dessen es vielleicht allein moglich ward die architektonische Kunst der Grie 
chen auf jene Hohe zu fuhren, wodurch sie das vollendete Vorbild fur alle gebildete, 
Volker und Zeiten ward.” 

6 See Vol. I. ch. x. 7 Plin. xxxvi. 21. 


γί THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


with ornament and colour.!' The folding doors were of cypress-wood ; 
the part which was not open to the sky was roofed over with cedar ;* ana 
the staircase was formed of the wood of one single vine from the island of 
Cyprus.*| The value and fame of the Temple were enhanced by its being 
the treasury, in which a large portion of the wealth of ‘Western Asia was 
stored ἀρ. It is probable that there was no religious building in the 
world, in which was concentrated a greater amount of admiration, enthu: 
siasm, and superstition. 


COIN OF EPHESUS.6 


If the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was magnificent, the image en- 
shrined within the sumptuous enclosure was primitive and rude. We 
usually conceive of this goddess, when represented in art, as the tall hun- 
tress, eager in pursuit, like the statue in the Louvre. Such was not the 
form of the Ephesian Diana, though she was identified by the Greeks with 
their own mountain-goddess, whose figure we often see represented on the 
coins of this city.7 What amount of fusion took place in the case of this 


1 Tbid. This “ Celatura” seems to have denoted an enrichment with colour and 
metal, which was intended to elucidate the mouldings and to relieve the perspective. 
See Plin. xxxiv. 7. Or perhaps the word denotes bas-reliefs. The word “ Czlavere”’ 
is applied by Pliny to the decoration of the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, which we 
know to have been bas-reliefs. 

? Plin. xvi. 79. He adds that they lasted 400 years: so Theophrastus, Τούτων 
χρονιώτατα δοκεῖ τὰ κυπαρίττινα εἶναι, τὰ γοῦν étv’Edéow ἐξ dy αἱ ϑύραι τοῦ ved 
τεθαυρισμέναι, τέτταρας ἐκεῖντο γενέας. Hist. Plant. v. 5. 

3 Plin. xvi. 79. Vitruv. ii. 9. 

4 This too seems to have been one of the wonders of the vegetable world. ‘“ Etiam 
nune scalis tectum Ephesiz Dian scanditur una e vite Cypria, ut ferunt, quoniam ibi 
ad precipuam magnitudinem exeunt.” Plin. xiv. 2. 

5 A German writer says that the temple of the Ephesian Diana was what the Bank 
of England is in the modern world. See Guhl, p. 111, n. 71. 

6 From Ak, Num. Ill. p. 55. This coin is peculiarly interesting for many reasons, 
It has a representation of the temple, and the portrait and name of Nero, who wes 
now reigning; and it exhibits the words νεώκορος (Acts xix.), and ἀνθύπατος (Ib.). 
The name of the Proconsul is Aviola. It is far from impossible that he might hold 
that office while St. Paul was at Hphesus (7. 6. from the autumn of 54 to the spring cf 
57). We learn from Seneca, Tacitus, and Suetonius, that a member of the same 
family was consul in the year 54, when Claudius died and Nero became emperor. 
See Clinton’s Fasti Romani. 

7 Hence she is frequently represented as the Greek Diana cn coins of Ephesus. Sea 
those which are given in the last chapter but one. 


IMAGE OF DIANA. Te 


worship between Greek and Oriental notions, we need not enquire.’ 'The 
image may have been intended to represent Diana in one of her customary 
characters, as the deity of fountains ;* but it reminds us rather of the 
idols of the far Hast, and of the religions which love to represent the life 
of all animated beings as fed and supported by the many breasts of nae 
ture? The figure which assumed this emblematic form above, was termi- 
nated below in a shapeless block. The material was wood.‘ <A bar of 
metal was in each hand. The dress was covered with mystic devices, and 
the small shrine, where it stood within the temple, was concealed by a cur- 
tain in front. Yet, rude as the image was, it was the object of the utmost 
veneration, Like the Palladium of Troy,°—like the most ancient Minerva 
of the Athenian Acropolis,“—like the Paphian Venus’ or Cybele of Pessi- 
nus,® to which allusion has been made,—like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned 
by Cicero,2—it was believed to have “ fallen down from the sky” ° (Acts 
xix. 85). Thus it was the object of the greater veneration from the con- 
trast of its primitive simplicity with the modern and earthly splendour 
which surrounded it ; and it was the model on which the images of Diana 
were formed for worship in other cities.” 

One of the idolatrous customs of the ancient world was the use of por- 
table images or shrines, which were little models of the more celebrated 


1 Muller says: “ Alles, was vom Kultus dieser Gottin erzahlt wird, ist singular und 
dem Hellenischen fremd.” See Guhl (p. 86), who takes the contrary view. 

2 This is Guhl’s opinion. 

3 The form of the image is described by Jerome: “Scribebat Paulus ad Ephesios 
Dianam colentes, non hance venatricem, que arcum tenet atque succincta est, sed illam 
multimammiam, quam Greci πολυμαστήν vocant.” Procem.ad Eph. See Min. Felix 
in Octav. Representations in ancient sculpture are very frequent. See for instance 
one engraved in the Museo Borbonico. The coin at the head of this chapter gives a 
general notion of the form of the image. 

4 What kind of wood, seems to be doubtful. Pliny says: “Convenit tectum ejus e 
eedrinus trabibus: de ipso simulacro Dew ambigitur. Ceeteri ex ebeno esse tradunt. 
Mucianus ter consul ex his, qui proxime vero conscripsere, vitigineum, et nunquam 
mutatum, septies restituto templo.” xvi. 79. See Vitruv. ii. 9. 

5 Apollod. iii. 12, 3. 

6 Τὸ δὲ ἁγιώτατον... ἐστιν ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἐν τῇ viv ἀκροπόλει... φήμη δ᾽ ἐς αὐτὸ 
ἔχει πεσεῖν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. Pausan. Att. 26. This was the Minerva Polias. See 
above in the description of Athens, Vol. I. p.-358. 

7 See the description of Paphos above, Vol. I. p. 156. 

8 See Herodian, as referred to above, Vol. 1. p. 273. 

® Alterum simulacrum erat tale, ut homines, cum viderent aut ipsam videre 84 
Cererem, aut effigiem Cereris, non humana manu factam, sed ccelo delapsam, arbitra 
rentur. Cic. in Verr. v. 187. 

10 Τοῦ Διοπετοῦς, So it is said of the Tauric image of the same goddess : 

"Ev "Αρτεμις σὴ σύγγονος βώμους ἔχει 
Aabeiv 7 ἄγαλμα δεᾶς, ὁ φασὶν ἐνθ΄δε 
Εἰς τούσδε ναοὺς οὐρανοῦ πεσεῖν ἔπο. 

{ph. in Taur. 86, 

") See Strabo ili. and iv., quoted by Biscoe, p. 282. 


18 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


objects of devotion. They were carried in processions,! on journeys? and 
iilitary expeditions,? and sometimes set up as household gods in private 
houses. Pliny says that this was the case with the Temple of the Cnidian 
Venus ;* and other heathen writers make allusion to the ‘ shrines” of the 
Kphesian Diana,* which are mentioned in the Acts (xix. 24). The mate 
rial might be wood,’ or gold,’ or ‘“‘silver.”® The latter material was 
that which employed the hands of the workmen of Demetrius. From the 
expressions used by St. Luke, it is evident that an extensive and lucrative 
trade grew up at Ephesus, from the manufacture and sale of these shrines.?° 
Few of those who came to Ephesus would willingly go away without a 
memorial of the goddess, and a model of her temple ;" and from the wide 
tirculation of these works of art over the shores of the Mediterranean, and 
far into the interior, it might be said, with little exaggeration, tnat her 
worship was recognised by the “ whole world” 1" (Acts xix. 27). 

The ceremonies of the actual worship at Ephesus were conducted by 
the members of a two-fold hierarchy. And here again we see the traces 
of Oriental rather than Greek influences: The Megabyzi," the priests of 
Diana, were eunuchs from the interior, under one at their head, who bore 
the title of high priest,‘ and ranked among the leading and most inflnen- 
tial personages of the city. Along with these priests were associated a 


1 Herod. ii. 63. 

2 Asclepiades philosophus dee ccelestisargenteum breve figmentum, quocunque ibat, 
secum solitus efferre. Amm. Marc. xxii. 19. 

3 Dio (xl. 18) says of the Roman legionary eagle: ἔστι δὲ νεὼς μικρὸς, καὶ ἐν ἀυτῷ 
ἀετὸς χρυσοῦς ἐνίδρυται. Compare Cicero’s “aquila 1Πὰ argentea, cui domi tu sacra- 
rium scelerum tuorum constitutum fuit.” Cat, 1. 9. 

4 Ναϊδια---καδδίσκοι, σιπύαι, εἰς & τὰ ἱερὰ ἐτίθεσαν. Hesych. See the passage from 
Petronius below. 

5 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. 

6 Τὰ τῆς ᾿Εφεσίας ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἀφιδρύματα. Dion. Hal. ii. 22. See Strabo iv., and 
Diod. Sic. xv. 49, referred to by Hemsea, p. 227. 

" Herod. as above. 

8 Ναοὺς χρυσοὺς δύο. Diod. Sic. in Hemsen, p. 227. 

® With this passage of the Acts compare Petron. 29: “ Praeterea grande armarium 
{tn angulo vidi, in cujus xdicula erant lares argentei positi.” 

10 "Eoyaciav οὐκ ὀλίγην, v.24. Ἔκ ταύτης τῆς ἐργασίας ἡ εὐπορία ἡμῶν ἔστι, ν. 25. 

11 We cannot be sure, in this case, whether by νάος or ταίδιον is meant the whole 
temple or the small shrine which contained the image. Perhaps its form is that repre- 
sented on the first coin engraved in Mr. Akerman’s paper in the Num. Chr. 

1 We find the image of the Ephesian Diana on the coins of a great number of other 
zities and communities, 6. g. Hierapolis, Mitylene, Perga, Samos, Marseilles, &e. See 
Guhl, p. 104. There is an important inscription in Chandler (Boeckh, 2954), bearing 
testimony to the notoriety of her worship. See part of it quoted below. 

13 Ἱερέας εὐνούχους εἶχον, οὖς ἐκάλουν Μεγαλοθύζους, καὶ ἀλλαχόθεν μετίοντες de 
τινας ἀξίους τῆς Τοιαύτης προστασίας καὶ ἦγον ἐν τίμῃ μεγάλῃ. Strabo, xiv. 1. Guhl 
believes that these priests were generally brought from Persia. 

14 He was also called Essen and Rex. See Hesych., and the Et. Magn. On inscrip. 
tions an1 coins he is called ἀρχιέρευς. See Eckhel, Mionnet, and Boeckh. 


WORSHIP OF DIANA. 79 


swarm! of virgin priestesses consecrated, under the name of Melissa, to 
the service? of the deity, and divided into three classes,’ and serving, 
like the priests, under one head. And with the priests and priestesses 
would be associated (as in all the great temples of antiquity) a great 
number of slaves, who attended to the various duties connected with the 
worship, down to the care of sweeping and cleaning the Temple. This 
last phrase leads us to notice an expression used in the Acts of the 
Apostles, concerning the connection of Ephesus with the Temple of 
Diana. The term ‘ Neocoros,” or ‘ Temple-sweeper” (νεώκορος, xix. 35), 
originally an expression of humility, and applied to the lowest menials 
engaged in the care of the sacred edifice,° became afterwards a title of the 
highest honour, and was eagerly appropriated by the most famous cities.’ 
This was the case with Ephesus in reference to her national goddess. 
The city was personified as Diana’s devotee. The title ‘‘ Neocoros” was 
boastfully exhibited on the current coins.’ Even the free people of Ephe- 
sus was sometimes named “ Weocoros.”® Thus, the town-clerk could with 
good reason begin his speech by the question,—‘‘ What man is there that 


1 Literally they may be termed a swarm, for their name was Melisse, “bees,” per- 
haps with some reference to Essen. Hermann thinks the word came from μέλεσθαι. 

2 These priestesses belonged to the class of ἑερόδουλοι, “sacred slaves.” For this 
class of devotees, which was common in the great temples of the Greeks, see Hermann’s 
Gottesdienstliche Alterthumer, ὃ 20, 14-16, &c.: also ὃ 3,9. Different opinions have 
been expressed on the character or these priestesses. An Italian writer says: “Per 
quanto casta fesse Diana, ὃ da credersi, che le sue ierodule in Efeso ed altre citta 
Greche ballerine, piutosto erano, che Vestali.” Boechh says: “ Es ist mit der Hiero- 
dulie nur der Begriff’ jungfraulicher Zuchtigkeit zu vereinen mit mannlichen Helden- 
muthe.” See Guhl, who adds: “ita ut eundem fere in cwltu vim habuisse censeam 
hierodulas, quam in mythis nymph habent, perpetue Diane et serve et comites,” 
p. 109. 

3 See the references in Guhi. 

4 In Boeckh, 3004, is a complimentary inscription to one Evodia, ἱέρεια τῆς 
Ἀρτέμιδος. 

5 On the whole subject of the hieratic establishments of the Greeks, see Herm. (ott. 
Alt. m. iii. ὃ 34-36. The following inscription, containing the names and titles of 
some of these ministers at Ephesus, is interesting. ᾿Επικράτης ἱεροκήρυξ, ᾿᾽Ονήσιμος 
ἐπιθυμίατρος, Μητρόδωρος σπονδαύλης, A. Kooivviog Taiavocg ἱεροσαλπίκτης, ὀλυμπιο- 
νείκης. Boeckh, 2983. 

6 The term properly denotes “sweeper of the temple,” and is nearly synonymous 
with the Latin ‘“‘<dituus,” or the French “ sacristan.”’ 

7 Primarily the term was applicable to persons, but afterwards it was applied to 
communities, and more especially in the Roman period. A city might be /Veocoros 
with respect to several divinities, and frequently the title had regard to the deified 
emperor. For the whole subject of the Ephesian JVeocoratus, see Guhl, pp. 114, 115. 

8 See, for instance, that engraved above, p. 76. A great number of these coins are 
described in Mr. Akerman’s paper, in the Num. Chr. 

9. It is worth our while to quote all the following words from one of the inscriptions 
m Boeckh, No. 2966. H ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤῸΣ E®EXIQN BOYAH KAI O NEQKOPOS 
ΔΗΜΟΣ KAOIEPQZAN ἘΠῚ ANOYITATOY TIEAOYKAIOY JIPEISKEINO} 
YHOISAMENOY TIB. KA. ITAAIKOY TOY TPAMMATEQS TOY AHMOY, 


ay THE ΠΕΡῚ AND EPISTLES (iF ST. PAUL. 


knews not that the city of the Ephesians is neocoros of the great goddess 
Diana, and of the image which came down from heaven ?” 

The Temple and the Temple-services remained under the Romans as 
they had been since the period of Alexander. If any change had taken 
place, greater honour was paid to the goddess, and richer magnificence 
added to her sanctuary, in proportion to the wider extent to which her 
fame had heen spread. Asia was always a favoured province,' and 
Ephesus must be classed among those cities of the Greeks, to which the 
conquerors were willing to pay distinguished respect.2 Her liberties and 
her municipal constitwtion were left untouched, when the province was 
governed by an officer from Rome. ΤῸ the general remarks which have 
been made before in reference to Thessalonica,? concerning the position of 
free or autonomous cities under the Empire, something more may be added 
here, inasmuch as some of the political characters of Ephesus appear on 
the scene which is described in the sacred narrative. 

We have said, in the passage above alluded to, that free cities under 
the Empire had frequently their senate and assembly. There is abundant 
proof that this was the case at Ephesus. Its old constitution was demo- 
eratic, as we should expect in a city of the Ionians, and as we are dis- 
tinctly told by Xenophon :¢ and this constitution continued to subsist 
under the Romans. The senate, of which Josephus speaks,° still met in 
the senate-house, which is alluded to by another writer,® and the position 
of which was probably in the Agora below the Theatre.7? We have still 
more frequent notices of the demus or people, and its assembly. Wher- 
ever its customary place of meeting might be when legally and regularly 
convoked (ἐννόμῳ ἐκκλησίᾳ, Acts xix. 39), the theatre® would be an obvious 
place of meeting, in the case of a tumultuary gathering, like that which 
will presently be brought before our notice. 

Again, like other free cities, Ephesus had its magistrates, as Thessalo- 
nica had its politarchs (Vol. I. pp. 334-336), and Athens its archons. 
Among those which our sources of information bring before us, are several 


1 The circumstances under which this province came under the Roman power were 
euch as to provoke no hostility. See Vol. I. pp. 239, 240. 


2 See Vol. 1. p. 333. 3 Jbid. 333-335, and compare p. 292. 
4 Xen. Hell. iii. 4, 7. 5 Ant. xiv. 10, 12, also 2, 5, and xvi. 6, 4, 7. 
6 Ach. Tat. viii. 7 See the allusion to the Agora above, p. 73. 


8 In Josephus xiv. xvi. (as above) the senate and assembly are combined. We find 
δῆμος in inscriptions, as in that just quoted, as well as 2954, mentioned above, and on 
coins (Mionnet, Supp. vi. n. 447), also ἐκκλησία (Boeckh, 2987). Compare Cic. Tuse. 
Qu. v. 36. The senate is sometimes called βουλὴ, as in the inscription last quoted, 
sometimes γερουσία, as in another inscription. Boeckh, 2987, Ὁ. 

9 For illustrations of the habit of Greek assemblies to meet in theatres, see Cic. pre 
Flace. vii. Corn. Nep. Timol. 4, 2. Tacitus says of Vespasian: ‘“ Antiochensium 
theatrum ingressus, ubi illis consultare mos est, concurrentes et in adulaticnem effusos 
alloquitur.” Hist. ii, 80, Compare Josephus B. J. vii. 3. 


POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF EPHESUS. 81 


with the sume titles and functions as in Athens. One of these was that 
officer who is described as “ town-clerk” in the authorized version of the 
Bible (γραμματεὺς, Acts xix. 35). Without being able to determine hia 
exact duties, or to decide whether another term, such as ‘‘ Chancellor,” or 
“Recorder,” would better describe them to us,? we may assert, from the 
parallel case of Athens,’ and from the Ephesian records themselves,‘ that 
he was a magistrate of great authority, in a high and very public position. 
He had to do with state-papers ; he was keeper of the archives ; he read 
what was of public moment before the senate and assembly ;° he was pre- 
sent when money was deposited in the Temple : and when letters were 
sent to the people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him.’ 
Thus, we can readily account for his name appearing so often on the coins " 
of Ephesus. He seems sometimes to have given the name to the year,® 
like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome. Hence no magis- 
trate was more before the public at Ephesus. His very aspect was fami- 
liar to all the citizens ; and no one was so likely to be able to calm and 
disperse an angry and excited multitude. (See Acts xix. 35-41.) 

If we turn now from the city to the province of which it was the 106 
tropolis, we are under no perplexity as to its relation to the imperial 
government. From coins and from inscriptions,’ from secular writers aud 
Scripture itself (Acts xix. 38), we learn that Asia was a proconsular 
province." We shall not stay to consider the question which has been 
raised concerning the usage of the plural in this passage of the Acts ; for 
it is not necessarily implied that more than one proconsul was in Ephesus 
at the time.” But another subject connected with the provincial arrange- 


1 For instance, besides the archons, strategi, gymnasiarchs, &c. 

2 Tn Luther’s Bible the term ‘“ Canzler”’ is used. 

2 There were several γραμματεῖς at Athens. Some of them were state-officers of 
high importance. 

4 In inscriptions he is called γραμματεὺς τοῦ δήμου and γραμματεὺς τῆς πολεως. 

5 "Ode ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου αἱρεθεὶς γραμματεὺς ἀναγιγνώσκει τῷ τε δήμῳ Kai τῇ βουλῇ, 
Poll. Onom. 

6 See Boeckh, Corp. Insc. 2953, Ὁ. 

7 A letter of Apollonius to the Ephesians is addressed ᾿Εἰφεσίων γραμματεῦσι. 

8 The first coin described in Mr. Akerman’s paper exhibits to us the same man a 
ἀρχιερεὺς and γραμματεύς. See note at the end of this chapter. 

9 ᾿Επώνυμος. 

10 See, for instance, the coin p. 76, and the inscription p. 79. 

n See the account of this province in the first volume. 

13 Meyer and De Wette are content to say that it is simply the generic plural, as in 
Matt. ii. 20. In the Syriac version the word is in the singular. Grotius takes it as 
denoting the proconsul and his legatus. Basnage suggested that it refers to Celer 
and Allius, who governed the province of Asia as “ procuratores Asiz” after the poi- 
coning of Silanus the proconsul (Tac. Ann. xiii. 1), and who might have the insignia 
of proconsuls, and be flattered by the title. This view is followed by Biscoe, and by 
Mr. Lewin in his “ Life and Epistles of St. Paul,”? which has been published during the 
progress of the present work. A more probable conjecture is that some of the goverm 


VOL. 1.—A 


a2 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ. PAUL. 


ments requires a few words of explanation, The Roman citizens in a pro 
vince were, in all legal matters, under the jurisdiction of the proconsul ; 
and for the convenient administration of justice, the whole country was 
divided into districts, each of which had its own assize town (forum or 
concentus'). The proconsul, at stated seasons, made a circuit through 
these districts, attended by his interpreter (for all legal business in the 
Empire was conducted in Latin’), and those who had subjects of liti- 
gation, or other cases requiring the observance of legal forms, brought 
them before him or the judges whom he might appoint. Thus Pliny, after 
the true Roman spirit, in his geographical description of the Empire, is 
always in the habit of mentioning the assize-towns, and the extent of the 
shires which surrounded them. In the province of Asia, he takes especiai 
notice of Sardis, Smyrna, and Ephesus, and enumerates the various towns 
which brought their causes to be tried at these cities. The official visit 
of the proconsul to Ephesus was necessarily among the most important ; 
and.the town-clerk, in referring to the presence of the proconsuls, could 
remind his fellow-citizens in the same breath that it was the very time of 
the assizes (dyopaio ἄγονται, Acts xix. 38).4 

We have no information as to the time of the year® at which the 
Ephesian assises were held. If the meeting took place in spring, they 
would then be coincident with the great gathering which took place at the 
celebration of the national games. It seems that the ancient festival of 
the United Ionians had merged into that which was held in honour of the 
Hphesian Diana. The whole month of May was consecrated to the glory 
ors of the neighbouring provinces, such as Achaia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Bithynia, Pam- 
phylia, might be present at the public games. See Biscoe, pp, 282-285. The governors 
of neighbouring provinces were in frequent communication with each other. See 
Vol. I. p. 24. 

1 Conventus was used both for the assize-town and the district to which its juris- 
diction extended. It was also used to denote the actual meeting for the assizes. See 
Hoeckh’s Rom. Gesch. I. ii. p. 193. 

2 See Vol. I. pp. 3 and 24. 

2 In v. 30 he enumerates the districts which “conveniunt in Sardianam jurisdic- 
tionem.”” In ch. xxxi. he says of Smyrna and Ephesus, “Smyrnzeum conventum magna 
pars Aolie frequentat, &c.. . . . Ephesum vero alterum lumen Asi, remotiores con- 
yeniunt Cxsarienses, Metropolite, &c.’’ The term forum is used as equivalent to con- 
ventus and jurisdictio, 6. g. in reference to the assizes of Alabanda, ch. xxix., “lon- 
ginquiores eodem disceptant foro.” 

4 The phrase ἀγοραίους [ἡμέρας] ἀγειν is equivalent to Caxsar’s conventus agere, 
and Cicero’s forum agere. We find the same Greek phrase in Strabo. 

5 We find Cxsar in Gaul holding the conventus in winter ; but this was probably 
because he was occupied with military proceedings in the summer, and need not be 
regarded as a precedent for other provinces. 

6 What the festival of Delos was for the islands, the Panionian festival was for the 
mainland. But Ephesus seems ultimately to have absorbed and concentrated this 
celebration. See Hermann, § 47,4. § 66,4. These games were called Artemisia, 
Hphesia, and Gicumenica, 


THE ASIARCHS. §2 


of the goddess ; and the month itself received from her the name of Artemi- 
sion.! The Artemisian festival was not simply an Ephesian ceremony, but 
was fostered by the sympathy and enthusiasm of all the surrounding neigh 
bourhood. As the Temple of Diana was called ‘the Temple of Asia,” sa 
this gathering was called “the common meeting of Asia.”* From the 
towns on the coast and in the interior, the Jonians came up with their 
wives and children to witness the gymnastic and musical contests,’ and to 
enjoy the various amusements, which made the days and nights of May 
one long scene of revelry.. To preside over these games, to provide the 
necessary expenses, and to see that due order was maintained, annva 
officers were appointed by election from the whole province. About the 
time of the vernal equinox each of the principal towns within the district 
called Asia, chose one of its wealthiest citizens, and, from the whole 
number thus returned, ten were finally selected to discharge the duty of 
Asiarchs.» We find similar titles in use in the neighbouring provinces, 
and read, in books or on inscriptions and coins, of Bithyniarchs, Gala- 
tarchs, Lyciarchs,’ and Syriarcis.? But the games of Asia and Ephesus 
were pre-eminently famous ; and those who held there the office of “ Pre- 
sidents of the Games” were men of high distinction and extensive influ- 
ence. Receiving no emolument from their office, but being required 


1 The important inscription alluded to before (Boeckh, 2954) contains the decree : 
Ὅλον τὸν μῆνα τὸν ἐπώνυμον τοῦ ϑείου ὀνόματος εἶναι ἱερὸν καὶ ἀνακεῖσθαι τῇ VEG, 
ἄγεσθαι δὲ ἐπ’ αὐταῖς (τοῦ μηνὸς ἡμέραις) τὰς ἑορτὰς καὶ τὴν τῶν ᾿Αρτεμισίων Tavy 
γυριν. And it concludes by suying: Οὕτω γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμεινον τῆς ϑρησκείας γινομένης 
ἡ πόλις ἡμῖν ἐνδοξοτέρα τὲ καὶ εὐδαίμων εἰς τὸν πάντα διαμενεῖ χρόνον. The inscrip- 
tion has been noticed by a long series of travellers, from Ricaut to Forchammer. 
Boeckh’s judgment is: “ Habes fragmentum decreti Ephesiorum de augenda religione 
Diane sue, factum fortasse tum, quum asylorum examinarentur jura.’’? Tac. Ann. iii. 
61. If this is correct, the stone was cut not many years before St. Paul’s arrival in 
Ephesus. 

* Κοινὸν ᾿Ασίας ᾿Εφεσίων on coins. The temple appears as ὁ τῆς ᾿Ασίας νάος in in 
scriptions. 

3 Thucydides says of these Ephesian games, ᾿Αγὼν kal γυμνικός and μουσικός, 
Thue. iii. 104. 

4 Ἣν τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος ispounvia, καὶ μεθυόντων πάντα μεστά" ὥστε καὶ δι’ ὅλης 
νυκτὸς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἅπασαν κατεῖχε πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων. Ach. Tac. vi. p, 363 (ed. 1640). 

5 ’Aoiapya, Acts xix., translated “ Chief of Asia” in the A. V. Aristides is the 
authority for what is here said of the mode of appointment. From what is said in 
Eusebius (H. Ἐς iv. 15) of one Asiarch presiding at the martyrdom of Polycarp, it has 
been needlessly supposed that in this passage of the Acts we are to consider all but one 
to have been assessors of the chief Asiarch, or else those to be meant who had held the 
office in the previous years and retained the title, like the High Priest at Jerusalem, 
See Winer’s Real Worterbuch. Among the Ephesian inscriptions in Boeckh we find 
the following :—M. I. AYP. ΔΙΟΝΎΣΙΟΝ TON IEPOKHPYKA KAI B AZSIAPXON 
EK ΤΩΝ IAIQN T 6A MOYNATIOS ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ O TPAMMATEYE ΚΑΙ 
AXJIAPXHZAZ. No. 2990. See also 2994. The abbreviation B. ACI. (twice Asiarch) 
appears on a οοἷξ cf Hypressa, represented in Ak. Num. Il. p. 51. 4 

6 Strabo, xiv. 3. 7 Malalas, pp. 285, 289, ed. Bonn. 


$4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


rather to expend large sums for the amusement of the people and them 
own credit,! they were necessarily persons of wealth. Men of consular 
rank were often willing to receive the appointment, and it was held te 
enhance the honour of any other magistracies with which they migl t be 
invested. They held for the time a kind of sacerdotal position ;? and, 
when robed in mantles of purple and crowned with garlands,’ they assumed 
the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and controlling the 
tumultuary crowd in the theatre, they might literally be called the “ Chief 
of Asia” (Acts xix. 31). 

These notices of the topography and history of Ephesus, of its religi- 
ous institutions, and political condition under the Empire, may serve to 
clear the way for the narrative which we must now pursue. We resume 
the history at the twenty-second verse of the nineteenth chapter of the 
Acts, where we are told of a continued stay‘ in Asia after the burning of 
the books of the magicians.* St. Paul was indeed looking forward to a 
journey through Macedonia and Achaia, and ultimately to Jerusalem and 
Rome ;° and in anticipation of his departure he had sent two of his com- 
panions into Macedonia before him.?7’ The events which had previously 
occurred have already shown us the great effects which his preaching had 
produced both among the Jews and Gentiles. And those which follow 
show us still more clearly how wide a “‘door”® had been thrown open to 
the progress of the Gospel. The idolatrous practices of Ephesus were so 
far endangered, that the interests of one of the prevalent trades of the 
place were seriously affected ; and meanwhile St. Pauls character had 
risen so high, as to obtain influence over some of the wealthiest and most 
powerful personages in the province. The scene which follows is entirely 
connected with the religious observances of the city of Diana. The Jews 10 
fall into the background. Both the danger and safety of the Apostle 
originate with the Gentiles. 

It seems to have been the season of spring when the occurrences took 
place which are related by St. Luke at the close of his nineteenth chapter." 
We have already seen that he purposed to stay at Ephesus “ till Pente- 


1 Compare the sase of those who discharged the state-services or liturgies at Athens, 
Such was often the position of the Roman ediles: and the same may be said of tha 
county sheriffs in England. ’ 

2 See Hemsen. Compere the presides sacerdotales of Tertullian. De Speet. 

3 See Eckhel. In inscriptions they are called στεφανήφοροι. 

“ἸΑυτὸς ἐπέσχε χρόνον εἰς τὴν ’Aciav. 

5 Related above, Acts xviii. 18--20, 6 Y. 21. τ. 22. 

8 See Chap. XIV. 9 1 Cor. xvi. 9. 

10 Yet it seems that the Jews never ceased from their secret machinations. In tha 
adress at Miletus (xx. 19), St. Paul speaks especially of the temptations which befel 
him by the “lying: in wait of the Jews.” 

u Vy. 21. 


DEMETRIUS AND THE SILVERSMITHS. 83 


ost ;”! and it has been stated that May was the “ month οἱ Diana,” in 
which the great religious gathering took place to celebrate the games. 
If this also was the season of the provincial assize (which, as we have 
seen, is highly probable), the city would be crowded with various classes 
of people. Doubtless those who employed themselves in making the por- 
talle shrines of Diana expected to drive a brisk trade at such a time ; ana 
when they found that the sale of these objects of superstition was seri- 
susly diminished, and that the preaching of St. Paul was the cause of their 
merchandise being depreciated, ‘no small tumult arose concerning that 
way ” in which the new teacher was leading his disciples (v. 23). A cer- 
tain Demetrius, a master-manufacturer in the craft, summoned together 
his workmen,? along with other artizans‘ who were occupied in trades of 
the same kind—(among whom we may reckon with great probability 
“ Alexander the coppersmith” (2 Tim. iv. 14), against whom the Apostle 
warned Timothy at a later period),—and addressed to them an inflamma- 
tory speech. It is evident that St. Paul, though he had made no open 
and calumnious attack on the divinities of the place, as was admitted 
below (ν. 37), had said something like what he had said at Athens, that 
we ought not to suppose that the Deity is “like gold or silver carved 
with the art and device of man” (Acts xvii. 29), and that “they are no 
gods that are made with hands” (v. 26). Such expressions, added to the 
failure in the profits of those who were listening, gave sufficient materials 
for an adroit and persuasive speech. Demetrius appealed first to the 
interest of his hearers,° and then to their fanaticism.¢ He told them that 
their gains were in danger of being lost—and, besides this, that “the 
temple of the great goddess Diana” (to which we can imagine him point- 
ing as he spoke”) was in danger of being despised, and that the honour of 
their national divinity was in jeopardy, whom not only “all Asia,”® but 
“all the civilized world,’® had hitherto held in the highest veneration. 
Such a speech could not be lost, when thrown like fire on such inflamma- 
tory materials. The infuriated feeling of the crowd of assembled artizans 

1 See the end of the preceding chapter. 

7 See above. 3 Tove τεχνίτας συναθροίσας, vv. 24, 25. 

4 Καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐργάτας, ν. 25. 

5 See vv. 25, 20. 

6 See v. 27. As one of the commentators says: “ Sic callidus opifex (et habuit in 
istac parte per omnia secula suos imitatores) causam suam privatam tegit sub larva 
religionis.”’ 

7 See what is said above on the position of the Temple. It would probably be visible 
from the neighbourhood of the Agora, where we may suppose Demetrius to have 
bharangued the workmen. 

8 Ὅλη ἡ ’Acia, v.27. Compare πάσης τῆς Ασίας, v.26; and πάντα τοὺς κατοι- 
κοῦντας τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, ν. 10. 

9 Ἡ οἰκουμένη, γ. 27. Compare τίς γάρ ἐστιν ἄνθμωπος ὃς οὐ γινώσκει. κ. τ, ἢ.) ἴῃ 
the town-clerk’s speech, v. 35. 


80 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


broke out at once into a cry in honour of the divine patron )f their city 
and tneir craft,—‘‘ Great is Diana of the Ephesians.” ! 

The excitement among this important and influential class of operatives 
was not long in spreading through the whole city.? The infection seized 
npon the crowds of citizens and strangers ; and a general rush was made 
co the theatre, the most obvious place of assembly.2 On their way, they 
seem to have been foiled in the attempt to lay hold of the person of Paul,‘ 
though they hurried with them into the theatre two of the companions of 
his travels, Caius and Aristarchus, whose home was in Macedonia* <A 
sense of the danger of his companions, and a fearless zeal for the truth, 
urged St. Paul, so soon as this intelligence reached him, to hasten to the 
theatre and present himself before the people ; but the Christian disciples 
used all their efforts to restrain him. Perhaps their anxious solicitude 
might have been unavailing ® on this occasion, as it was on one occasion 
afterwards,’ had not other influential friends interposed to preserve his 
safety. And now is seen the advantage which is secured to a righteous 
2ause by the upright character and unflinching zeal of its leading cham- 
pion. Some of the Asiarchs,* whether converted to Christianity or not, 
had a friendly feeling towards the Apostle ; and, well knowing the pas- 
sions of an Ephesian mob when excited at one of the festivals of Asia, 
they sent an urgent message to him to prevent him from venturing into 
the scene of disorder and danger. 'Thus he reluctantly consented to re- 


1 In an inscription (Boeckh, 2963 c.), which contains the words γραμματεὺς and 
ἀνθύπατος, we find ΤῊΣ METAAHS OEAS APTEMIAO® TIPO TOAEQS. [In 
illustration of this latter phrase, compare what has been said of the Lystrian Jupiter, 
Vol. I. p. 190.] In Xenophon’s Ephesiaca, cited by Rosenmuller, we have the words, 
Ourdu τὴν πάτριον ἡμῖν ϑεόν, τὴν μεγάλην ᾿Εφεσίων “Aprewv. We read of a similar 
ery in honour of Aisculapius at Pergamus, and the same title is given on inscriptions 
to the Nemeses at Smyrna. 

SEE 3 See above. 

4 Something of the same kind seems to have happened as at Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 
5, 6) when the Jews sought in vain for Paul and Silas in the house of Jason, and there- 
fore dragged the host and some of the other Christians before the magistrates. Per- 
haps the house of Aquila and Priscilla may have been a Christian home to the Apostle 
at Ephesus, like Jason’s house at Thessalonica. See Acts xviii. 18,26, with 1 Cor. xvi. 
19 ; and compare Rom. xvi. 3, 4, where they are said to have “laid down their necks” 
‘for St. Paul’s life. 

3 Συνεκδήμους τοῦ 11., v. 29. Compare συνέκδημος ἡμῶν, 2 Cor, viii. 19. See what 
is said above of these companions of St. Psul, p. 11. 

6 Observe the imperfect οὐκ εἴων, v. 30. 7 See Acts xxi. 13. 

8 For the office of the Asiarchs, see above, p. 83. 

9 Πέμψαντες πρὸς αὐτὸν, παρεκάλουν μὴ δοῦναι ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸ ϑέατρον, ν. 81. The 
danger in which St. Paul was really placed, as well as other points in the sacred nar- 
rative, is illustrated by the account of Polycarp’s martyrdom, ‘The proconsul, ob 
serving Polycarp filled with confidence and joy, and his countenance brightened with 
grace, was astonished, and sent the herald to proclaim, in the middle of the stadium, 
‘Polycarp confesses that he is a Christian!’ When this was eal by the herald 


TUMULT IN THE THEATRE. 87 


main in privacy, while the mob crowded violently into the theatre, filling 
the stone seats, tier above tier, and rending the air with their confused and 
ianatical cries.) 

It was indeed a scene of confusion; and never perhaps was the 
character of a mob more simply and graphically expressed, than when it is 
said, that ‘the majority knew not why they were come together,” (v. 82). 
At length an attempt was made to bring the expression of some articulate 
words before the assembly. This attempt came from the Jews,’ who 
seem to have been afraid lest they should be implicated in the odium which 
aad fallen on the Christians. By no means unwilling to injure the Apos- 
tle’s cause, they were yet anxious to clear themselves, and therefore they 
“nut Alexander forward” to make an apologetic speech* to the multi- 
tude. If this man was really, as we have suggested, ‘‘ Alexander the 
coppersmith,” he might naturally be expected to have influence witk 
Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen. But when he stood up and “raised 
his hand” 4 to invite silence, he was recognized immediately by the multi- 
tude asa Jew. It was no time for making distinctions between Jews and 
Christians ; and one simultaneous cry arose from every mouth, “ Great is 
Diana of the Ephesians ;” and this cry continued for two hours, 

The excitement of an angry multitude wears out after a time, and a 
period of reaction comes, when they are disposed to listen to words of 
counsel and reproof. And, whether we consider the official position of the 
“Town-Clerk,” or the character of the man as indicated by his speech, 
we may confidently say that no one in the city was so well suited to 
appease this Ephesian mob. The speech is a pattern of candid argument 
and judicious tact.? He first allays the fanatical passions of his listeners 


all the multitude, Gentiles and Jews, dwelling at Smyrna, cried out, ‘This is that 
teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, the destroyer of our gods; he that teaches 
multitudes not to sacrifice, not to worship.’ Saying this, they cried out, and asked 
Philip the Asiarch to let a lion loose upon Polycarp.”’? Euseb. H. E. iv. 15. 

1"AA2oL ἄλλο τι ἔκραζον, v. 32. An allusion has been made (Vol. I. p. 128) to the 
peculiar form of Greek theatres, in the account of Herod’s death at Cesarea. From 
the elevated position of the theatre at Ephesus, we may imagine that many of the 
seats must have commanded an extensive view of the city and the plain, including the 
Temple of Diana. 

2 Προθαλόντων ἀυτὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, v. 33. 

3 ΤΑπολογεῖσθαι, ν. 33. Our view of the purpose for which Alexander was put fot- 
ward will depend upon whether we consider him to have been a Jew, or a Christian, 
or a renegade from Christianity. It is most natural to suppose that he was a Jew, 
that the Jews were alarmed by the tumult and anxious to clear themselves from 
blame, and to show they had nothing to do with St.Paul. As a Jew, Alexander 
would be revognised as an enemy to idolatry, and naturally the crowd would not hear 
him. 

4 Karaceicag τὴν χειρά, ibid. The expression used concerning St. Paul’s attitude 
before speaking (Acts xiii. 16. xxi. 40) is κατάσεισας (κατέσεισε) τῇ χειρί : 80 of St 
Peter, xil. 17. See the remarks already made on the former passage. 

5 See Menken’s good remarks on this speech (Blicke in @as Leben, u. 8. w.p 


® 
88 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


by this simple appeal :! “Is it not notorious everywhere that this city οἱ 
the Ephesians is Neocoros of the great goddess Diana and of the image 
that came down from the sky 77) The contradiction of a few insignificant 
strangers could not affect what was notorious in all the world. Then he 
bids them remember that Paul and his companions had not been guilty of 
approaching or profaning the temple,” or of outraging the feelings of the 
Ephesians by calumnious expressions against the goddess. And then he 
turns from the general subject to the case of Demetrius, and points out 
that the remedy for any injustice was amply provided by the assizes which 
were then going on,—or by an appeal to the proconsul. And reserving 
the most efficacious argument to the last, he reminded them thai such an 
uproar exposed the city to the displeasure of the Romans : for, however 
great were the liberties allowed to an ancient and loyal city, it was Well 
known to the whole population, that a tumultuous meeting which endan- 
gered the public peace would never be tolerated. So having rapidly 
brought his arguments to a climax, he tranquillised the whole multitude 
and pronounced the technical words which declared the assembly dispersed 
{Acts xix. 41). The stone seats were gradually emptied. The uproar 
ceased (Ib. xx. 1), and the rioters dispersed to their various occupations 
and amusements. 

Thus God used the eloquence of a Greek magistrate to protect hs ser- 
vant, as before He had used the right of Roman citizenship (Vol. I. p. 
311), and the calm justice of a Roman governor (Vol, I. p. 420), And, 
as in the cases of Philippi and Corinth,‘ the narrative of St. Paul’s sojourn 
at Ephesus concludes with the notice of a deliberate and affectionate fare- 
well. ‘The danger was now over. With gratitude to that heavenly mas- 
ter, who had watched over his life and his works, and with a recognition 
ot that love of his fellow-Christians and that favour of the “Chief of 
Asia,” which had been the instruments of his safety, he gathered together 
the disciples (Acts xx. 1), and in one last affectionate meeting—most pre- 
bably in the school of Tyrannus—he gave them his.farewell salutations, and 
commended them to the grace of God, and parted from them with tears. 

This is the last authentic account which we possess,—if we except the 
meeting at Miletus (Acts xx.),—of any personal connection of St. Paul 
with Ephesus. The other historical associations of Christianity with this city 
are connected with a different Apostle and a later period of the Church. 
Legend has been busy on this scene of apostolic preaching and suffering. 
Without attempting to unravel what is said concerning others who have 
lived and died at Ephesus, we are allowed to believe that the robber- 

1Ti, ἐστιν ἄνθρωπος ὃς οὐ γινώσκει, κ. τ. A., Vv δῦ. For the Neocorate of Ephesus 
and its notoriety, see above. 


3 Ἱεροσύλους. The rendering in the English version, “robbers of Churches,” is un 
fortunate. 3 Βλασφημοῦντας. 4 Acts xvi. 40. xviii. 18. 


DEPARTURE OF 8T. PAUL. 89 


naunts! in the mountains around have witnessed some passages in the life 
of St. John,” that he spent the last year of the first century in this ‘‘ metre 
polis of the Asiatic Churches,” * and that his body rests among the sepul- 
chres of Mount Prion. Here we may believe that the Gospel and Epis: 
tles were written, which teach us that “love” is greater than ‘faith and 
hope” (1 Cor. xiii. 13); and here,—though the “ candlestick” is removed, 
according to the prophetic word (Rev. ii. 5),—a monument yet survives, 
in the hill strewn with the ruins of many centuries,® of him who was called 
“ John the Theologian,” because he emphatically wrote of the ‘“ Divinity 
cf our Lord.” 


COIN. OF EPHESUS.6 


1 Euseb. H. E. iii. 23, which should be compared with 2 Cor. xi. 26. See Vol. I. p. 162. 

2 It is said that Timothy died at Ephesus, and was buried, like St. John, on Mount 
Prion. It has been thought better to leave in reverent silence all that has been tradi- 
‘tionally said concerning the Mother of our Blessed Lord. 

3 Stanley’s Sermons, &c. on the Apostolic Age, p. 250. See the whole sermon, and 
the essay which follows it. 4 See Hamilton, ii. 38, 39. 

5 Ayasaluk, supposed, as we have said above, to be a corruption of ὁ ἅγιος Θεόλογος. 
For the meaning of this term as applied to St. John, see Stanley’s Sermons, p. 271. 
There is a curious tradition concerning the destruction of the Temple and Image of 
Diana by St. John in the apocryphal work of Abdias. We give it at length from Fa- 
bricius. “ Dum hee fierent apud Ephesum, et omnes indies magis magisque Asiz# pro 
vinci Joannem et excolerent et praedicarent, accidit ut cultores idolorum excitarent 
seditionem. Unde factum est, ut Joannem trahcrent ad templum Diane, et urgerent 
eum, ut ei foeditatem sacrificiorum offerret. Inter hee beatus Joannes inquit: Duca- 
mus omnes eos ad Ecclesiam Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et cum invocaveritis nomen 
ejus, faciam cadere templum hoe, et comminui idolum hoc vestrum. Quod ubi factum 
fuerit, justum, nobis videri debet, ut relicta superstitione ejus rei que ἃ Deo meo victa 
est, et confracta, ad id ipsum convertamini. Ad hane yocem conticuit populus: et 
liect essent pauci, qui contradicerent huic definitioni, pars tamen maxima consensum 
attribuit. Tune beatus Joannes blandis alloquiis exhortabatur populum, ut a temple 
longe se facerent. Cumque universi exteriore parte foras exissent, voce clara clama- 
vit : ut sciat hee omnis turba, quia idolum hoc Diane vestre demonium est, et non 
Deus, corruat cum omnibus manufactis idolis que coluntur in eo, ita tamen, ut nullam 
in hominibus lexsionem faciat. Continuo ad hane vocem Apostoli, omnia simul cum 
templo suo idola ita corruerunt, ut efficerentur, sicut pulvis, quem projecit ventus a 
facie terre. Itaque conversa sunt eadem die xii millia gentilium, exceptis parvulis et 
mulieribus, et baptizati sunt ἃ beato Joanne, et virtute consecrati.”” Cod. Apoc. N. T. 
ii. 573. The contrast between'this story and the narrative in the canonical Acts of 
the Apostles is sufficiently obvious. 

6 From the Numismatic Illustrations of Mr. Akerman (p. 53). who considers Cusi- 
nius to have been Τραμματεὺς for the fourth time. See his notice of the same coin in 
the pages in the Num Chron. p. 13. He adds that the deer is the common type of the 
autonomous coins of Ephesus, and quotes Libanius: "Egeotorg δὲ καὶ τὸ νῴωισμα τὴν 
ἔλαφον ἔφερεν, Orat. xxxii. 


90 ‘HE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUT. 


CHAPTER XVI. 
‘ With¢ui were fightings, within were fears.’’"—2 Cor. vii. 5. 


Bf. PAI. AT TROAS.—HE PASSES OVER TO, MACEDONIA.—CAUSES OF HIS DEJECTION --HE 
MEETS TITUS AT PHILIPPI.—WRITES 7HE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.— 
COLLECTION FOR THE POOR CHRISTIANS IN JUD#A.—JOURNEY BY ILLYRICUM TO 
GREECE, 


Arter his mention of the affectionate parting between St. Paul and the 
Christians of Ephesus, St. Luke tells us very little of the Apostle’s pro- 
ceedings during a period of nine or ten months ;—that is, from the early 
summer of the year a. Ὁ. 57, to the spring of a. p, 58.1 All the informa- 
tion which we find in the Acts concerning this period, is comprised in the fol 
lowing words :—‘‘ He departed to go into Macedonia, and when he had gone 
over those parts, and had given them much exhortation, he came into Greece, 
and there abode three months.”* Were it not for the information supplied 
by the Epistles, this is all we should have known of a period which was, 
intellectually at least, the most active and influential of St. Paul’s career, 
These letters, however, supply us with many additional incidents belonging 
to this epoch of his life ; and, what is more important, they give us a pic- 
ture drawn by his own hand of his state of mind during an anxious and 
critical season; they bring him before us in his weakness and in his 
strength, in his sorrow and in his joy ; they show us the causes of his 
dejection, and the source of his consolation. 

In the first place, we thus learn, what we should, ἃ priori, have ex- 
pected,—that he visited Alexandria Troas on his way from Ephesus to 
Macedonia. In all probability he travelled from the ene city to the other 
by sea, as we know he did? on his return in the following year. Indeed, 
in countries in such a stage of civilisation, the safest and most expeditious 
route from one point of the coast to another, is generally by water rather 
than by land ;‘. for the “‘ perils in the sea,” though greater in those times 

1 The date of the year is according to the calculations of Wieseler (Chronologie, 
p. 118), of which we shall say more when we come to the period upon which they are 
founded. The season at which he lef Ephesus is ascertained by St. Paul’s own words 
(1 Cor. xvi. 8) compared with Acts xx. 1. The time of his leaving Corinth on his 
return appears from Acts xx. 6. 

7 Acts xx. 1-3. 


3 Except the small space from Troas to Assos by land, Acts xx. 13, 14. 
4 At the same time it should be remembered that this was the most populous port 


\ 


81. PAUL AT TROAS. 91 


than in ours, yet did not so frequently impede the voyager, as the “ perils 
of rivers” and “perils of robbers” which beset the traveller by land. 

We are not informed who were St. Paul’s companions in this journey ; 
but as we find that Tychicus and Trophimus (both Ephesians) were with 
him at Corinth (Acts xx. 4) during the same apostolic progress, and re- 
turned thence in his company, it seems probable that they accompanied 
him at his departure. We find both of them remaining faithful to him 
through all the calamities which followed ; both exerting themselves in 
his service, and executing his orders to the last ; both mentioned as his 
triends and followers, almost with his dying breath.! 

In such company St. Paul came to Alexandria Troas. We have al- 
ready described the position and character of this city, whence the Apostle 
of the Gentiles had set forth when first he left Asia to fulfil his mission,— 
the conversion of Europe. At that time, his visit seems to have been very 
short, and no results of it are recorded ; but now he remained for a con- 
siderable time ; he had meant to stay long enough to lay the foundation 
of a Church (eee Cor. ii. 12), and would have remained still longer than 
he did, had it not been for the non-arrival of Titus, whom he had sent to 
Corinth from Hphesus soon after the despatch of the first Epistle ; the 
object of his mission? was connected with the great collection now going 
on for the Hebrew Christians at Jerusalem, but he was also enjoined toe 
enforce the admonitions of St. Paul upon the Church of Corinth, and en- 
deavour to defeat the efforts of their seducers ; and then to return with a 
report of their conduct, and especially of the effect upon them of the recent 
Hpistle. Titus was desired to come through Macedonia, and to rejoin St. 
Paul (probably) at Troas, where the latter had intended to arrive shortly 
after Pentecost ; but now that he was forced to leave Ephesus prema- 
turely, he had resolved to wait for Titus at Troas, expecting, however, his 
speedy arrival. In this expectation he was disappointed ; week after week 
passed, but Titus came not. The tidings which St. Paul expected by him 
were of the deepest interest ; it was to be hoped that he would bring 
news of the triumph of good over evil at Corinth : yet it might be other- 
of one of the most peaceful provinces, and that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna 
and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas. The stages are given in the Peutingerian 
Table, and the road is laid down in Leake’s Map. At Pergamus it meets one of the 
roads in the Antonine Itinerary (see Wesseling), and the two lines thence coincide 
through Adramyttium and Assos to Troas. See our map of the north of the Aigean, 
and compare Vol. I. p. 278. A ἐς ΘΕΟΣ of the country will be found in Fellows’ 
Asia Minor, ch. i. and ii. 

1 In the 2nd Epistle to Timothy. For Tychicus, see Acts xx. 4. Eph. vi. 21. Col. 
iv. 7. 2 Tim.iv.12. Tit. iii. 12. For Trophimus, see Acts xx. 4. Acts ΧΧΙ 29772 
Tim. iv. 20. 

? It is not impossible that Titus may have carried another letter to the Corinthians; 


if so, it is referred to in 2 Cor. ii, 3, and 2 Cor. vii. 8; passages which some have 
thought too strong for the supposition that they only refer to the F‘rst Epistle. 


92 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


wise; the Corinthians might have forsaken the faith of their first teacher, 
and rejected his messenger. While waiting in this uncertainty, St. Paul 
appears to have suffered all the sickness of hope deferred. ‘ My spirit 
had no rest, because I found not Titus my brother.”! Nevertheless, his 
personal anxiety did not prevent his labouring earnestly and successfully 
in his Master’s service. He ‘“ published the Glad-tidings of Christ”? there 
as in other places, probably preaching as usual, in the first instance, to 
the Jews in the Synagogue. He met with a ready hearing ; “ a door was 
opened to him in the Lord.”* And thus was laid the foundation of a 
Church which rapidly increased, and which we shall find him revisiting not 
long afterwards. At present, indeed, he was compelled τὸ leave it pre- 
maturely ; for the necessity of meeting Titus, and learning the state of 
things at Corinth, urged him forward. He sailed, therefore, once more 
from Troas to Macedonia (a voyage already described‘ in our account of 
his former journey), and, landing at Neapolis, proceeded immediately to 
Philippi.* 

We might have supposed that the warmth of affection with which he 
was doubtless welcomed by his converts here, would have soothed the 
spirit of the Apostle, and restored his serenity. For, of all the Churches 
. which he founded, the Philippians seem to have been the most free from 

fault, and the most attached to himself. In the Epistle which he wrote 
to them, we find no censure, and much praise ; and so zealous was their 
love for St. Paul, that they alone (of all the Churches which he founded) 
forced him from the very beginning to accept, their contributions for his 
support. Twice, while he was at Thessalonica,’ immediately after their 
own conversion, they had sent relief to him. Again they did the same 
while he was at Corinth,’ working for his daily bread in the manufactory 
of Aquila. And we shall find them afterwards cheering his Ronian prison, 
by similar proofs of their loving remembrance. We might suppose from - 


1 2 Cor. ii. 12. 2 2 Cor. ii. 12. 3 2 Cor. ii. 12. 4 See Chap. IX. 

5 Philippi (of which Neapolis was the port) was the first city of Macedonia which he 
would reach frém Troas. See Vol. I. pp. 287-391. The importance of the Philippian 
Church would, of course, cause St. Paul to halt there for some time, especially as his 
object was to make a general collection for the poor Christians of Jerusalem. Hence 
the scene of St. Paul’s grief and anxiety (recorded, 2 Cor. vii. 5, as occurring when he 
came into Macedonia) must have been Philippi ; and the same place seems (from the next 
verse) to have witnessed his consolation by the coming of Titus. So (2 Cor. xi. 9) we 
find “ Macedonia” used as equivalent to Philippi (see note 7, below). We conclude 
therefore, that the ancient tradition (embodied in the subscription of 2 Cor.), accord- 
ing to which the Second Epistle to Corinthians was written from Philippi, is correct. 

6 Phil. iv. 10. 

7 2Cor. xi. 9. The Macedonian contributions there mentioned must have beew 
from Philippi, because Philippi was the only Church which at that time contributed ta 
St. Paul’s support (Phil. iv. 9). See Vol. I. p. 389. 

8 Phil. iv. 16. 


HE PASSES OVER TO MACEDONIA. 93 


this that they were a wealthy Church; yet such a supposition is contra 
dicted by the words of St. Paul, who tells us that ‘in the heavy trial 
which had proved their steadfastness, the fulness of their joy had over 
flowed out of the depth of their poverty, in the richness of their liberality.” 
In fact, they had been exposed to very severe persecution from the first, 
“Unto them it was given,” so St. Paul reminds them afterwards,—‘ in the 
behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His 
sake.”? Perhaps, already their leading members had been prosecuted 
under the Roman law* upon the charge which proved so fatal in after 
times,—of propagating a “new and illegal religion” (religio nova et alli- 
cita) ; or, if this had not yet occurred, still it is obvious how severe must 
have been the loss inflicted by the alienation of friends and connections ; 
and this would be especially the case with the Jewish converts, such as 
Lydia, who were probably the only wealthy members of the community, 
and whose sources of wealth were derived from the commercial relations 
which bound together the scattered Jews throughout the empire. What 
they gave, therefore, was not out of their abundance, but out of their 
penury ; they did not grasp tenaciously at the wealth which was slipping 
from their hands, but they seemed eager to get rid of what still remained. 
They “remembered the words of the Lord Jesus how He said, it is more 
blessed to give than to receive.” St. Paul might have addressed them, 
as another Apostle addressed some who were like-minded with them :— 
“Ye had compassion of me in my® bonds, and took joyfully the spoiling 
of your goods, knowing that ye have in heaven a better and an enduring 
substance.” 

Such were the zealous and loving friends who now embraced their 
father in the faith ; yet the warmth of their welcome did not dispel the 
gloom which hung over his spirit; although amongst them® he found 
Timotheus also, his ‘‘ beloved son in the Lord,” the most endeared to him 
of all his converts and companions. The whole tone of the Second Hpistle 

1 2 Cor. viii. 2. ape hile 295 

3 It must be remembered that Philippi was a Colonia. See Vol. I. pp. 3, 9, &c. 

4 Lydia had been a Jewish proselyte before her conversion. 

5 Or “on those in bonds,” if we adopt the reading of the best MSS. See note on 
Heb. x. 34. 

6 This we infer because Timotheus was with him when he began to write the Second 
Epistle to Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1), which (for the reasons mentioned in the preceding 
page, n. 5) we believe to have been written at Philippi. Now Timotheus had beea 
despatched on some commission into Macedonia shortly before Easter, and St. Paul 
had then expected (but thought it doubtful) that he would reach Corinth and retura 
thence to Ephesus; and that he wouid reach it after the reception at Corinth of the 
First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. xvi. 10, 11). This, however, Timotheus seems 
not to have done; for it was Titus, not Timotheus, who brought to St. Paul the first 
tidings of the reception of the First Epistle at Corinth (2 Cor. vii. 6-11). Also had 


Timotheus reached Corinth, he would have been mentioned, 2 Cor. xii. 18. Hence it 
would appear that Timotheus must have been retained in Macedonia. 


94 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


to Corinth shows the depression under which he was labouring ; and he 
expressly tells the Corinthians that this state of feeling lasted, not only at 
Troas, but also after he reached Macedonia. ‘When frst I came into 
Macedonia,” he says, ‘‘my flesh had no rest; without were fightings, 
within were fears.” And this had continued until ‘‘God, who comforts 
them that are cast down, comforted me by the coming of Titus.” 

It has been sometimes supposed that this dejection was occasioned by 
an crease of the chronic malady under which St. Paul suffered ;! and it 
seems not unlikely that this cause may have contributed to the result. 
He speaks much, in the Epistle written from Philippi, of the frailty of his 
bodily health ; and, in a very affecting passage, he describes the earnest- 
ness with which he had besought his Lord to take from him this “ thorn 
in the flesh,”’—this disease which continually impeded his efforts, and 
shackled his energy. We can imagine how severe a trial to a man of his 
ardent temper, such a malady must have been. Yet this alone would 
scarcely account for his continued depression, especially after the assurance 
he had received, that the grace of Christ was sufficient for him,—that the 
vessel of clay* was not too fragile for the Master’s work,—that the weak- 
ness of his body would but the more manifest the strength of God’s 
Spirits The real weight which pressed upon him was the “care of all 
the churches ;” the real cause of his grief was the danger which now 
threatened the souls of his converts, not in Corinth only, or in Galatia, 
but everywhere throughout the empire. We have already described the 
nature of this danger, and seen its magnitude ; we have seen how critical 
was the period through which the Christian Church was now passing.‘ 
The true question (which St. Paul was enlightened to comprehend) was 
no less than this ;—whether the Catholic Church should be dwarfed into a 
Jewish sect ; whether the religion of spirit and of truth should be sup- 
planted by the worship of letter and of form. Tle struggle at Corinth, 
the result of which he was now anxiously awaiting, was only one out of 
many similar struggles between Judaism’ and Christianity. These were 
the ‘‘fightings without” which filled him with “fears within ;” these were 
the agitations which ‘gave his flesh no rest,” and “ troubled Hi on every 
side.” ® 


1 We need not notice the hypothesis that St. Paul’s long-continued dejection wag 
caused by the danger which he incurred on the day of the tumult in the theatre at 
Ephesus ; a supposition most unworthy of the character of him who sustained such in- 
fuer perils of a more deadly character with unshrinking fortitude. 

* See 2 Cor. iv. 7. 3 2 Cor. xii. 7-9. 4 Vol. I. pp. 441-445. 

5 That the great opponents of St. Paul at Corinth were Judaizing emisseries, we 
have endeavoured to prove below; at the same time a complication was given to ths 
struggle at Corinth by the existence of another element of error in the free-thinking 
arty, whose theoretic defence of their practical immorality we have aiready noticed. 

© 2 Cor. vii. 5. 


MEETING WITH TITUS. 95 


At length the long-expected Titus arrived at Philippi, and relieved 
the anxiety of his master by better tidings than he had hoped to hear.’ 
The majority of the Corinthian Church had submitted to the injunctions 
of St. Paul, and testified the deepest repentance for the sins into which 
they had fallen. They had passed sentence of excommunication upon the 
incestuous persoa, and they had already contributed towards the collee- 
tion for the poor Christians of Palestine. But there was still a minority, 
whose opposition seems to have been rather embittered than humbled by 
the submission which the great, body of the Church had thus yielded. 
They proclaimed in a louder and more contemptuous tone than ever, their ac- 
cusations against the Apostle. They charged him with craft in his designs, 
and with selfish and mercenary motives ;—a charge which they probably 
maintained by insinuating that he was personally interested in the great 
collection which he was raising. We have scen* what scrupulous care St. 
Paul took to keep his integrity in this matter above every shade of sus- 
picion ; and we shall find still further proof of this as we proceed. Mean- 
while, it is obvious how singularly inconsistent this accusation was, in the 
mouths of those who eagerly maintained that Paul could be no true 
Apostle, because he did not demand support from the Churches which he 
founded. The same opponents accused him likewise of egregious vanity, 
and of cowardly weakness ; they declared that he was continually threaten- 
ing without striking, and promising without performing ; always on his way 
to Corinth, but never venturing to come ; and that he was as vaciliating 
in his teaching as in his practice ; refusing circumcision to Titus, yet cir- 
cumcising Timothy ; a Jew among the Jews, and a Gentile among the 
Gentiles. 

It is an important question, to which of the divisions of the Corinthian 
Church these obstinate opponents of St. Paul belonged. From the 
notices of them given by St. Paul himself, it seems certain that they were 
Judaizers (see 2 Cor. xi. 22); and still farther, that they were of the 
Christine section of that party (see 2 Cor. xi. 7). It also appears that 
they were headed by an emissary from Palestine (ὁ ἐρχόμενος, 2 Cor. xi. 4), 
who had brought letters of commendation from some members of the 


1 Wieseler is of opinion that before the coming of Titus St. Paul had already re- 
solved to send another letter to the Corinthians, perhaps by those two brethren who 
travelled with Titus soon after, bearing the Second Epistle ; and that he wrote as far 
as the 2nd verse of the 7th chapter of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians before the 
appearance of Titus. He infers this from the change of tone which takes place at this 
point, and from St. Paul’s returning to topics which, in the earlier portion of the Epistle, 
he appearcd to have dismissed; and from the manner in which the arrival of Titus is 
mentioned at 2 Cor, vii. 4-7. On this hypothesis some other person from Corinth 
must have brought intelligence of the first impression produced en the Corinthians by 
the Epistle which had just reached, them ; and Titus conveyed the farther tidings of 
their subsequent conduct. 

* 1 Cor. xvi. ὃ. 


96 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


Church at Jerusalem,! and who boasted of his pure Hebrew descent, and 
his especial connection with Christ himself.? St. Paul calls him a false 
apostle, a minister of Satan disguised as a minister of righteousness, and 
hints that he was actuated by corrupt motives. He seems to have 
behaved at Corinth with extreme arrogance, and to have succeeded, by 
his overbearing conduct, in impressing his partizans with a conviction of 
his importance, and of the truth of his pretensions. They contrasted his 
confident bearing with the timidity and self-distrust which had been shown 
by St. Paul! And they evéen-extolled his personal advantages over their 
first teacher ; comparing his rhetoric with Paul’s inartificial speech, his 
commanding appearance with the insignificance of Paul’s ‘bodily pre- 
sence.” ὃ 

Titus, having delivered to St. Paul this mixed intelligence of the state 
of Corinth, was immediately directed to return thither (in company with 
two deputies specially elected, to take charge of their contribution, by the 
Macedonian Churches,*) in order to continue the business of the collec- 
tion. St. Paul made him the bearer of another letter, which is addressed 
(still more distinctly than the First Epistle), not to Corinth only, but to 
all the Churches in the whole province of Achaia, including Athens and 
Cenchrez, and perhaps also Sicyen, Argos, Megara, Patre, and other 
neighbouring towns; all of which probably shared more or less in the 
agitation which so powerfully affected the Christian community at Corinth. 
The two-fold character? of this Epistle is easily explained by the exist- 
ence of the majority and minority which we have described in the Corin- 
thian Church. Towards the former the Epistle overflows with love ; 
towards the latter it abounds with warning and menace. The purpose 
of the Apostle was to encourage and tranquillise the great body of the 
Church ; but, at the same time, he was constrained to maintain his 
authority against those who persisted in despising the commands of Christ 
delivered by his mouth. It was needful, also, that he should notice their 
false accusations ; and that (undeterred by the charge of vanity which 
they brought‘), he should vindicate his apostolic character by a state- 


1 See 2 Cor. iii. 1. It may safely be assumed that Jerusalem was the head-quarters 
of the Judaizing party, from whence their emissaries were despatched. Compare Gal. 
ii. 12, Acts xv. 1, and xxi. 20. 

3 See 2 Cor. xi. 7, 22. 3 See 2 Cor. xi. 18-20, and the note there. 

4 1 Cor. ii. 3. 3 2 Cor. x. 10, 16. 

6 See notes on 2 Cor. viii. 18, 22. 

7 This twofold character pervades the zhele Epistle ; it is incorrect to say (as haa 
been often said) that the portion before Chap. X. is addressed to the obedient section 
of the Church, and that after Chap. X. to the disobedient. Polemical passages occur 
throughout the earlier portion also; see i. 15-17. ii, 17. iit, 1. ν. 12, &e. 

8 Τῷ is a curious fact, and marks the personal character of this Epistle, that the 
verb καυχᾶσθαι and its derivatives occur twenty-nine times in it, and only twenty-six 
times in all the other Hpistles of St. Paul put tegether. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 9% 


ment of facts, aud a threat of punishment to be inflicted on the contuma 
cious. With these objects, he wrote as follows :— 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


I. 
1 Pavt, an Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of — Salutatioa 


God, and Timotheus the Brother, to the church of God 
which is in Corinth, and to all Christ’s people, throughout 
the whole province of Achaia. 
2 Grace be unto you and peace, from God our Father, and 
from our Lord Jesus Christ. 
3 Thanks be to God the Father of our Lord Jesus _ Thanksgiving 


for his deliver- 


4 Obrist, the father of compassion, and the God cf all ance fromgreat 


danger in Pro- 


comfort, who consoles me? in all my tribulation, consular Asia. 
thereby enabling me to comfort those who are in any affliction, 
with the same comfort wherewith I am myself comforted by 
5 God. For as the sufferings of Christ have come upon me above 
measure, so by Christ also my consolation is above measure 
6 multiplied. But if, on the one hand, I am afflieted, it is for 
your consolation and salvation (which works within you a 
patient endurance of the same sufferings which I also suifer ;+ 
so that my hope is stedfast on your behalf); and if, on the 
ἢ other hand, I am comforted, it is for your conso!ation,‘ be- 


1 St. Paul has given us the following particulars to determine the date of this 
Epistle :-— 

(1) He had been exposed to great danger in Proconsular Asia, ὦ. 6. at Ephesus 
(2 Cor. i. 8). This haa happened Acts xix. 23-41. 

(2) He had come thence to Troas, ani (after some stay there) had passed over to 
Macedonia. This was the route he took Acts xx. i. 

(3) He was in Macedonia at the time of writing (2 Cor. ix. 2, καυχῶμυι, present 
tense), and intended (2 Cor. xiii. 1) shortly to visit Corinth. This was the course of 
his journey, Acts xx. 2. 

(4) The same collection is going on which is mentioned in 1 Cor. See 2 Cor. viii. 6 
and 2 Cor. ix. 2; and which was completed during his three months’ visit to Corinth 
(Rom. xv. 26), and taken up to Jerusalem immediately after, Acts xxiv. 17. 

(5) Some of the other topics mentioned in 1 Cor. are again referred to, especially 
the punishment of the incestuous offender, in such a manner as to show that no ‘ong 
interval had elapsed since the first Epistle. 

* For the translation of ἡμᾶς, see the reasons given in the note on 1 Thess. i. 2. It 
is evident here that St. Paul considers himself alone the writer, since Timetheus way 
not with him during the danger in Asia; and, moreover he uses ἐγὼ frequently, inter- 
changeably with ἡμεῖς (see verse 23); and when he includes others in the ἡμεῖς he 
epecifies it, as in verse 19. See, also, other proofs in the note on vi. 11. 

? Kat ἡ ἐλπὶς, &e., should follow πάσχομεν. See Tischendorf for the MS. authorities 

4 We omit the second καὶ σωτηρίας bere, with Griesbach’s text. 

VOL. 11.---ἴ 


98 THE 11ΕῈ AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAL: 


cause I know that as you partake of my suffeings, so you 
partake also of my comfort. For I would have Yo" Know, 8 
brethren, concerning the tribulation which befel me!” the pro- 
vince of Asia,’ that I was exceedingly pressed down PY it be- 
yond my strength te bear, so as to despair even of life Yea, 
by my own self I was already doomed to death; that pmight 
rely no more upon myseil, but upon God who raises thedead 
to life, and who delivered me from a death so grievous, and τ 
does yet deliver me; in whom I have hope that He will gill 11 
deliver me fer the time to. come; you also helping me by yout 
supplicaticns, that thanksgivings may from many tongues be 
offered up en my behalf, for the blessing gained to me by many 
prayers." 
Me υτὶ ; For this is my boast, the testimony of my con- 12 
tion of double: science, that I have dealt with the world, and above 
all with you, in godly honesty and singleness of 
mind,’ not in the strength of carnal wisdom, but in the strength 
of God’s grace. For I write nothing else to you but what you1s 
read openly, yea and what you acknowledge inwardly, and I 
hope that even to the end you will acknowledge,‘ as some of14 
you have already acknowledged, that I am your boast, even as 
you are mine, in the day of our Lord Jesus.* 
Rene aan And in this confidence it was my wish to come 15 
ofhis vist to first? to you, that afterwards you might have a 
cae second benefit. For I meant to go by you into Ma-16 
cedonia, and to return from Macedonia to you, and by you to 


Ss 


1 It has been questioned whether St. Paul here refers to the Ephesian tumult of 
Acts xix.; and it is urged that he was not then in danger of his life. But had he been 
found by the mob during the period of their excitement, there can be little doubt that 
he would have been torn in pieces, or perhaps thrown to wild beasts in the Arena ; 
and it seems improbable that within so short a period he should again have been ex 
posed to peril of his life in the same place, and that nothing should have been said of 
it in the Acts. 

3 Literally, that from many persons the gift given to me by means of many may 
have thanks returned for it on my behalf. 

3 St. Paul here alludes to his opponents, who accnsed him of dishonesty and incon- 
sistency in his words and deeds. From what follows, it seems that he had been sus 
pected of writing privately to some individuals in the church, in a different strain from 
tbat of his public letters to them. 

4 It is difficult in English to imitate this play upon the words émyivdoxere and 
ἀναγινώσκετε. 

5.1. 6. the day when the Lord Jesus will come again. 

® 1. before visiting Mecadonia. See p. 26, note 1. 


SEVOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTITIANS. 9οῳ 


(7 be forwarded on my way to Judea. Am I accused- then of 
forming this purpose in levity and caprice? or is my purpose 
carnal, to please all, by saying at once both yea and nay ?* 

18 Yet as God is faithful, my words to you are? no [deceitful] 

19 mixture of yea and nay. For when the Son of God, Jesus 
Christ, was proclaimed among you by us (by me, I say, and 
Silvanus, and Timotheus), in Him was found no wavering be 

20tween yea and nay, but in Him was yea alone; for all the 
promises of God have in Him the yea [which seals their truth], 
and in Him the Amen [which ackvowledges their fulfilment), 

21 uttered to the praise of God by our voice. But God is He who 
keeps both us and you stedfast to His anointed, and we also are 

22anointed! by Him. And He has set the mark of His own seal 
upon us, and has given us His Spirit to dwell in our hearts, as 

23the earnest of His promises. But for my* own part, I call 
God to witness, as my soul shall answer for it, that I gave up 
my purpose δ of visiting Corinth because I wished to spare you 
24pain. I\speak not? as though your faith was enslaved to my 

I.authority, but because I desire to help your joy :" for your 

1 faith [I know] is stedfast. But» I determined not again ” to 

2 visit you in grief, for if I cause you grief, who is there to cause 

3 me joy, but those whom I have grieved? And for this very” 
reason I wrote” to you instead of coming, that I might not re- 


1 Μήτι dpa. Compare μήτι, xii. 18. 

* This translation (the literal English being, do I purpose my purposes carnally, 
that both yea, yea, and nay, nay, may be [found] with me) appears to give the full 
force of the iva, as much as that of Chrysostom: “or must I hold to the purposes 
which Ihave formed from fleshly fear, lest I be accused of changing my yea into 
nay ;” which is advocated by Winer, but which does not agree with the context. 

3 We read ἐστὲ with Lachmann, Tischendorf, and the best MSS. 

4 The commentators do not seem to have remarked the reference of χρίσας to the 
preceding Χριστόν. The anointing spoken of as bestowed on the Apostles, was that 
‘grace by which they were qualified for their office. The ἡμᾶς and ἡμῶν in verses 20, 
21, and 22, include Silvanus and Timotheus, as is expressly stated verse 19. 

5 Observe the emphatic ἐγὼ. 

6 Οὐκέτι, mistranslated in A. V. as if it were οὔπω. 

7 St. Paul adds this sentence to soften what might seem the magisterial tone of the 
preceding, in which he had implied his power to punish the Corinthians. 

8 Ye. I desire not to cause you sorrow, but to promote your joy. 

9. Ἐμαυτῷ can scarcely mean for my own sake (as Billroth and others propose te 
translate it). Compare ἔδοξα ἐμαυτῷ, Acts xxvi. 9. 

10 This alludes to the intermediate visit which St. Paul paid to Corinth. See p. 26 
neste 1. 

11 Τοῦτο αὐτὸς Compare Gal. ii. 10, and Phil. i. 6 

12 7, e, the First Ep. Cor. 


100 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUY. 


ceive grief from those who ought to give me joy; and | ecn- 
fide in you all that my joy is yours. For I wrote to you out of 4 
much affliction and anguish of heart, with many tears; not to 
pain you, but that you might know the abundance of my love. 


Pardon of the As concerns him? who has caused the pain, it is 5 
fncestnous per- Α ε 
son. not me that he has pained,.but some of you ;’ [some, 


T say,] that I may not press too harshly upon all. For the? ¢ 
offender himself, this punishment, which has already been in- 
flicted on him by the sentence of the majority,‘ is sufficient 
without increasing it. On the contrary, you ought ratker to ' 
forgive and comfort him, lest he should be overwhelmed by the 
greatness of his sorrow. Wherefore I beseech you fully to re- 8 
store him to your love. For the very end which I sought 9 
when I wrote before, was to test you in this matter, and learn 
whether you would be obedient in all things. But whomso-i¢ 
ever you forgive, I forgive also; for whatever® I have forgiven, 
I have forgiven on your account in the sight® of Christ, that 11 
we7 may not be robbed [of our brother] by Satan ; for we are 
not ignorant of his devices. 
Cause of his When 1 had come to Troas to publish the Glad- 12 
leaving Troas. ἜΝ β : 
tidings of Christ, and a door was opened to me in the 
Lord, I had no rest in my spirit because I found not Titus my 13 
brother; so that I parted from them,® and came from thence 
into Macedonia. But thanks be to God who leads me on from 14 
place to place in the train of his triumph, to celebrate his vic- 
tory over the enemies of Christ;* and by me sends forth the 


7 


1 Literally, “if any man has caused p tis, ;” a milder expression, which would nut 
in English bear so definite a meaning as it does in the Greek. 

3. The punctuation we adopt is ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ μέρους (iva μὴ ἐπιβαρῶ πάντας) ὑμᾶς. For 
the meaning of ἀπὸ μέρους, see Chap. 1. 14. With regard to the sentiment, St. Paul 
intends to say that not αὐ the Corinthian Church had been included in his former cen- 
sure, but only that part of it which had supported the offender; and therefore the 
pain which the offender had drawn down on the Church was not inflicted on the whole 
Church, but only on that erring part of it. 

3 Τῷ τοιούτῳ. This expression is used elsewhere for a detinite offending individual. 
Compare Acts xxii. 22, and 1 Cor. v. 5. It is not adequately represented by the Eng- 
\ish “such a man.” 

4 Τῶν πλειόνων, not “many” (A. V.); but the majority. 

> The best MSS. read 6 not 6. 

6 Ἔν προσώτῳ. Compare Proverbs viii. 30: εὐφραινόμην ἐν προσώπῳ αὐτοῦ (LXX.) 
The expression is used somewhat differently in iv. 6. 

7 The we of this verse appears to include the readers, judging from th? change οὐ 
person before and after. 

8 Namely, from the Christians of Troas. 

9 Θριαμβεύειν (which is mistranslated in A. V.) means to lead a man αὐ a captive 


[1 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 101 


gnowledge of Him, a steam of fragrant incense, throughout the 
ἰδ world. For Christ’s is the fragrance! which I offer up to God, 
whether among those in the way of salvation,’ or among those 
16 in the way of perdition; but to these it is an odour of death, to 

those of life. 
And [if some among you deny my sufficiency], Defence of the 


manner in which 


17 who then is sufficient for these things? For I seek he discharged his 


apostolic office, 


no profit (like most)+ by setting the word of God aut its | glory 


contrasted with 


to 5816. but I speak from a single heart, from the thst of the Mo- 


saic ᾿ cispensa- 

Iiicomand of God, as in God’s presence, and in fellow- Hot των μη 
1 ship with Christ. Will yousay that I am again beginning to 
commend myself? Or think you that I need letters of com- 
mendation (like some other men) either to you, or from you? 

2 Nay, ye are yourselves my letter of commendation, a letter 
3 written on® my heart, known and read? by all men; a letter 
coming manifestly from Christ, and committed to my charge; 
written not with ink, but with the spirit of the living God ; not 
upon tablets of stone,* but upon the fleshly tablets of the heart. 
4 But through Christ have I this confidence® before God; not 
5 thinking myself sufficient to gain wisdom by my own reason- 
ings,” as if it came from myself, but drawing my sutliciency 


an a triumphal procession; θριαμβεύειν ἐν Χριστῷ means, to lead captive in a 
triumph over the enemies of Christ. The metaphor is taken from the triumphal 
procession of a victorious general. God is celebrating his triumph over His enemies ; 
St. Paul (who had been so great an opponent of the Gospel) is a captive following 
in the train of the triumphal procession, yet (at the same time, by a characteristic change 
of metaphor) an incense-bearer, scattering incense (which was always done on these oc- 
casions) as the procession moveson. Some of the conquered enemies were put to death 
when the procession reached the Capitol; to them the smell of the incense was ὀσμὴ 
θανάτου εἰς θάνατον ; to the rest who were spared, ὀσμὴ ζωῆς εἰς Conv. The metaphor 
appears to have been a favourite one with St. Paul: it occurs again Col. ii. 15. 

1 Literally, Christ’s fragrance am I, unto God. 

2 Σωζομένοις, not “who are saved” (A. V.). 

3 Literally, to these it is an odour of death, ending in death; to those an odour 
of life, ending in life. 

4 The mistranslation of of πολλοὶ, by ‘many’ (A. V.), materially alters the sense. 
He evidently alludes to his antagonists at Corinth; see p. 96, and xi. 13. 

5 Καπηλεύειν, is to sell by retail, including a notion of fraud in the selling. 

6 Jt is possible that in using ταῖς καρδίαις here St. Paul meant to include Timotheus; 
yet as this supposition does not agree well with the context, it seems better to suppose 
the plural used merely to suit the plural form of ἡμῶν, 

7 The paronomasia γινωσκομένη Kal ἀναγινωσκομένη cannot well be here imitated 
in English. Compare i. 14. 

5. Like the law of Moses. 

§ Viz of his sufficiency. Compare ii. 16 ixavéc; iii. 5 ἱκανοί. 6 ἱκανωσεν. 

16. Ao iacabai TL ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, literally, to reach any concitusicn by my own reason 


109 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. FAUL 


from God. For He it is who has made me sufiice for the nuir- ἢ 
istration of a new covenant, a covenant not of letter, Let of spi- 
rit; for the letter gives the doom of death, but the spirit gives 
the power of life. Yet ifa glory was shed upon the ministra- 
tion of the law of death, (a law written in letters, and graven 
upon stones), so that the children of Israel could not fix their 
eyes on the face of Moses, for the glory of his countenance, 
aithough its brightness was soon to fade ;' how far more glori- 8 
ous must the ministration of the spirit be. For if the ministra- 9 
tion of doom had glory, far more must the ministration of right- 
eousness abound in glory.? Yea, that which then was glorified 10 
with brightness, is now turned into darkness,’ by the surpassing 
glory wherewith it is compared. For if a glory shone upon 11 
that which was doomed to pass away, much more shall glory rest 
upon that which remains for ever. Therefore, having this hope 12 
[in the abiding glory of the new covenant], I speak and act 
without disguise ; and not like Moses, who spread a veil over13 
his face, that® the children of Israel might not see the end of 
that fading brightness. But their minds were blinded ; yea to14 
this day, when they read in their synagogues ὃ the ancient cove- 
nant, the same veil rests thereon, nor? can they see beyond it 
that the law is done away in Christ; but even now, when Mo-15 
ses is read in their hearing, a veil® lies upon their heart. But16 


=I 


As Theodoret explains it, οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείων ὑφαΐνοντες λογισμῶν προσφέρομεν τὰ κηρύγματα 
(Comment. in loco.) 

1 Καταργούμενος. See note on 1 Cor. ii. 6. 

2 The whole of this contrast between the glory of the new and the old dispensations, 
appears to confirm the hypothesis that St. Paul’s chief antagonists at Corinth were of 
the Judaizing party. 

3 Τὸ δεδοξασμένον ἐν τούτῳ τῷ μέρει, that which, in this particular, was glorified 
unth brightness ; οὐδὲ δεδόξασται, has not so much as been glorified with brightness ; 
the latter expression being equivaient to has no brightness at all. If, with the best 
MSS., we read οὐ instead of οὐδὲ, the meaning will not be essentially altered. 

4 Ἔν, opposed to the preceding διὰ, 

5 See Exod. xxxiv. 35. St. Paul here (as usual) blends the allegorical with the his- 
torical view of the passage referred to in the Old Testament. 

6 In their synagogues is implied in the term ἀναγνώσει. Compare Acts xv. 21. 

7 We take μὴ ἀνακαλυπτύμενον absolutely (with Meyer) ; literally, it being not un- 
veiled [i.e. not revealed] to them that it [the ancient covenant] is done away ἴη 
Christ. Καταργεῖται is predicated, not of the veil, but of the old covenant. Com- 
pare καταργουμένου in the preceding verse, and the use of the same word in verses 
7 and 11. 

8 Perhaps there may be here an allusion to the Tallith, which was worn in the syna- 
gogue by every worshipper, and was literally a veil hung over the breast. See 
011. Ρ. 119. 


΄": 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 108 


17 when they turn to the Lord: Jesus, the veil is rent away. Now 
the Lord is the Spirit ; and where the Spirit of the Lord abides, 
18 there bondage gives place to freedom; and we all, while with 
face unveiled we behold as in a mirror the brightness of our 
Lord’s glory, are ourselves transformed into the same likeness 5 
and the glory which shines upon us’? is reflected by us, even as 
[Vit procecds from the Lord, the Spirit. 
1 ‘Therefore haying this ministry, I discharge it with no faint- 
2 hearted fears, remembering the mercy which [5 received. I 
have renounced the secret dealings of shame, I walk not in the 
paths of cunning, I+ adulterate not God’s message ; but openly 
setting forth the truth, as in the sight of God, I commend my- 
3 self to the conscience of all men. But if there be still a veil 
which hides my Glad-tidings from some who hear me, it is 
4 among those* who are in the way of perdition; whose unbe- 
lieving minds the God of this passing world ® has blinded, and 
shut out the light of the Glad-tidings, even the glorious bright- 
5 ness of Christ, who is the image of God. For I proclaim not 
myself, but Christ Jesus as Lord and Master, and myself your 
6 bondsman for the sake of Jesus. For God, who called forth 
light out of darkness, has caused His light to shine in my heart, 
that the knowledge of His glory manifested in the face of Jesus 
Christ might be shed forth [upon others also].’ 
7 But this treasure is lodged in a body of fragile Τὰ sicknessana 


danger his 


clay, that so the surpassing might which aids me *trenethis from 


the power of 


8\should be God’s, and not my own. I am hard Christ, and the 
) hope of eternad 


9 pressed, yet not crushed; helpless, yet not hopeless; '*: 
19 persecuted, yet not forsaken ; cast down, yet not destroyed.s I 
bear about continually in my body the dying of Jesus,® that the 


1 Κύριον. 

2 "Απὸ δόξης describes the cause, viz. the glory shining on us; εἰς δόξαν, the effect ; 
viz. the reflection of that glory by us. For the metaphor, compare 1 Cor. xiii. 11, and 
note. We observe in both passages that even the representation of divine truth given 
us by Christianity is only a reflection of the reality. 

8 Viz. in his conversion from a state of Jewish unbelief. 

4 St. Paul piainly intimates here (as he openly states xi. 17) that some other? 
teachers were liable to these charges. 

5 Compare ii. 15, 16. : 

6 For this translation of αἰῶνος τούτου, see note on 1 Cor. i. 20. 

7 For the meaning of φωτισμόν, compare verse 4. 

* Observe the force of the present tense of all these participles, implying that the 
state of things described was constantly going on. 

9 Κυρίου is not found in the best MSS. 


104 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


life also of Jesus might in my body be shewn forth, For 1. ints 
the midst of life, am daily given over to death for the sake of 
Jesus, that in my dying flesh the life whereby Jesus conquered 
death might shew forth its power. 

So then death working in me, works life? in you. Yet12 
having the same spirit of faith whereof it is written “J* had 13 
faith, and therefore have I spoken,” 1 also have faith, and 
therefore speak. For I know that He who raised our Lord Je-14 
sus from the dead, shall raise me also by Jesus, and shall call 
me into His presence together with you; for all my sufferings 15 
are on your behalf, that the mercy which has abounded above 
them all, might call forth your thankfulness; that so the fulness 
of praise might be poured forth to God, not by myself alone, 
but multiplied by many voices. Wherefore I faint not; but1¢6 
though my outward man decays, yet my inward man is re- 
newed from day to day. For my light afflictions, which last 17 
but for a moment, work for me a weight of glory, immeasura- 
ble and eternal. Meanwhile I look not to things seen, but [0 18 
things unseen: for the things that are seen pass away ; but the v 
things that are unseen endure for ever. Yea, I know that if 1 
the tent’ which is my earthly house be destroyed, I have a 
mansion built by God, a house not made with hands, eternal, in 
the heavens. And for this I groan with earnest longings, de- 
siring to cover® my earthly raiment with the robes of my hea- 
venly mansion. (If indeed I shall be found? still clad in my 3 
floshly garment). For we who are dwelling in the tent, groan 4 
and are burdened ; not desiring to put off our earthly clothing, 
but to put over it our heavenly raiment, that this our dying na- 
ture might be swallowed up by life. And He who has pre- 5 


bo 


1 Observe the force of the καί. Literally, “the life as well as the death, of Jesus.” 

? 7. e. the mortal peril, to which St. Paul exposed himself, was the instrument of 
bringing spiritual life to his converts. 

3 Ps. exvi. 10. (LXX.). 

4 The exactly literal translation would be, “ that the mercy which has above aii « 
abounded might, through the thanksgiving of the greater number, overflow to the 
praise of God.’ Compare the similar sentiment at Chap. I. 11. 

& The shifting tent, σκῆνος, is here opposed to the enduring mansion, οἰκοδομή ; the 
vile body of flesh and blood, to the spiritual body of the glorified saint. 

6 Observe the force of ἐπενδύσασθαι as distinguished from ἐνδύσασθαι. 

7 Literally, “ If indeed I shall be found clad, and not stripped of my clothing :” 
i. 6. “If, at the Lord’s coming, I shall be found stili living in the flesh.”” We know 
from other passages that it was a matter of uncertainty with St. Paul whether he 
should survive to vehold the second coming of Christ or not. Compare 1 Thess. iv. 15 
and i Cor. xv. 51. 


BECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 105 


pared me for this very end is God, who has given me the Spiri{ 
6 as the earnest of my hope. Therefore, in all my perils! I am 
of good courage, knowing that while my home is in the body, 
7 I am in banishment from my Lord; (for I walk by faith, not 
8 by sight). Yea, my heart fails me not, but I would gladly sut- 
fer banishment from the body, and have my home with Christ.’ 
9 Therefore I strive earnestly that, whether in banishment or at 
10 home, I may be pleasing in His sight. For we must all be 
made manifest? without disguise before the judgment seat of 
Christ, that each may receive according to that which he has 
done in the body, either good or evil. 
11 Knowing therefore the fearfulness of the Lord’s His earnestness 


springs from a 


judgment, though I seek to win men,‘ yet my Up-_ Fense of his re- 


sponsibility to 


rightness is manifest in the sight of God; and [ Crist, whose 


commission he 


hope also that it is manifested by the witness of your bears, and by 


union 
whom his whole 


12 consciences. I write not thus to repeat my own “pom bis whole 
commendation,® but that I may furnish you with a ‘™”s*? 
ground of boasting on my behalf, that you may have an an 
swer for those whose boasting is in the outward matters of sight, 

13 not in the inward possessions of the heart. For if 1 be mad, it 

1415 for God’s cause; if sober, it is for yours. For the love ot 
Christ constrains me, because I thus judge, that if one died for 

15 all, then His death was their death ;7 and that He died for all, 
that the living might live no longer to themselves, but to Him, 
who, for their sakes, died and rose agai.* 

16 [9 therefore, from henceforth, view no man carnally ; yea, 
though once my view of Christ was carnal,” yet now it is no 

17 longer carnal. Whosoever, then, is in Christ, is created anew ; 


1 Πάντοτε. 5. Literally, the Lord. 

2 Φανεοωθῆνα!: is mistranslated in the Authorised Version. 

4 'Ανθρώπούς πείθω. He was aceused by the Judaizers of ἀνθρώπευς πείθειν and 
ἀνθοώποις ἀοέσκειν. (See Gal. i. 10, and the note.) 

5 This alludes to the accusation of vanity brought against him by his antagonists. 

6 J. e. ἐ 1 exalt myself (his opponents called him beside himself with vanity), ἐξ is 
for God’s cause ; if I humble myself, it is for your sakes. ᾿ 

7 Οἱ πάντες ἀπέθανον cannot mean all were dead (A. Y.), but all died. 

s The best commentary on the 14th and 15th verses is Gal. ii. 20. 

9 Ἡμεῖς, emphatic. 

™ We agree with Billroth, Neander, and De Weitte, that this cannot refer to any 
actual knowledge which St. Paul had of our Lord when upon earth ; it would probably 
nave been ᾿Ιησοῦν had that been meant; moreover, οἴδαμεν κατὰ σάρκα, above, doea 
not refer to personal knowledge, but to a carnal estimate. Yor other reasons against 
sveh an interpretation, see Vol. J. p. 64. St. Paul’s view of Christ was carnal when 
ke foaked (like other Jews) for a Messiah who should be an earthly conqueror. 


106 THE LIFE AND EPI{STLES OF ST. PAUL. 


his old being has passed away, and behold, all has become new. 
But all comes from God, for He it is who reconciled me to Hin- 1s 
self by Jesus Christ, and charged me with the ministry of recon- 
ciliation ; for’ God was in Christ reconciling the world to Him- 19 
self, reckoning their sins no more against them, and Ie made 

it my task to bear the message of reconciliation. Therefore [20 
am an ambassador for Christ, as thongh God besought you by 
my voice; in Christ’s stead I beseech you, be ye reconciled to 
God. For Him who knew no sin, God struck with the doom 21 
of sin on our behalf; that we might? be changed into the right- VI 
eousness of God in Christ. Moreover, as working* together 1 
with Him, I also exhort you, that the grace which you have re- 
ceived from God be not in vain. For He saith: “ I have heard 2 
thee in an acceptable time, and in the day of salvation have I 
succoured thee.” 4 Behold, now is the acceptable time ; behold, 
now is the day of salvation. 

Vindication of Meanwhile I take heed to give no cause of stum- 3 


with which he bling, lest blame should be cast on the ministration 
had discharged 5 


his duty, and wherein I serve; but in all things I commend my- 4 
appeal to the ech Θ : i 
affection of his self5 as one who ministers to God’s service; in pa- 
converts. . . . . . . . . . 

tient endurance, in afilictions, in necessities, in strait- 5 
ness of distress, in stripes, in imprisonments, in tumults, in 
labours, in sleepless watchings, in hunger and thirst ; in purity, 6 
in knowledge, in long-suffering, in kindness, in [the gifts of ] the 
Holy Spirit, in love unfeigned; speaking the word of truth, 7 
working with the power of God, fighting with the weapons of 
righteousness, both sword and shield; through good report and 8 
evil, through honour and through infamy; counted as a de- 9 
ceiver, yet being true; as unknown [by men], yet acknowledged " 
[by God]; as ever dying, yet behold I live; as chastened by 

ν 

suffering, yet not destroyed ; as sorrowful, yet ever filled with 10 
joy ; as poor, yet making many rich; as having nothing, yet 
possessing all things. 


1'Qe ὅτι, als weil, némlich weil, pleonastisch (De Wette, in loco). So also Winez, 


ἃ 67. 
3 Τενώμεθα is the reading of the best MSS. 
3 See note on 1 Cor. ili. 9. 4 15, xlix.8. (LXX.) 


5 Συνιστῶντες ἑαυτοὺς, an allusion apparently to συνιστάνειν ἑαυτοὺς and συστατικῶν 
ἐπιστολῶν (iii. 1}; as though he said, J commend myself, not by word, but by deed. 
8 For this meaning of ἐπιγινωσκόμενοι, see 1 Cor, xiii. 12. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTEIANS. 107 


11 Corinthians, my' mouth has spoken to you freely,—my 
12heart has opened itself fully towards you. You find no nap 
13rowness in my love, but the narrowness is in your own. 1 
pray you therefore in return fcr my affection (I speak as to my 
chitdren), let your hearts be opened in like manner. 
14. Cease to yoke yourselves unequally in ill-matched Exnortation ἐς 
intercourse with unbelievers; for what fellowship ΠΥ τα ἐπὶ 
δ ὃ . (τνευματικοὶ) 
has righteousness with unrighteousness; what com- ‘o shun all fe 
15 munion has light with darkness? what concord has μα leas 
Christ with Belial? what partnership has a believer with an 
16 unbeliever? what agreement has the temple of God with idols? 
For ye are yourselves a temple of the living God, as God said: 
“7? will dwell in them, and walk in them, and Iwill be their 
17 Goa, and they shall be my people.” Wherefore, “ Come? oué 
From among them, and be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch 
18 not the unclean thing, and I will recewe you.” And “47: will be 
VI. unto you a father, and ye shall be my sons and daughters, saith 
1 the Lord Almighty.” Waving therefore these promises (my 
beloved children), let us cleanse ourselves from every defile- 
ment, either of flesh or spirit, and perfect our holiness, in the 


fear of God. 


2 Give mea favourable hearing. [have wronged satisfaction at 
the tidings just 
no man, [have done hurt 5 to no man, I have defraud- brought ὃν 


Titus from Co- 


8 ed no man; yet I say not this to condemn you [as math. 
though {had myself been wronged by you], for I havesaid before 

4 that I have you in my heart, to live and die with you. Great is 
my freedom towards you, great is my boasting of you; I am filled 
with the comfort which you have caused me; I have more than 

5 an overweight of joy, for all the affliction which has befallen me. 
When first I came into Macedonia my flesh had no rest, but I 


1 Observe, as a confirmation of: previous remarks, ἡμῶν (11), λέγω (13) ; also Aude 
(vii. 2), λέγω (vii. 3), ἡμῶν (vii. 3), μοι (vii. 4). 

Levit. xxvi. 11, 12 (according to LXX., with slight variations). 

3. Isaiah lii. 11 (according to LXX., with alterations); κάγω εἰσδέξομαι ὑμᾶς not 
yeing either in the LXX. or the Hebrew. 

4 This passage is not to be found exactly in the Old Testament, although 2 Sam. vii 
a4 and Jer. xxxi. 9, and xxxiii. 32, contain the substance of it. 

5. It is not impossible that the preceding part ‘# the Epistle may have been written 
before the coming of Titus. See p. 95, n. 1. 

6 St. Paul appears frequently to use φθείρειν in this sense (compare 1 Cor. iii. 17) 
and not in the ordinary meaning of corrupt. 


108 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


was troubled on every side ; without were fightings, within were 6 
fears. But God who comforts them that are cast down, comforted 
me by the coming of Titus; and not by his coming only, but by 1 
the comfort which he felt on your account, and the tidings which 
he brought of your longing for my love, your mourning for :ny 
reproof, your zeal for my cause; so that my sorrow has been 
turned into joy. And I do not now regret (although I did ¢ 
before regret), that I wrote the letter’ which has given you 
pain (for I see that you were pained by that letter, though it 
was but for a season) ;—not that I rejoice in your sorrow, but 9 
because it led you to repentance; for the sorrow which I 
caused you was a godly sorrow; so that I might nowise harm 
you [even when I grieved you]. For godly sorrow works 1a 
repentance not to be repented of, leading to salvation; but 
worldly sorrow works nought but death. Consider what was 11 
wrought among yourselves when you were grieved with a godly 
sorrow; what earnestness it wrought in you, yea, what eager- 
ness to clear yourselves from blame, what indignation,’ what 
fear,) what longing,‘ what zeal,? what punishment of wrong. 
You have cleared yourselves altogether from every stain of 
guilt in this matter. Know, therefore, that although I wrote 12 
to rebuke you, it was not so much to punish the wrong doer, 
nor to avenge him® who suffered the wrong, but that my earnest 
zeal for you in the sight of God might be manifest to your- 
selves. 

This, therefore, is the ground of my comfort;7 but besides 13 
my consolation on your account, I was beyond measure rejoiced 
by the joy of Titus, because his spirit has been refreshed by the. 
conduct of you all. For whatever boast of you I may have14 
made to him, I have not been put toshame. But as all I ever 
said to you was spoken in truth, so also my boasting of you to 
Titus has been proved a truth. And his heart is more than 15 
ever drawn towards you, while he calls to mind the obedience 


1 Viz. 1 Cor., unless we adopt the hypothesis that another letter had been written 
in the interval, according to the view mentioned p. 91, n. 2. 

Indignation against the offender. 3 Fear of the wrath of God. 

4 Longing for restoration to St. Paul’s approval and love. 

5 Zeal on behalf of right, and against wrong. 

6 Viz. the father of the offender. We need not be perplexed at his wife’s forming 
another connection during his life time, when we consider the great laxity of the law 
of divorce among the Greeks and Romans. . 

7 Yhe reading of the best MSS. is ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ παοακλήσει, 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 10 


or you all, and the anxiety and self-distrust! wherewith you 
tsreceived him. I rejoice that I can now confide in you 
altogether. 
Vu. 
1 I desire, brethren, to make known to you the _ Explanations 


op . . c and directions 
manifestation of God’s grace, which has been given concerning the 


collection for 


2 in? the churches of Macedonia. For in the heavy thd poor Ohnikt 
trial which has proved their stedfastness, the ful- lem. 
ness of their joy has overflowed, out of the depth of their 
3 poverty, in the richness oftheir liberality. They have given (I 
bear them witness) not only according to their means, but beyond 
4 their means, and that of their own free will; for they besought 
me with much entreaty that they might bear their part*® in the 
δ᾽ grace of ministering to Christ’s people. And far beyond my hope, 
they gave their very selves to the Lord Jesus‘ first, sad to me 
6 also, by the willof God. So that I have desired Titus [to revisit 
you], that as he caused you to begin this work, so he may 
lead you to finish it, that this grace may not be wanting® in 
7 you; but that, as you abound in all gifts, in faith and utterance, 
and knowledge, and earnest zeal, and in the love which joins® 
your hearts with mine, so you may abound in this grace also, 
8 I say not this by way of command; but by the zeal of others 
9 I would prove the reality of your love. For you know the 
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, how, though He was rich, yet 
for our sakes He became poor, that you, by His poverty, might 
10 be made rich. And I give you my advice in this matter; for 
it becomes you to do thus, inasmuch as you began not only the 
contribution, but the purpose of making it, before others,’ in 
11the year which is past. Now, therefore, fulfil your purpose 
‘by your deeds, that as you then shewed your readiness of 
will, so now you may finish the work, according to your 
1gmeans. For if there be a willing mind, the® gift is accept- 
able when measured by the giver’s power, and needs not to ga 


1 For the meaning of φόβου καὶ τρόμου, see 1 Cor ii. 3. 

3 Δεδομένην ἐν cannot mean “bestowed on” (A. Y.). 

3 Δέξαοθαι ἡμᾶς is omitted by the best MSS. 4 Τῷ Eve. 

5 Observe the force of the second καί. 

6 Τῇ ἐξ ὑμῶν ἐν ἡμῖν ἀγαπῇ, literally, the love which springs from you and dzbella 
in me. 

17 Προ-ενήρξασθε ; viz. before the Macedonian churches. 

8 Literally, it ts acceptable according to that which it possesses, not that wrech a 
possesses not. The τις is omitted in the best MSS. 


1{1ὺ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


beyond. Nor is this collection made that others may be eased, 13 
and you distressed, but to make your burdens equal, that, as now i4 
your abundance supplies their need, your own need may at 
another time be relieved in equal measure by their abundance, 
as it is written, —“//e that gathered much had nothing over ; and 15 
he that gathered little had no lack.” But, thanks be to God, that 16 
He has put into the heart of Titus the same zeal as I have on your 
behalf; for he not only has consented to my desire, but is 17 
himself very zealous in the matter, and goes* to you of his 
own accord. And I have sent as his companion the brother 18 
who is with him, whose praise in publishing the Glad-tidings? 
is spread throughout all the churches, and who has more-1 
over been chosen by the churches [of Macedonia] to accom- 
pany me in my journey (when I bear this gift, which I have 
undertaken to administer); that our Lord‘ Jesus might be 
glorified, and that® I might undertake the task with more 
good will. For I guard myself against all suspicion which 20 
might be cast upon me in my administration of this bounty 
with which I am charged; being careful to do all things in a21 
seemly manner, not only in the sight of our Lord, but also in 
the sight of men. The brother® whom I have sent likewise 22 
with them, is one whom I have put to the proof in many trials, 
and found always zealous in the work, but who is now yet 
more zealous from the full trust which he has in you. Con- 23 
cerning Titus, then (on the one hand), he is partner of my lot, 
and fellow-labourer with me for your good; concerning our 


1 Exodus xvi. 18, quoted according to LXX. The subject is the gathering of the 
manna. 

2 ξηλθε in the past, because the act is looked ‘upon, according to the classical 
idiom, from the position of the reader. 

3 Τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ here cannot refer, as some have imagined, to a written Gospel, 
the word is of constant occurrence in the New Testament (occurring sixty times in St. 
Paul’s writings. and sixteen times in the other books), but never once in the supposed 
sense. Who the deputy here mentioned was, we have no means of ascertaining. Pro- 
bably, however, he was either Luke (Acts xx. 6), or one of those, not Macedonians (ix. 
4), mentioned Acts xx. 4; and possibly may have been Trophimus. See Acts xxi. 29, 
We may notice the coincidence between the phrase here (συνέκδημος ἡμῶν) and cuvers 
δήμους τοῦ Παύλου (Acts xix. 29). 

4 Tod Κυρίου. 

5 The best MSS. omit αὐτοῦ, and read ἡμῶν (not ὕμῶν). 

6 There is even less to guide us in our conjectures as to the person here indicated, 
than in the case of the other deputy mentioned above. Here, also, the einissary was 
elected by some of the Churches who had contributed to the collection. He may have 
been either Luke, Gaius, Tychicus, or Trophimus (Acts xx. 4). 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 111 


brethren (on the other hand), they are ambassadors of the 
ἂς churches,—a manifestation of the glory of Christ. I peseech 
you, therefore, to justify my boasting on your behalf, in the 
ἘΧ. sight of the churches whence they come, by proofs of your love 
1 to them.! For of your ministration to Christ’s people [at*Jeru- 
saiem] it is needless that I should write to you; since 1 know 
2 the forwardness of your mind, and boast of it to the Macedo- 
nians, saying that Achaia has been ready ever since last year; 
and the knowledge of your zeal has roused the most of them to 
8 follow it. But I have sent the brethren,’ lest my report of 
you in this matter should be turned into an empty boast; that 
4 you may be truly ready, as I have declared you to be. Lest 
perchance the Macedonians, who may come with me to visit 
you, should find you not yet ready, and so shame should fall 
upon me (for I will not say upon you) by the failure of this 
5 boast, whereon I founded? my appeal to them. Therefore, I 
thought it needful to desire these brethren to visit you before 
my coming, and to arrange beforehand the completion of this 
bounty which you before promised to have in readiness; so it 
be really given by your bounty, not wrung from your covet- 
6 ousness. But remember, he‘ who sows sparingly shall reap 
sparingly ; and he who sows bountifully shall reap bountifally. 
ἢ Let each do according to the free choice of his heart; not 
grudgingly, or of necessity ; for “ God loveth a cheerful giver.” § 
g And God is able to give you an overflowing measure 6f all 
good gifts, that all your wants may be supplied, and you may 
9 give of your abundance to every good work. As it is written, 
—“ The good man hath scattered abroad, he hath given to the 
in poor; his righteousness remaineth for ever.” 5 Now may He who 
furnisheth “ seed to the sower, and bread for the food of man,” ’ 


1 Elc¢ αὐτοὺς answers to εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους in the following verse. The καί before εἰς, 
πρόσωπον is omitted by all the best MSS. 

2 Viz. Titus and the other two. 

3 ὙὝποστάσει, literally, the groundwork on which some superstructure is founded. 
ff (with the best MSS.) we omit τῆς καυχήσεως, the meaning will be unaltered. Com 
pare xi. 17. 

4 The same expression occurs Gal. vi. 7. 

5 Proy. xxii. 8 (according to LXX.. with slight variation). 

6 Ps, exii. 9 (LXX.). 

7 The words σπέρμα τῷ σπείροντι καὶ ἄρτον εἰς βοῶσιν, are an exact quotation from 
Isaiah ly. 10 (LXX.). Ignorance of this fact has caused an inaccuracy in A. V. Tha 
literal translation of the remainder of the verse is,—“ Furnish and make plenteous 
yuur seed, and increase the fruits springing from your righteousness.” 


11 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


furnish you with plenteous store of seed, and bless yoar nght- 
eousness with fruits of increase. May you be enriched with tt 
all good things, and give them freely with singleness of mind ; 
eansing thanksgivings to God from’ those to whom I bear your 
gifts. For the administration of this service not only fills upis 
the measure of the necessities of Christ’s people, but also over- 
flows beyond it, in many thanks to God; while they? praise 13 
God for the proof thus given of the obedience wherewith you 
have consented to the Glad-tidings of Christ, and for the single- 
minded liberality which you have shewn both to them, and 
to all. Moreover, in their prayers for you they express the14 
earnest longings of their love towards you, called forth through 
the surpassing grace of God manifested in you. Thanks be tos 
God for His unspeakable gift. xX 
Hecontrastshis ΝΟΥ͂ J, Paul, myself exhort you by the meek- 1 


own character 


and services ness and gentleness of Christ-——(I, who am mean, for- 
with those of 


sas ene sooth,’ and lowly in outward presence, while I am 
ciated him. ~~ among you, yet treat you boldly when I am absent) 
--- Ἰ beseech you (I say), that you will not force me to show, 2 
when I come, the bold reliance on my own authority, where- 
with I reckon to deal with some who measure‘ me by the stan- 
dard of the flesh. For, though living in the flesh, my warfare 3 
is not waged according to the flesh. For the weapons which I 4 
wield are not of fleshly weakness, but mighty in the strength 
of God to overthrow the strongholds of the adversaries. There- 
by can I overthrow the reasonings of the disputer, and pull 
down the lofty bulwarks which raise themselves against the 
knowledge of God, and bring every rebellious thought into cap- 
tivity and subjection to Christ. And when the obedience of 6 
your " church shall be complete, I am still ready to punish all 
those who remain disobedient. 

Do you look at matters of outward advantage? If there 7 
be any among you who boasts that he belongs above the rest to 


or 


1 Literally, causing thanksgiving to God by my instrumentality. 

* Literally, they being caused, by the proof of this ministration, to praise God for 
the obedience, ὅτ. 

3 Compare verse 10 and κατὰ πρόσωπον (verse 7); also V. 12 τοὺς ἐν προσώπᾳ 
καυχωμένους. 

4 Literally, who account of me as though I walked according to the flesh. The 
verses which follow explain the meaning of the expression. 

9. ‘Yuov, Corapare ii. 5. 


SECOND EPISTLE ἸῸ THE CORINTHIANS. 113 


Christ,: I bid him once more to consider my words, that if he 
8 belong to Christ, so do I no less. For although I were to boast 
somewhat highly concerning the authority which the Lord Je- 
sus has given me (not to cast you down, but to build you up), 
y my words would not be shamed by the truth. I say this, lest 
you should imagine that I am writing empty threats to terrify 
toyou. “ For his letters,” says one,’ “are written with authority 
and firmness, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech 
11 contemptible.” Let such a man assure himself that the words 
which I write while absent, shall be borne out by my deeds 
12 when present. For I venture not to number or compare my- 
self with those among you who prove their worth by their self- 
commendation; but they, measuring themselves by themselves, 
and comparing themselves with themselves, are guilty of folly.‘ 
13 But I, for my part, will not let my boasting carry me beyond 
all measure, but will confine it within that measure given me 
14 by God, who made my line reach even to you. For I stretch 
not myself beyond due bounds (as though I reached you not); for 
I have already come as far even as Corinth ὅ to publish the Glad- 
15 tidings of Christ. I am not boasting beyond my measure, for 
the labours of others ;* but I hope that if your faith goes on 
16 increasing among? yourselves, [ shall be still further honoured, 
within the limits appointed to me, by bearing the Glad-tidings to 


1 The party who said ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor. i. 12). See Vol. 1. Ὁ. 444. As we 
have remarked above, p. 96, this party at Corinth seems to have been formed and led 
by an emissary from the Judaizers of Palestine, who is especially referred to in this 
chapter. 

* Φησὶ, literally, “says he ;” but it is occasionally used impersonally (see Winer, 
§ 49) for “they say ;” yet as, in that sense, φασὶ would be more naturally used, the 
use of φησὶ and of ὁ τοιοῦτος in the next verse, seems to point to a single individual at 
the head of St. Paul’s opponents. See last note and p. 96, and compare the use of 6 
τοιοῦτος for the single incestuous person (2 Cor. ii. 7), and for St. Paul himself (2 Cor. 
xii. 2). 

3 Literally, “ Let such a man reckon, that such as Iam in word by letters while 
absent, such will I be also in deed when present.” 

4 Συνιοῦσιν is an Hellenistic form of the 3rd pl. ind. present from συνίημι, and 
occurs Mat. xiii. 13. Hence we need not take it here for the dative pl. of συνεών, with 
Olshausen and cthers. If the latter view were correct, the translation would be, “but 
I measure myself by my own standard, and compare myself with myself alone, unwise 
asI am.” But this translation presents several difficulties, both in itself, and consid- 
ered in reference to the context. Lachmann, with cod. B., reads συνιᾶσιν, a reading 
which (as well as the omission of the words from οὐ to dé in several ancient MSS.) has 
apparently been caused by the difficulty of the Hellenistic form συνιυῦσιν. 

2 Ὕμῶν,. 6 This was the conduct of St. Paul’s Judaizing antagonista 

7 We join αὐξανομένης with ἐν ὑμῖν. 

VOL. 11.—8 


114 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕΤ. PAUL. 


the countries beyond you; not by boasting of work made ready 
to my hand within the field assigned to another. Meantime,1% _ 
“ He that boasteth, let him boast in the Lord.”' For a mang 
is proved worthy, not when he commends himseif, but when he 
is commended by his Lord. Ἶ ΧΙ 
Would that ye could bear with me a little in my folly! 1 
Yea, ye already bear with me. For I love you with a godly 2 
jealousy, because I betrothed you to one only husband, even 
to Christ, that I might present you unto Him in virgin purity ; 
but now I fear lest, as Eve was beguiled by the craftiness of 3 
the serpent, so your imaginations should be corrupted, and you 
should be seduced from your single-minded faithfulness to 
Christ. For evenif he that is come among you proclaims to you 4 
another Jesus, of whom I told you not, or if you receive from 
him the gift of another Spirit, which you received not before, 
or a new Glad-tidings, which you never heard from me, yet 
you would fitly bear with me;* for I reckon myself no whit 
behind those who are counted? such chief Apostles. Yea, 6 
though I be unskilled in the arts of speech, yet I am not want- 
ing in the gift of ‘ knowledge ; but 1 have manifested * it to you 
in all things, and amongst all men. Or is it a sin [which must 
rob me of the name of Apostle],° that I have proclaimed to you, 
without fee or reward, the Glad-tidings of God, and have 
abased 7 myself that you might be exalted? Other churches I 8 
have spoiled, and taken their wages to do you service. And 9 
when I was with you, though I was in want, I pressed not upon 


or 


“1 


1 Quoted, according to the sense, from Jer. ix. 24 (LXX.); ἐν Κυρίῳ being substi- 
tuted for ἐν τούτῳ συνιεῖν ὅτι, ἐγώ εἰμι Κύριος. Quoted also 1 Cor. i. 31. 

2 Ἠνεΐχεσθε. Lachmann (with the Vatican Manuscript) reads ἀνέχεσθε, which 
makes the coincidence with vy. 1 more exact; but if we keep ἠνείχεσθε (or rather its 
Hellenistic fourm, ἀνείχεσθε), it may bear the sense here given it, on the same principle 
on which erat is often used for esset, and fuerat for fuisset. We understand pov (not 
αὐτοῦ with most commentators), because this agrees better with the context (γάρ fol- 
lowing), and with the first verse of the chapter. 

3 T'év vmeodiay ἀποστόλων. This phrase (which occurs only in this Epistle) is 
ironical, as is evident from the epithet υπερλίαν, “ the super-apostolic Apostles.” 

4 The gift of γνώσις was a deep insight into spiritual truth. See Vol. 1. p. 427, n.2. 

5 Φατερώσαντες is the reading supported by the preponderating weight of MS. 
authority. 

6 See Vol. I. p. 436. 

7 I. e. by working with his hands for his daily bread. See Vol. 1. p. 388. In a) 
probability (judging from what we know of other manufactories in those times) hia 
fellow-vorkmen in Aquila’s tent manufactory were slaves. Compare Phil. iv. 12, 
olda «απεινοῦσθαι. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 115 


any ot you; tor the brethren,! when they came from Macedo 
nia, su plied my needs; and I kept, and will keep myself alte 
0 gether from casting a burden upon you. ΔΒ the trath of 
Christ is in me, no deed of mine shall rob me? of this boasting 
11 in the region of Achaia. And why? Because I love you not! 
32God knows my love. But what I doI will continue to do, that 
I may cut off all ground from those who wish to find some- 
thing whereon they may rest a slander; and let them show the 
13 same cause for their boasting as I for mine. For men like these 
are false Apostles, deceitful workmen, clothing themselves in 
14 the garb of Christ’s Apostles. And no wonder; for even Satan 
15 can transform himself into an angel of light. It is not strange, 


then, if his servants disguise themselves as servants of right- 


eousness ; but their end shall be according to their works. 


16 [ entreat you all once more‘ not to count me for a fool; Or 


if you think me such, yet bear with me in my folly, while 1, 
17 too, boast a little of myself. But, in so doing, I speak not in 
the spirit of Christ, but, as it were, in folly, while we stand 
1gupon this ground of boasting ; fer, since many are boasting 
19 in the spirit of the flesh, I will boast likewise. And I know 


20 that you bear kindly with fools, as beseems the wise. Nay... 
you bear with men though they enslave you, though they de- _ 
vour you, though they entrap you, though they exalt them- τῇ 

21 selves over you, though they smite you on the face, (I speak οὗ. 


degradation),’ as though I were weak [and they were strong]. 


And yet, if any think they have grounds of boldness, I too 
22 (I speak in folly) have grounds to be as bold as they. Are 


1 Probably Timotheus and Silvanus, who may have brought the contribution sent 
by the Philippians. The A.V. would require of ἐλθόντες. 

2. Φραγήσεται, not σφραγίσεται, is the reading of the MSS. The literal English 
would be “ this boasting shall not be stopped for me.” 


3. The literal English of this difficult passage is, “that they, an the ground of thew - 


boasting, may be found even as I.” De Wette refers ἐν ᾧ καυχῶνται to the Apostolic 


τ 


Office. We take it more generally. .A more obvious way would be to take ἐν @ : 
καυχῶνται (with Chrysostom and the older interpreters) to mean their abstaining - 


from receiving maintenance ; but we know that the false teachers at Corinth did not 
do this (compare v. 20 below), but, on the contrary, boasted of, their privilege, and 
alleged that St. Paul, by not claiming it, showed his consciousness that he was not 
truly sent by Christ. See 1 Cor. ix. 

4 Literally, “J say once more, let none of you count me,” &e. 

5. Κατά ἀτιμίαν λέγω. This explanation, which only requires a slight alteration of 
the ordinary punctuation, is simpler than De Wette’s, who translates “I speak to my 


own shame,’’ which the Greek can scarcely mean. St. Paul virtually says, “ you beag 


unth my epponents, as though I were too weak to resist them.” 


ΞΕ 


116 THE LIFE AND ἘΡΙΒΤΙΕΒ OF ST. PAUL. 


they Hebrews? soam 1. Are they children of Israel? sc am 
I. Are they the seed of Abraham? so am 1. Are they ser-23 
sants of Christ? (I speak as though I were beside myseif) such, 
far more, am I. In labours more abundant, in stripes above 
measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. (live times I 24 
received from Jews the forty stripes save one; thrice I was 25 
scourged with the Roman rods; once I was stoned; thrice I 
suffered shipwreck ;! a night and a day I spent in the open? 
sea). In journeyings often; in perils of rivers, in perils of rob- 26 
bers; in perils from my countrymen, in perils from the hea- 
then ; in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils 
in the sea; in perils among false brethren. In toil and weari-27 
ness, often in sleepless watchings; in hunger and thirst, often 
without bread to eat ; in cold and nakedness. And besides all 
the rest,’ there is the crowd‘ which presses upon me daily, and 28 
the care of all the churches. Who is weak,*® but I share his 
weakness? Who is caused to fall, but 1 burn with indignation ? 29 
If I must needs boast, it shall not be in my strength, but in my 30 
weakness. God, who is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 31 
He who is blessed for ever, knows that I lie not.® 

In Damascus, the governor under Aretas,’ the king, kept 32 
watch over the city with a garrison, purposing to apprehend 
me; and I was let down by the wall, through a window, in a33 
basket, and thus [not by my strength, but by my weakness,] I 
escaped his hands. It is not for me, then to boast. ἘΠῚ 

But 1 will come also to visions and revelations of the 


1 The five Jewish scourgings, two of the three Roman beatings with rods (one being 
at Philippi), and the three shipwrecks, are all unrecorded in the Acts. The stoning 
was at Lystra. What a life of incessant adventure and peril is here disciosed to us! 
And when we remember that he who endured and dared all this was a man constantly 
suffering from infirm health (see 2 Cor. iy. 7-12, and 2 Cor. xii. 7-10, and Gal. iy. 13, 
14), such heroic self-devotion seems almost superhuman. 

2 Probably in a small boat, escaping from one of the wrecks. 

3 Τῶν παρεκτὸς, not “ those things that are without.” (A. Y.) 

4 For this meaning of ἐπισύστασις, compare Acts xxiv. 12. 

5. For the way in which St. Paul shared the weakness of the “‘ weaker brethren,” see 
Vil. I. p. 445, and the passages there referred to. 

6 This solemn oath, affirming his veracity, refers to the preceding statements of hia 
abours and dangers. Compare Gal. i. 20. 

7 For the historical questions connected with this incident, see Vol. I. p. 100. Also 
on ἐθνάρχης, see Winer’s Realworterbuch. 

8 (xii. 1.) We prefer the reading καυχᾶσθαι δὴ οὐ συμφέρει μοι of the Textus Re- 
ceptus (which is also adopted by Chrysostom and by Tischendorf) to that of the Vati- 
can Manuscript, adopted by Lachmann, καυχᾶσθαι dei οὐ σύμφερον μέν. On the other 
hand, we read with Lachmann, on the authority of the Codex Vaticanus, ἐλεύσομαι ¢2 


SECOND EPISTLE [0 ‘HE VORINTHIANS. ἘΠῚ 


Lord Jesus. I know! a man who was caught up fourteen 
2 years ago (whether in the body or out of the body, I cannot tell ; 
God knoweth), caught up, I say, in the power of Christ,? even 
8 to the third heaven. And I know that such a man (whether ir 
the body or out of the body I cannot tell; God knoweth) 
4 was caught up into Paradise,? and heard unspeakable worda 
5 which it is not lawful for man to utter. Of such a man, I will 
boast ; but of myself I will not boast, save in the tokens of my 
6 weakness. If I should choose to boast, I should not be guilty 
of empty vanity, for I should speak the truth ; but I forbear to 
speak, that I may not cause any man to think of me more 
highly than when he sees my deeds or hears my teaching. 
7 And lest, through the exceeding greatness of these revelations, 
I should be lifted up with pride, there was given me a thorn in 
the flesh,‘ a messenger of Satan, to buffet me and keep down 
8 my pride. And thrice I besought the Lord Jesus " concerning it, 
g that it might depart from me; but He said to me, “ My grace 
is sufficient for thee; for my strength shows its full might in 
weakness.” Most gladly, therefore, will I boast rather in my 
weakness than in my strength, that the strength of Christ may 
10 rest upon me, and dwell in me.* Therefore I rejoice in signs 
of weakness, in outrage, in necessities, in persecutions, in strait- 
ness of distress, endured for Christ; for when I am weakest, 
then am I strongest.’ 


καὶ, instead of the Textus Receptus, ἐλ. γάρ. The whole passage is most perplexing, 
from the obscurity of its connection with what precedes and what follows. Why did 
St. Paul mention his escape from Damascus in so much detail? Was it merely as an 
event ignominious to himself? This seems the best view, but it is far from satisfactory. 
There is something most disappointing in his beginning thus to relate in detail the first 
in that series of wonderful escapes of which he had just before given a rapid sketch, 
and then suddenly and abruptly breaking off; leaving our curiosity roused and yet 
ungratified. We cannot agree with De Wette in considering the Damascene escape ta 
be introduced as the climax of all the other perils mentioned, nor in referring to it the 
solemn attestation of ν, 31. 

1 The mistranslation of oida in A. V. (knew for know) very seriously affects the 
sense: πρὸ is also mistranslated. 

2 We take ἐν Χριστῶ with ἁρπαγέντα, which would have come immediately after 
δεκατεσσάρων, had it not been intercepted by the parenthetic clause. 

3 Compare Luke xxiii. 43, To-day shalt thou be with me in Paradise, and Rev. ii. 7. 

41. e.a painful bodily infirmity. See Gal. iv. 13, 14, and Vol. I. p. 274. 

5 Tov Κύριον. 

6 The full meaning of ἐπισκηνόω is, to come to a place for Ue purpose of fixing 
one’s tent there. Compare (with the whole verse) iv. 7. 

7 J. e. the more he was depressed by suffering and persecution, the more waa he 
enabled te achieve by the aid of Christ. 


118 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 571. PAUL. 


I have been guilty of folly in boasting, but you have forced 11 
me to it; for I ought myself to have been commended by you: 
for I have come no whit behind those who are reckoned such 
chief! Apostles, although I be of no account. The marks, at 12 
least, of an Apostle were seen in the deeds which 1 wrought 
among you, in signs and wonders, and miracles, with steadfast 
endurance of persecution.” Wherein had you the disadvantage 13 
of other churches, unless, indeed, that I did not burden you 
with my own maintenance; forgive me, I pray, this wrong 
which I have done you. Behold I am now for the third time*14 
preparing to visit you, and I purpose to cast no burden upon 
you; for I seek not your substance, but yourselves. And chil- 
dren should not lay up wealth for parents, but parents for chil- 
dren. Nay, rather, most gladly will I spend, yea, and myself15 
be spent, for your souls, though the more abundantly I love you, 
the less I be loved. 

But though it be granted that I did not burden you myself, 16 
yet perchance this was my cunning, whereby I entrapped your 
simplicity. Did I then defraud you of your wealth by some of 17 
the messengers whom I sent to you? I desired Titus to visit1g 
you, and, with him, 1 sent the brother, his fellow-traveller. Did 
Titus defraud you? Did we not act in the same spirit? Did 
we not walk in the same steps ? 

He warns the Do you again imagine that it is before yon I de-19 


factious and im- 


moral minority fend myself? Nay, before God I speak, in fellow- 


that he must 


Pe tne, Ship with Christ; but doing all, beloved, for your 
it they persist’ sakes, that you may be built up. For I fear lest 
ie perchance when I come I should find you not such 
as I could wish, and that you also should find from me other 
treatment than you desire. I fear to find you full of strife, 
jealousies, passions, intrigues,‘ slanderings, backbitings, vaunt- 
ing, sedition. I fear lest, when I come, my God will again 
humble me® by your faults, and I shall be compelled to mourn 


over many among those who had sinned before my ὃ last visit, 


1 See note on xi. 5. 

3 Ὑπομον (in St. Paul’s language) means steadfastness under persecution. Some 
of the persecutions referred to are recorded in Acts xviii. 

3 See note on xiii. 1. 

4 'Βριθεῖαι, intrigues. See note on Rom. ii. 8. 

5. Literally, humble me in respect of ycu. See on this verse, p. 26, note 1. 

6 Ipo-nuaptynKoTes. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. lly 


and have not repented of the uncleanness, and fornication, and 
XILI.wantonness which they committed. 
1 I now come to you for the third time.t “ Out of the mout\ 
2 of two or three witnesses shall every word be confirmed.”? J 
have warned you formerly, and J now forewarn you, as when? 
I was present the second time, so now, while I am absent, say- 
ing to those who had sinned before my last visit, and to all the 
rest of the offenders,—“ If I come again, 1 will not spare.” Ὁ 
3 Thus you shall have the proof you seek of the power of Christ, 
who speaks in me; for He shows no weakness towards you, but 
4 works mightily among you. For although He died upon the 
cross through the weakness of the flesh, yet now He lives 
through the power of God. And so I, too, share the weakness 
of His body ; yet I shall share also the power of God, whereby 
5 he lives, when*® I come to deal with you. Examine® not me, 
but yourselves, whether you are truly in tke faith; put your- 
selves to the proof [concerning Christ’s presence with you which 
ye seek in me]. Know ye not of your own selves, that Jesus 
Christ is dwelling in you? unless, perchance, when thus proved,’ 
6 you fail to abide the test. But I hope you will find that I, for 
7 my part, abide the proofs Yet I pray to God that I may ποὺ 
harm you in any wise. I pray, not that my own power may ba 
clearly proved, but that you may do right, although I should 
seem unable to abide the proof [because I should show no sign 
8 of power]; for I have no power against the truth, but only for 
9 the truth’s defence. I rejoice, therefore, when I am powerless 

1 Τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς. This could scarcely mean merely, “I am for the 
third time preparing to visit you,” although 2 Cor. xii. 14 might imply no more than 
that. See p. 26, note 1. 

? Deut. xix. 15 (from LXX. nearly verbatim), meaning, “TI will judge not without 
examination, nor will I abstain from punishing upon due evidence.” Or else (perhaps), 
“1 shall now assuredly fulfil my threats.” 

3 This passage, in which γράφω is omitted by the best MSS., seems conclusive 
for the intermediate journey. What would be the meaning of saying, “I forewarn 
you as if I were present the second time, now also while I am absent”? which is the 
iranslation that we must adopt, if we deny the intermediate visit. Also the προοημαρ- 
τηκότες, contrasted with the λοιποὶ πώντες (v. 2), seems inexplicable except on this 
hypothesis. See p. 26, n. 1. 

4 "Or: (as frequently) is here equivalent to a mark of quotation. 

© Εἰς ὑμᾶς. 

» Observe here the reference of δοκιμάζετε to the previous δοκιμὴν ζητειτε, 

ΤΑ δόκιμος εἷναι, means, to fail when tested ; this was the original meaning of the 
English to be reprobate (A. V.). Observe, here, again, the reference to the context 


see preceding note). A paronomasia on the same words occurs Rom. i. 28. 
# Viz. the proof that Christ’s power is with me. 


190 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


[against you], and you are strong ; yea, it is the very end of iny 
prayers, that you may be perfected. Therefore I write this ἰο 16 
you while absent, that, when present, I may not deal harshly 
with you in the strength of that authority which the Lord Jesus 
has given me, not to cast down,' but to build up. 

Conclusion. Finally, brethren, farewell. Perfect what is lack-11 
ing in yourselves, exhort one another, be of one mind, live in 
peace ; so shall the God of love and peace be with you. Salute 12 
one another with the kiss of holiness.’ AI] Christ’s people here 13. 
salute you. 


Autograph ben- The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love 14 
iction, ᾿ πεν 

of God, and the communion of the Holy Spirit, be 
with you all. 


In this letter we find a considerable space devoted to subjects con- 
nected with a collection now in progress for the poor Christians in Judea.‘ 
It is not the first time that we have seen St. Paul actively exerting him- 
self in such a project.* Nor is it the first time that this particular contri- 
bution has been brought before our notice. At Ephesus, in the First 
Epistle to the Corinthians, St. Paul gave special directions as to the 
method in which it should be laid up in store (1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). Even 
before this period similar instructions had been given to the Churches of 
Galatia (ib. 1). And the whole project was in fact the fulfilment of a 
promise made at a still earlier period, that in the course of his preaching 
among the Gentiles, the poor in Judwa should be remembered (Gal. ii. 10). 

The collection was going on simultaneously in Macedonia and Achaia ; 
and the same letter gives us information concerning the manner in which 
it was conducted in both places. The directions given to the Corinthians 
were doubtless similar to those under which the contribution was made at 
Thessalonica and Philippi. Moreover, direct information is incidentally 
given of what was actually done in Macedonia ; and thus we are furnished 
with materials for depicting to ourselves a passage in the Apostie’s life 
which is not described by St. Luke. There is much instruction to be 
gathered from the method and principles according to which these funds 
were gathered by St. Paul and his associates, as well as from the condact 
of those who contributed for their distant and suffering brethren. 

Both from this passage of Scripture and from others we are fally 

1 Compare x. 8. ? See note on 1 Thess. vy. 25. 
* The ὀμὴν is not found in the best MSS. 
“ The whole of the eighth and ninth chapters. 


'& See the account of the mission of Barnabas and Saul to Jerusalem ir the time st 
the famine, Vol. I. Ch. IV. 


CONTRIBUTION FUR POOR JEWISH CHRISTIANS. 121 


made aware of St. Paul’s motives for urging this benevolent work. Be 
sides his promise made long age at Jerusalem, that in his preaching 
among the Gentiles the poor Jewish Christians should be remembered, 
the poverty of the residents in Judza would be a strong reason for his 
activity in collecting funds for their relief, among the wealthier communi- 
ties who were now united with them in the same faith and hope.? But 
there was a far higher motive, which lay at the root of the Apostle’s 
anxious and energetic zeal in this cause. It is that which is dwelt on in 
the closing verses of the ninth chapter of the Epistle which has just been 
read,? and is again alluded to in words less sanguine in the Epistle to the 
Romans.‘ A serious schism existed between the Gentile and Hebrew 
Christians,> which, though partially closed from time to time, secmed in 
danger of growing continually wider under the mischievous influence of 
the Judaizers. The great labour of St. Paul’s life at this time was directed 
to the healing of this division. He felt that if the Gentiles had been 
made partakers of the spiritual blessings of the Jews, their duty was to 
contribute to them in earthly blessings (Rom. xy. 27), and that nothing 
would be more likely to allay the prejudices of the Jewish party than 
charitable gifts freely contributed by the Heathen converts.’ According 


as cheerful or discouraging thoughts predominated in his mihd,—and to 
such alternations of feeling even an Apostle was liable,—he hoped that 
“the ministration of that service would not only fill up the measure of 
the necessities of Christ’s people” in Judea, but would “ overflow” in 
thanksgivings and prayers on their part for those whose hearts had been 
opened to bless them (2 Cor. ix. 12-15), or he feared that this charity 
might be rejected, and he entreated the prayers of others, “that he 
might be delivered from the disobedient in Judzea, and that the service 
which he had undertaken for Jerusalem might be favourably received by 
Christ’s people” (Rom. xy. 30, 31). 

Influenced by these motives, he spared no pains in promoting the 
work ; but every step was conducted with the utmost prudence and 
delicacy of feeling. He was well aware of the calumnies with which his 
enemies were ever ready to assail his character ; and therefore he took 
the most careful precautions against the possibility of being accused of 
mercenary motives. At an early stage of the collection, we find, him 
writing to the Corinthians, to suggest that ‘‘ whomsoever they should 


1 Gal. ii. 10 above quoted, See Vol. I. p. 220. 

7 See the remarks on this subject, in reference to the early jealousy between the 
Christians of Aramaic and Hellenistic descent, Vol. I. p. 66. 

2 2 Cor. ix. 12-15. 4 Rom. xv. 30, 31. 

5 See the remarks on this sitbject in Ch. VIL. 

® See Vol. I. p 130. Compare Neander’s remarks at the end of the 7th chapter of 
the Pil. u. L. 


122 THE LIFE AND EPISTLUS OF 51, PAUL. 


judge fitted for the trust, should be sent to carry their benevolenc. ta 
Jerusalem” (1 Cor. xvi. 8); and again he alludes to the delegates som- 
missioned with Titus, as “guarding himself against all suspicion which 
might be cast on him in his administration of the bounty with which he 
was charged,” and as being “careful to do all things in a seemly manner, 
not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men” (2 Cor. 
viii. 20, 21). This regard to what was seemly appears most strikingly in 
his mode of bringing the subject before those to whom he wrote and 
spoke. He lays no constraint upon ‘them. They are to give “not 
grudgingly or of necessity,” but each “according to the free choice of his 
heart ; for God loveth a cheerful giver” (2 Cor. ix. 7). “If there is a 
willing mind, the gift is acceptable when measured by the giver’s power, 
and needs not to go beyond” (2 Cor. viii. 12). He spoke rather as 
giving “advice” (viii. 10), than a “command ;"! and he sought to prove 
the reality of his converts’ love, by reminding them of the zeal of others 
(viii. 8). In writing to the Corinthians, he delicately contrasts their 
wealth with the poverty of the Macedonians. In speaking to the Mace- 
donians themselves, such a mode of appeal was less natural, for they were 
poorer and more generous. Yet them also he endeavoured to rouse to a 
generous rivalry, by reminding them of the zeal of Achaia (viii. 24. ix. 2). 
To them also he would doubtless say that ‘he who sows sparingly shall 
reap sparingly, and he who sows bountifuily shall reap bountifully ” 
(ix. 6), while he would gently remind them that God was ever able to 
give them an overflowing measure of all good gifts, supplying all their 
wants, and enabling them to be bountiful? to others (ib. 8). And that 
one overpowering argument could never be forgotten,—the example of 
Christ, and the debt of love we owe to Him,—*‘ You know the grace of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, how, though He was rich, yet for our sakes He 
became poor, that you, by His poverty, might be made rich” (viii. 9). 
Nor ought we, when speaking of the instruction to be gathered from this 
charitable undertaking, to leave unnoticed the calmness and deliberation of 
the method which he recommends of laying aside, week by week,® what is 
devoted to God (1 Cor. xvi. 2), 
excitement of popular appeals, and the mere impulse of instinctive bene- 


a practice equally remote from the 


volence. 
The Macedonian Christians responded nobly to the appeal which was 
made to them by St. Paul. The zeal of their brethren in Achaia ‘ roused 


1 Compare his language to Philemon, whom he “ might have commande],” but 
“for love’s sake he rather besonght him” vy. 9. See the Introduction, p. xv. 

1. Compare what was said at Miletus, Acts xx. 35 ; also Eph. iv. 28. 

3 From 2 Cor. viii. 10, ix. 2, it would seem that the plan recommended in 1 Cor. xvi. 
2 had been carried into effect. See Paley’s remarks in the Horse Paulin on 2 Cor 
The same plan had been recommended in Galatia, and probably in Macedonia. 


LIBERALITY OF THE MACEDONIANS. 123 


ithe most of them to follow it” (2 Cor. ix.2). God’s grace was abun 
Jantly “manifested in the Churches”! on the north of the gean (ib, 
viii. 1). Their conduct in this matter, as described to us by the Apostle’ 
pen, rises to the point of the highest praise. It was a time, not of pros 
perity, but of great affliction, to the Macedonian Churches ; nor were 
they wealthy communities like the Church of Corinth ; yet, “in their 
heavy trial, the fulness of their joy overflowed out of the depth of their 
poverty in the riches of their liberality” (ib. vill. 2). Their contribution 
was no niggardly gift, wrung from their coveteousness (vill. 5) ; but they 
zave honestly “according to their means” (ib. 3), and not only so, but 
even “beyond their means” (ib.) ; nor did they give grudgingly, under the 
pressure of the Apostle’s urgency, but “ of their own free will, beseeching 
him with much entreaty that they might bear their part in the grace 
of ministering to Christ’s people” (ib. 3,4). And this liberality arose 
from that which is the basis of all true Christian charity. ‘They gave 
themselves first to the Lord Jesus Christ, by the will of God” (ib. 5). 
The Macedonian contribution, if not complete, was in a state of much 
forwardness,? when St. Paul wrote to Corinth. He speaks of liberal 
funds as being already pressed upon his acceptance (2 Cor. viii. 4), and 
the delegates who were to accompany him to Jerusalem had already bees 
shosen (2 Cor. viii. 19,23). We do not know how many of the Churches 
of Macedonia took part in this collection,’ but we cannot doubt that that 
of Philippi held a conspicuous place in so benevolent a work. In the case 
of the Philippian Church, this bounty was only a continuation of the bene- 
volence they had begun before, and an earnest of that which gladdened 
the Apostle’s heart in his imprisonment at Rome. “In the beginning of 
the Gospel” they and they only had sent once and again‘ to relieve his 
wants, both at Thessalonica and at Corinth (Philip. iv. 15, 16) ; and “at 
the last” their care of their friend and teacher “ flourished again” (ib. 10), 
and they sent their gifts to him at Rome, as now they sent to their un- 
known brethren at Jerusalem. The Philippians are in the Hpistles what 
that poor woman is in the Gospels, who placed two mites in the treasury. 
They gave much, because they gave of heir poverty ; and wherever the 


‘ See p. 109, n. 2. 

? The aorist ἐπερίσσευσεν (2 Cor. viii. 2) does not necessarily imply that the collec- 
tion was closed ; aud the present καυχῶμαι (ix. 2) rather implies the contrary. 

3 In 2 Cor. xi. 9 we find Philippi used as equivalent to Macedonia (p. 92), and so it 
may be here. But it is not absolutely certain (ibid.) that the Second Epistle to the 
Corinth'ans was written at Philippi. The Churches in Macedonia were only few, and 
communication awong them was easy along the Via Egnatia ; as when the first contribu: 
tions were sent from Philippi to St. Paul at Thessalonica. ‘See Vol. 1. p. 329. 

4 See above, p. 92. For the account of this relief being sent to St. Paul, see Vol. ἢ 
». 329 : and p. 989, n. 3, in reference to Phil. iv. 10 and 2 Cor. xi. 9. ¢ 


124 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Gospel is preached throughout the whole world, there shall this liberality 
be told for ἃ memorial of them. 

If the principles enunciated by the Apostle in reference to the col- 
lection command our devout attention, and if the example of the Macedo- 
nian Christians is held cut to the imitation of all future ages of the 
Church, the conduct of those who took an active part in the manage- 
ment of the business should not be unnoticed. Of two of these the names 
are unknown to us,' though their characters are described. One was a 
brother, ‘‘ whose praise in publishing the Gospel was spread throughout 
the churches,” and who had been chosen by the Church of Macedonia to 
accompany St. Paul with the charitable fund to Jerusalem (2 Cor. viii. 
18,19). The other was one “ who had been put to the proof in many 
trials, and always found zealous in the work” (ib. 22). But concerning 
Titus, the third companion of these brethren, “the partner ot St. Paul’s 
lot and his fellow-labourer for the good of the Church,” we have fuller 
information ; and this seems to be the right place to make a more parti- 
cular allusion to him, for he was nearly concerned in all the steps of the 
collection now in progress. 

Titus does not, like Timothy, appear at intervals through all the pas- 
sages of the Apostle’s life. He is not mentioned in the Acts at. all, and 
this is the only place where he comes conspicuously forward in the 
Epistles ;* and all that is said of himis connected with the business of the 
collection. Thus we have a detached portion of his biography, which is 
at once a thread that guides us through the main facts of the contribu. 
tion for the Judzean Christians, and a source whence we can draw some 
knowledge of the character of that disciple, to whom St. Paul addressed 
one of his pastoral Epistles. At an early stage of the proceedings he 
seems to have been sent,—soon after the First Epistle was despatched 
from Ephesus to Corinth,—not simply to enforee the Apostle’s general 
injunctions, but‘ to labour also in forwarding the collection (2 Cor. xii. 
18). Whilst he was at Corinth, we find that he took an active and a 
zealous part at the outset of the good work (ib. viii. 6). And now thas. 
he had come to Macedonia, and brought the Apostle good news from 
Achaia, he was exhorted to return, that he might finish what was so well 


' See the notes on 2 Cor. viii. 

* Sce Vol. I. p. 211, note. It is observed there that the only epistles in which he iy 
mentioned are 2 Cor. and 2 Tim. 

3 The prominent appearance of Titus in this part of the history has been made an 
argument for placing the Epistle to Titus, as Wieseler and others have done, about 
this part of St. Paul’s life. This question will be discussed afterwards. 

#See above, p. 91. The fact that the mission of Titus had something to do with the 
collection, might be inferred from 2 Cor. xii. 18: “ Did Titus defraud you?” We do 
not know who the “brother” was, that was sent with him on that oceasion from 
Ephesus. 


‘CITOB. 225 


begun, taking with him (as we have seen) the Second Epistle to the 
Corinthians, and accompanied by the two deputies who have just been 
mentioned. It was a task which he was by no means unwilling to under- 
take. God “put into his heart the same zeal” which Paul himself had ; 
he not only consented to the Apostle’s desire, but was “himself very 
zealous in the matter, and went of his own accord” (2 Cor. viii. 16, 17). 
If we put together these notices, scanty as they are, of the conduct of 
Titus, they set before us a character which seems to claim our admira- 
tion for a remarkable union of enthusiasm, integrity, and discretion. 

After the departure of Titus, St. Paul still continued to prosecute the’ 
labours of an evangelist in the regions to the north of Greece. He was 
unwilling as yet to visit the Corinthian Church, the disaffected members of 
which still caused him so much anxiety,—and he would doubtless gladly 
employ this period of delay to accomplish any plans he might have formed 
and left incomplete on his former yisit to Macedonia. On that occasion 
he had been persecuted in Philippi,! and had been forced to make a pre- 
cipitate retreat from Thessalonica ;* and from Bercea his course had been 
similarly urged to Athens and Corinth. Now he was able to embrace a 
wider circumference in his Apostolic progress. Taking Jerusalem as his 
centre,’ he had been perpetually enlarging the circle of his travels, In 
his first missionary journey he had preached in the southern parts of Asia 
Minor and the northern parts of Syria: in his second journey he had 
visited the Macedonian towns which lay near the shores of the Augean; 
and now on his third progress he would seem to have penetrated into the 
mountains of the interior, or even beyond them, to the shores of the Adri- 
atic, and “fully preached the Gospel of Christ round about unto Illyri- 
“eum” (Rom. xv. 19). 

We here encounter a subject on which some difference of opinion must 
unavoidably exist. If we wish to lay down the exact route of the Apostle, 
we must first ascertain the meaning of the term “ Illyricum” as used by 
St. Paul in writing to the Romans: and if we find this impossible, we 
must be content to leave this part of the Apostle’s travels in some degree 
of vagueness ; more especially as the preposition (‘‘ unto,” μέχρι) employed 
in the passage is evidently indeterminate. 

The political import of the -vord “ Illyricum” will be seen by referring 
to what has been written in an earlier chapter on the province of Macedo 
nia.’ It has been there stated that the former province was contiguous ta 
the north-western frontier of the latter. It must be observed, however, 


1 Voli. p. 298. 2 Vol. I. p. 331. 3 Ib. p. 340. 

4 Notice the phrase, ἀπὸ ’Iepoucadjy καὶ κύκλῳ μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Ιλλυρικοῦ. Rom. xv 
19; and see the Hora Pauline. 

6 Vol. 1. Ὁ. 515, &e. See our map of St. Panl’s third missionary journey. 


126 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


that a distinction was anciently drawn! between Greek Illyricum, a district 
on the south, which was incorporated by the Romans with Macedonia, and 
formed the coast line of that province where it touched the Adriatic,°— 
and Barbarous, or Roman Illyricum, which extended towards the head of 
that gulf, and was under the'administration of a separate governor. his 
is “one of those ill-fated portions of the earth which, though placed in im- 
mediate contact with civilisation, have remained perpetually barbarian.” 
For a time it was in close connection, politically and afterwards ecclesias 
tically, with the capitals both of the Eastern and Western empires: but 
afterwards it relapsed almost into its former rude condition, and “ to this 
hour it is devoid of illustrious names and noble associations.”4 Until the 
time of Augustus, the Romans were only in possession of a narrow portion 
along the coast, which had been torn during the wars of the Republic 
from the piratic inhabitants. But under the first emperor a large region, 
extending far inland towards the valleys of the Save and the Drave, was 
formed into a province, and contained some strong links of the chain of 
military posts, which was extended along the frontier of the Danube.6 At 
first it was placed under the senate :7 but it was soon found to require the 
presence of large masses of soldiers: the emperor took it into his own 
hands,* and inscriptions are still extant on which we can read the records 
of its occupation by the seventh and eleventh legions.2 Dalmatia, which 
is also mentioned by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 10), was a district in the south- 
ern part of this province ; and after the final reduction of the Dalmatian 
tribes,’ the province was more frequently called by this name than by that 
of Illyricum." The limits of this political jurisdiction (to speak in general 


1 See Forbiger, Alte Geographie, iii. p. 833. 

3 For the seaboard of Macedonia on the Adriatic, see Vol. I. pp. 315, 316. 

3 Arnold’s Rome, vol. i. p. 495. 

4 Arnold’s Rome, vol. i. p. 495. 

5 It extended from the river Drilon to the Istrian peninsula. For the conquest of 
the country under Augustus, see Appian, Illyr. 18-21, and Dio. xlix. 35, seq., also 
Strabo, iv. and vii. 

6 One of the most important of these military posts was Siscia, in the Pannonian 
country, on the Save. See App. Illyr. 23, Dio. xlix. 36, seq. The line was continued 
by Augustus through Meesia, though the reduction of that region to a province was 
later. Six legions protected the fronticr of the Danube, Tac. Ann. iv. 5. 

7 Dio. lili. 12. 8 Dio. liv. 34. 

9 Orelli’s inscriptions, 3452, 3553, 4295, 4996. Josephus alludes to these legions in 
the following passage, and his language on geographical subjects is always important 
as an illustration of the Acts: Of ἀπὸ τῶν Θοάκων ᾿Ιλλυριοὶ τὴν μέχρι Δαλματίας 
ἀποτεμνομένης Ἴστρῳ κατοικοῦντες, οὐ δυσὶ μόνοις τάγμασιν ὑπείκουσι, ue? ὧν αὐτοὶ 
τὴς τῶν Δακῶν ἀνακύπτουαιν ὁρμάς. B. J. ii. 16. 

10 See the history in Dio. 

41 Hoeck’s Rom. Gesch. p. 379. Dalmatia is ἃ name unknown to the earlier Greew 
wciters, See Cramer’s Greece, vol. i. p. 35. 


ILLYRICUM. 12” 


terms) ray be said to have included Bosnia and the modern! Daimatia, 
with parts of Croatia and Albania. 

But the term Illyricum was by no means always, or even generally, 
used in a strictly political sense. The extent of country included in the 
expression was various at various times. The Illyrians were loosely spoken 
of by the earlier Greek writers as the tribes which wandered on the east- 
ern shore of the Adriatic.? The Illyricum which engaged the arms of 
Rome under the Republic was only a narrow strip of that shore with the 
adjacent islands. But in the lnperial times it came to be used of a vast 
and vague extent of country lying to the south of the Danube, to the east 
of Italy, and to the west of Macedonia? So it is used by Strabo in the 
reign of Augustus,‘ and similarly by Tacitus in his account of the civil 
wars which preceded the fall of Jerusalem ;* and the same phraseology 
continues to be applied to this region till the third century of the Christian 
era.© We need not enter into the-geographical changes which depended © 
on the new division of the empire under Constantine,’ or into the fresh 
significance which, in a later age, was given to the ancient names, whev 
the rivalry of ecclesiastical jurisdictions led to the schism of Eastern and 
Western Christendom.’ We have said enough to show that it is not pos- 
sible to assume that the Illyricum of St. Paul was a definite district ruied 
as a province by a governor from Rome. 

It seems by far the most probable that the terms “ Illyricum” and 
“Dalmatia” are both used by St. Paul in a vague and general sense: as 
we have before had occasion to remark in reference to Asia Minor, where 
many geographical expressions, such as ‘‘ Mysia,” ‘‘ Galatia,” and “ Phry- 
gia,” were variously used, popularly or politically? It is indeed quite pos- 
sible that St. Paul, not deeming it right as yet to visit Corinth, may have 
pushed on hy the Via Egnatia,'’ from Philippi and Thessalonica, across the 


1 The modern name of Illyria has again contracted to a district of no great extent 
in the northern part of the ancient province. 

* Herodotus and Scylax. Compare Appian, Ilyr. 1. 

3 See Gibbon’s first chapter. 

¢ Strabo, vii. See Appian Illyr. 6. 

> Tac. Hist. i. 2, 76, &c., where under the term Iilyricum are included Dalmatia. 
Pannonia, and Meesia; and this, it must be remembered, is strictly contemporaneouy 
with the Anostle. 

6 See Vopiscus, Aurel. 13. Treb. Claud. 15. 

7 In this division, I/7yricwm occidentale (including Pannonia and Noricum) was a 
diocese of the Prefecture of Italy. The Prefecture of Illyricum contained only that 
part of the old Illyrian country which was called Greek Illyricum, and belonged, in 
the time of Claudius, to the province of Macedonia. See above. 

8 A geographical acgount of Illyricum in its later ecclesiastical sense, and of the 
Jioceses which were the subjects of the rival claims of Rome and Constar tinople, will 
ye found in Neale’s History of the Eastern Church. 

See Val. I. pp. 237, 276. 
” See the account of the Via Egnatia, Vol. 1. p. 317. 


198 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


eentral mountains which turn the streams eastward and westward, te 
Dyrrhachium, the landing-place of those who had come by the Appian 
Road from Rome to Brundusium.! Then, though still in the province of 
Macedonia, he would be in the district cailed Greek Illyricum :* and he 
would be on a line of easy communication with Nicopolis? on the south, 
where, on a later occasion, he proposed to winter (Tit. iii. 12); and he 
could easily penetrate northwards into Roman or Barbarous Illyricum, 
where was that district of Dalmatia,* which was afterwards visited by his 
companion Titus, whom, in the present instance, he had dispatched to 
Corinth. But we must admit that the expression in the Romans might 
have been legitimately® used, if he never passed beyond the limits of 
Macedonia, and even if his Apostolic labours were entirely to the east- 
ward of the mountains, in tle country watered by the Strymon and the 
Axius.® 

Whether he travelled widely anc rapidly in the regions to the north of 
Greece, or confined his exertions to the neighbourhood of those churches 
which he had previously founded,—the time soon came when he determined 
to revisit that church, which had caused him so much affliction not un- 
mixed with joy. During the course of his stay at Ephesus, and in all 
parts of his subsequent journey in Troas and Macedonia, his heart had 
been continually at Corinth. He had been in frequent communication 
with his inconsistent and rebellious converts. Three letters? had been 
written to entreat or to threaten them. Besides his own personal visit® 
when the troubles were beginning, he had sent several messengers, who 
were authorised to speak in his name. Moreover, there was now a special 
subject in which his interest and affections were engaged, the contribu- 

1 It has been said above (Vol. I. p. 317) that when St. Paul was on the Roman way 
at Philippi, he was really on the road which led to Rome. The ordinary ferry was 
from Dyrrhachium to Brundusium. 

5 See above, p. 126, comparing Vol. I. pp. 315, 316. 

3 Nicopolis was in Epirus, which it will be remembered (see above under Macedo- 
nia), was in the province of Achaia. The following passage may be quoted in illus- 
tration of the geography of the district :—Eum honorem [consulis] Germanicus iniit 
apud urbem Achaie Nicopolim, quo venerat per J?/7yricam oram, viso fratre Druso in 
Dalmatia agente. Tac. Ann. 11. 53. See Wieseler, p. 353, For the stages on the 
Roman road between Apollonia on the Adriatic and Nicopolis, see Cramer’s Greece, 
vol. i. p. 154. 

4 See above, p. 126. It is indeed possible that the word Dalmatia in this Epistle 
may be used for the province (of Ilyricum or Dalmatia), and not a subordinate district 
of what was called Illyricum in the wider sense. 

5 The preposition μέχρι need not dencte anything more than that St. Paul came te 
the frontier. See Hemsen’s remarks in answer to the question, “Kam Paulus nach 
Ilyricum?” yp. 390, and compare p. 399. 

6 See what has been said of these rivers in Chap. IX. 

7 The question of the lost letter has been discussed above in this volume, Ch. KV 


vp. 29, 30. 
8 See again, on this intermediate visit, the beginning of Ch. XV. 


ΒΤ. PAUL’S JOURNEY SOUTHWARD. 199 


tion for the poor in Judea, which he wished to “seal” to those for 
whom it was destined (Rom. xv. 28) before undertaking his journey to 
the West.? \ 

Of the time and the route of this southward journey we can only say 
that the most probable calculation leads us to suppose, that he was travel: 
ling with his companions towards Corinth at the approach of winter ;? 
and this makes it likely that he went by land rather than by sea. A good 
road to the south had long been formed from the neighbourhood of Bercea,* 
connecting the chief towns of Macedonia with those of Achaia. Oppor- 
tunities would not be wanting for preaching the Gospel at every stage in 
his progress ; and perhaps we may infer from his own expression in writing 
to the Romans (xv. 23),—“‘I have no more place in those parts,”—either 
that churches were formed in every chief city between Thessalonica and 
Corinth, or that the Glad-tidings had been unsuccessfully proclaimed in 
Thessaly and Beeotia, as on the former journey they had found but little 
credence among the philosophers and triflers of Athens.° 


! For the project of this westward journey see the end of Chap. XV. above. 

? See Wieseler. 3 See Acts xxvii. 9. 

4 The roads through Dium have been alluded to above, Vol. I. p. 342, and compare 
p. 338, n. 8. The stages between Bercea and Larissa in Thessaly may be seen in Cra- 
mer’s Greece, vol. i. p. 281. See again p. 450. 

5 Athens is never mentioned again after Acts xviii. 1,1 Thess. iii. 1. We do not 
know that it was ever revisited by the Apostle, and in the second century we find that 
Christianity was almost extinct there. See Vol. I. p. 381. At the same time nothing 
would be more easy than to visit Athens, with other “churches of Achaia’’ during his 
residence at Corinth. Se» Vol. I. p. 408, and Vol. IT. p. 96. 


von, 1 -- 


180 THE LIFR AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


CHAPTER XVIII. 
ὦ foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you ?””—Gal. iii. 1. 


ΒΤ. PAUL’S FEELINGS ON APPROACHING CORLNTH.—CONTRAST WITH EIS FIRST VISIT.—BAD 
- NEWS FROM GALATIA.—HE WRITES THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 


Ir was probably already winter, when St. Paul once more beheld in the 
distance the lofty citadel ef Corinth, towering above the isthmus which it 
commands. The gloomy season must have harmonised with his feelings as 
he approached, The clouds which hung round the summit of the Acro- 
Corinthus, and cast their shadow upon the city below, typified the mists 
of vice and error which darkened the minds even of its Christian citizens. 
᾿ Their father in the faith knew that, for some of them at least, he had 
laboured in vain. He was returning to converts who had cast off the mo- 
rality of the Gospel ; to friends who had forgotten his love ; to enemies 
who disputed his divine commission. It is true, the majority of the Corin- 
thian church had repented of their worst sins, and submitted to his Apos- 
tolic commands. Yet what was forgiven could not entirely be forgotten : 
even towards the penitent he could not feel all the confidence of earlie: 
affection ; and there was still left an obstinate minority, who would not 
give up their habits of impurity, and who, when he spoke to them of 
righteousness and judgment to come, replied either by openly defending 
their sins, or by denying his authority and impugning his orthodoxy. 

He now came prepared to put down this opposition by the most deci- 
sive measures ; resolved to cast out of the Church these antagonists of 
truth and goodness, by the plenitude of his Apostolic power. Thus he 
warned them a few months before (as he had threatened, when present on 
an earlier occasion), ‘‘ when I come again I will not spare” (2 Cor. xiii. 2). 
He declared his determination to punish the disobedient (2 Cor. x. 6). 
He “ boasted” of the authority which Christ had given nim (2 Cor. x. 8). 
He besought them not to compel him to use the weapons entrusted to him 
(2 Cor. x. 2), weapons not of fleshly weakness, but endowed with the 
might of God (2 Cor. x. 4). He pledged himself to execute by his deeds 
when present, all he had threatened by his words when absent. (2 Cor 
x. 11.) 7 

As we think of him, with these purposes of severity in his mind, ap- 
proaching the walls of Corinth, we are irresistibly reminded of the eventful 


ΒΤ. PAUL’S FEELINGS ON APPROACHING CORINTH. 13] 


close of a former journey, when Saul, “breathing out threatenings and 
slaughter against the disciples of the Lord,” drew nigh to Damascus 
How strongly does this accidental resemblance bring out the essential cor 
trast between the weapons and the spirit of Saul and Paul! Then he 
wielded the sword of the secular power—he travelled as the proud repre- 
sentative of the Sanhedrin—the minister of human cruelty and injustice ; 
he was the Jewish Inquisitor, the exterminator of heretics, seeking for vic- 
tims to imprison or tostone. Now he is meek and lowly,! travelling in the 
humblest guise of poverty, with no outward marks of pre-eminence or 
power ; he has no gaolers at his command to bind his captives, no execu- 
tioners to carry out his sentence. All he can do is to exclude those whe 
disobey him from a society of poor and ignorant outcasts, who are the ob- 
jects of contempt to all the mighty, and wise, and noble among their 
countrymen. His adversaries despise his apparent insignificance ; they 
know that he has no outward means of enforcing his will; they see that 
his bodily presence is weak ; they think his speech contemptible. Yet he 
is not so powerless as he seems. Though now he wields no carnal weapons, 
his arms are not weaker but stronger than they were of old. He can not 
bind the bodies of men, but he can bind their souls. ‘Truth and love are 
on his side ; the spirit of God bears witness with the spirits of men on his 
behalf. His weapons are “mighty to overthrow the strongholds of 
the adversaries ;’ ‘‘Thereby” he could “overthrow the reasonings of 
the disputer, and pull down the lofty bulwarks which raise themselves 
against the knowledge of God, and bring every rebellious thought into 
captivity and subjection to Christ.” * 

Nor is there less difference in the spirit of his warfare than in the 
character of his weapons. Then he “breathed out threatenings and 
slaughter ;” he ‘‘ made havoc of the Church ;” he ‘ haled men and women 
into prison ;” he ‘compelled them to blaspheme.” When their sentence 
was doubtful, he gave his vote for their destruction ;* he was “ exceed- 
ingly mad against them.” ‘Then his heart was filled with pride and hate, 
uncharitableness and self-will, But now his proud and passionate nature 
is transformed by the spirit of God ; he is crucified with Christ ; the fer- 
vid impetuosity of his character is tempered by meekness and gentleness ; 
his very denunciations and threats of punishment are full of love ; he 
gricves over his contumacious opponents ; the thought of their pain fills 
him with sadness. “ For if I cause you grief, who is there to cause me 
joy ?”* He implores them, even at the eleventh hour, to save him from 
the necessity of dealing harshly with them; he had rather leave his au- 
thority doubtful, and still remain liable to the sneers of his adversaries, 


1 Tarewvoc ἐν ὑμῖν (2 Cor. x. 1). 2 2 Cor. x. 4 5. 3 Acts xxvi. 10. 
. 2 Οὐν. il. 2. 
f 


[99 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


than establish it by their punishment (2 Cor. xiii. T-9). He will vonde 
scend to the weakest prejudices, rather than cast a stumbling-block in 8 
brother’s path ; he is ready to become all things to all men, that he may 
by all means save some. 

Yet all that was good and noble in the character of Saul remains in 
Paul, purified from its old alloy. The same zeal for God burns in his 
neart, though it is no longer misguided by ignorance nor warped by party 
spirit. The same firm resolve is seen in carrying out his principles to their 
consequences, though he shows it not in persecuting but in suffering. The 
same restless energy, which carried him from Jerusalem to Damascus that 
he might extirpate heresy, now urges him from one end of the world to the 
other,' that he may bear the tidings of salvation. 

The painful anticipations which now saddened his return to Corinth 
were not, however, altogether unrelieved by happier thoughts. As he 
approached the well-known gates, in the midst of that band of faithful 
friends who, as we have seen, accompanied him from Macedonia, his 
memory could not but revert to the time when first he entered the same 
city, a friendless and lonely? stranger. He could not but recall the feel- 
ings of extreme depression with which he first began his missionary work 
at Corinth, after his unsuccessful visit to Athens. The very firmness and 
bold confidence which now animated him,—the assurance which he felt ef 
victory over the opponents of truth,—must have reminded him by con- 
trast of the anxiety and self-distrust® which weighed him down at his first 
intercourse with the Corinthians, and which needed a miraculous vision 4 
for its removal. How could he allow discouragement to overcome his 
spirit, when he remembered the fruits borne by labours which had begun 
in so much sadness and timidity. It was surely something that hundreds 
of believers now called on the name of the Lord Jesus, who when he first 
came among them, had worshipped nothing but the deification of their 
own lusts. Painful no doubt it was, to find that their conversion had 
been so incomplete ; that the pollutions of heathenism still defiled those 
who had once washed away the stains® of sin; yet the majority of the 
Church had repented of their offences ; the number who obstinately per- 
sisted in sin was but small; and if many of the adult converts were so 
tied and bound by the chains of habit, that their complete deliverance 
could scarce be hoped for, yet at least their children might be brought 
up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. Moreover, there were 

1 He was at this very time intending to go first to Jerusalem, thence to Rome, ἃπὰ 
thence to Spain ; that is, to travel from the Eastern to the Western extremities of the 
civilized world. See Rom, xv. 28. Compare the conclusion of Chap. XVII. 

2 He was left at Athens alone (1 Thess. iii. 1), and so remained till Timotheus and 
Silas rejoined him at Corinth. See Vol. 1. p. 362. 


3 See 1 Cor. iii. 1-3. 4 Acts xviii. 9. 
> 1 Cor. vi. 11. 


STATE OF THE GALATIAN CHURCH. 188 


some even in this erring church, on whom St. Paul could think with un 
mingled satisfation ; some who walked in the spirit, and did not fulfil the 
ust of the flesh ; who were created anew in Christ Jesus ; with whom old 
things had passed away, and all things had become new ; who dwelt in 
Christ, and Christ in them. Such were Erastus the treasurer, and 
Stephanas, the first fruits of Achaia ; such were Fortunatus and Achaicus, 
who had lately travelled to Ephesus on the errand of their brethren ; suck 
was Gaius,' who was even now preparing to welcome beneath his hospit: 
able roof the Apostle who had thrown open to himself the door of entrance 
into the Church of Christ. When St. Paul thought of ‘them that were 
such,” and of the many others “ who worked with them and laboured”? 
as he threaded the crowded streets on his way to the house of Gaius, 
doubtless he ‘‘thanked God and took courage.” 

But a painful surprise awaited him on his arrival. He found that in- 
telligence had reached Corinth from Ephesus, by the direct route, of a 
more recent date than any which he had lately received ; and the tidings 
brought by this channel concerning the state of the Galatian churches, 
excited both his astonishment and his indignation. His converts there, 
whom he seems to have regarded with peculiar affection, and whose love 
and zeal for himself had formerly been so conspicuous, were rapidly for- 
saking his teaching, and falling an easy prey to the arts of Judaizing mis- 
sionaries from Palestine. We have seen the vigour and success with 
which the Judaizing party at Jerusalem were at this period pursuing their 
new tactics, by carrying the war into the territory of their great oppo- 
nent, and endeavouring to counterwork him in the very centre of his 
influence, in the bosom of those Gentile Churches which he had so lately 
founded. We know how great was the difficulty with which he had 
defeated (if indeed they were yet defeated) the agents of this restless 
party at Corinth ; and now, on his reaching that city to crush the last 
remains of their opposition, he heard that they had been working the same 
mischief in Galatia, where he had least expected it. There, as in most ot 
the early Christian communities, a portion of the Church had been Jews 
by birth ; and this body would afford a natural fulcrum for the efforts of 
the’ Judaizing teachers ; yet we cannot suppose that the number of Jews 
resident in this inland agricultural district could have been very large. 
-And St. Paul, in addressing the Galatians, although he assumes that there 
were some among them familiar with the Mosaic Law, yet evidently im- 
plies that the majority were converts from heathenism.? It is remark- 


1 Jt would be more correct to write this name Caius; but as the name urder itz 
Greek form of Gaius has become naturalised in the English language as a synonym of 
Christian hospitality, it seems undesirable to alter it. 

3.1 Cor. xvi. 16. 

3 See Gal. iv 8. 


184 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


able, therefore, that the Judaizing emissaries should sc sovn have gained 
so great a held over a church consisting mainly of Gentile Christians ; 
and the fact that they did so proves not only their indefatigable activity, 
but also their skill in the arts of conciliation and persuasion. It must be 
remembered, however, that they were by no means scrupulous as to the 
means which they employed to effect their objects. At any cost of false- 
nood and detraction, they resolved to loosen the hold of St. Paul upon the 
affection and respect of his converts. Thus to the Galatians they accused 
nim of a want of uprightness, in observing the Law himself whilst among 
the Jews, yet persuading the Gentiles to renounce it ;’ they argued that 
lis motive was to keep his converts in a subordinate state, excluded from 
the privileges of a full covenant with God, which was enjoyed by the cir- 
cumcised alone ;* they declared that he was an interested flatterer,? ‘‘ be- 
coming all things to all men,” that he might make a party for himself ; 
and above all, they insisted that he falsely represented himself as an 
apostle of Christ, for that he had not, like the Twelve, been a follower of 
Jesus when He was on earth, and had not received His commission ; that, 
on the contrary, he was only a teacher sent out by the authority of the 
Twelve, whose teaching was only to be received so far as it agreed with 
theirs and was sanctioned by them; whereas his doctrine (they alleged) 
was now in opposition to that of Peter and James, and the other 
“ Pillars” of the Church. By such representations they succeeded to a 
creat extent in alienating the Galatian Christians from their father in the 
faith ; already many of the recent converts submitted to circumcision,’ 
and embraced the party of their new teachers with the same zeal which 
they had formerly shown for the Apostle of the Gentiles ;° and the rest 
of the Church was thrown into a state of agitation and division. 

On receiving the first intelligence of these occurrences, St. Paul 
hastened to check the evil before it should have become irremediable. He 
wrote to the Galatians an Epistle which begins with an abruptness and 
severity showing his sense of the urgency of the occasion, and the great- 
ness of the danger ; it is also frequently characterised by a tone of sad- 
ness, such as would naturally be felt by a man of such warm affections 
when he heard that those whom he loved were forsaking his cause and 
believing the calumnies of his enemies. In this letter his principal object 
is to show that the doctrine of the Judaizers did in fact destroy the very - 
essence of Christianity, and reduced it from an inward and spiritual life to 
an outward and ceremonial system ; but, in order to remove the sceds of 
alienation and distrust which had been designedly planted in the minds of 


1 Gal. v. 11. 

? Gal. iv 16 compared with Gal. ii. 17. 3 Gali. 10 
4 See the whole of the first two chapters of the Epistle. 

5 Gal. vi. 13. 6 Gal iy. 14, 15. 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 135 


nis converts, he begins by fully contradicting the falsehoods which had 
peen propagated against himself by his opponents, and especially by vindi- 
cating his title to the Apostolic office as received directly from Christ, and 
exercised independen‘ly of the other Apostles. Such were the cir 
cumstances and such the objects which led him to write the following 
Epistle. 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS: 


1 Pavt,—an Apostle, sent not from men nor by man, Defence of his 
independent 


but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who aposiolic autho. 


rity against 


1 The date of this Epistle cannot be so clearly demonstrated as that of most of the 
others; but we conclude that it was written at the time assumed in the text on the 
following grounds :— 

Ist. It was not written till after St. Paul’s second visit to the Galatians. This 
is proved (A) by his speaking of their conversion as having occurred at his Jirst visit 
(τὸ πρότερον, iv. 13); implying that he had paid them a second visit. (B) (iv. 16): 
“Am I now become (yéyova) your enemy by speaking truth among you?” implies 
that there had been a second visit in which he had offended them, contrasted with the 
first when he was so welcome. 

2ndly. It is maintained by many eminent authorities that it was written sc m after 
his second visit. This St. Paul (they argue) expressly says: he marvels that the Ga- 
latians are so soon (οὕτω ταχέως, i. 6) forsaking his teaching. The question is (accord- 
ing to these writers), within what interval of time would it have been possible for him 
to use this word “soon?” Now this depends on the length of their previous Christian 
life ; for instance, had St. Paul known them as Christians for twenty years, and then 
after an absence of four years heard of their perversion, he might have said their aban- 
donment of the truth was marvellously soon after their possession of it; but if they had 
been only converted to Christianity for three years before his secvad visit (as was 
really the case), and he had heard of their perversion not till four years after hig 
second visit, he could scarcely, in that case, speak of their perversion as having oc- 
curred soon after they had been in the right path, in reference to the whole time they 
had been Christians. He says virtually, “‘ You are wrong now, you were right a short 
time ago.’ The natural impression conveyed by this language (considering that the 
time of their previous stedfastness in the true faith was only three years altogether) 
would certainly be that St. Paul must have heard of their perversion within about a 
year from the time of his visit. At that time he was resident at Ephesus, where he 
would most naturally and easily receive tidings from Galatia. Hence they consider 
the Epistle to have been written at Ephesus during the first year of St. Paul’s resi- 
dence there. But in answer to these arguments it may be replied, that St. Paul does 
ποῦ say the Galatians were perverted soon after his own last visit to them. His words 
are, ϑαυμάζῳ ὅτι οὕτω ταχέως μετατίθεσθε, “1 wonder that you are so quickly shifting 
your ground.” The same word, ταχέως, he uses (2 Thess. ii. 2) where he exhorts the 
Thessalonians μὴ ταχέως σαλευθῆναι, “not rashly to let themselves be shaken ;’’ where 
ταχέως refers not so much to the time as to the manner in which they were affected, 
like the English hastily. But even supposing the ταγέως in Gal. i. 6 te refer simply 
to dime, and to be translated quickly or soon, we still (if we would fix the date from 
it) must ask, “ quickly after what event ?”—“ soon after what event?” And it ig 
more natural (especially as ὠετατίθεσθε is the present tense) to understand “ soon 


186 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ. PAUL. 


Jeéaizing yaised Him from the dead ;—With all the brethren - 2 


teachers, and 


usterical proofs Who are in my company. To THe CuuRcHES oF 


mission was not 
derived from GALATIA. 


th h 
heen Grace be tu you and peace from God our? 3 


Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ; who gave himself for our 4 
sins, that He might deliver us from this present evil world, 
according to the will of our God and Father; to whom be 5 
glory, even unto the ages of ages. Amen. 


after the entrance of the Judaizing teachers,” than to understand “soon after my 
last visit.” 

Hence there seems nothing in this ταχέως to fix the date of the Epistle ; nor is there 
any other external evidence of a decisive nature supplied by the Epistle. But 

3rdly. The internal evidence that the Epistle was written nearly at the same time 
with that to the Romans is exceedingly strong. Examples of this are Rom. viii. 15 
compared with Gal. iv. 6. Rom. vii. 14-25 compared with Gal. vy. 17. Rom. i. 17 
compared with Gal. iii. 11, and the argument about Abraham’s faith in Rom. iy. com- 
pared with Gal. iii. But the comparison of single passages does not so forcibly im- 
press on the mind the parallelism of the two Epistles, as the study of each Epistle as a 
whole. The more we examine them, the more we are struck by the resemblance ; and 
it is exactly that resemblance which would exist between two Epistles written nearly 
at the same time, while the same line of argument was occupying the writer’s mind, 
and the same phrases and illustrations were on his tongue. This resemblance, too, 
becomes more striking when we remember the very different circumstances which 
called forth the two Epistles; that to the Romans being a deliberate exposition of St. 
Paul’s theology, addressed to a Church with which he was personally unacquainted ; 
that to the Galatians being an indignant rebuke, written on the urgency of the occa- 
sion, to check the perversion of his children in the faith. 

This internal evidence, therefore, leads us to suppose that the Epistle to the Gala- 
tians was written within a few months of that to the Romans; and most probably, 
therefore, from Corinth during the present visit (although there is nothing to show 
which of the two was written the first). The news of the arrival of the Judaizers in 
Galatia would reach St. Paul from Ephesus; and (considering the commercial relations 
between the two cities) there is no place where he would be so likely to hear tidings 
from Ephesus as at Corinth. And since, on his arrival at the latter city, he would 
probably find some intelligence from Ephesus waiting for him, we have supposed, in 
the text, that the tidings of the perversion of Galatia met him thus on his arrival at 
Corinth. : 

1 Some of these “ brethren in St. Paul’s company” are enumerated in Acts xx. 4: 
Sopater of Beroea ; Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica ; Gaius of Derbe ; Timo- 
theus; and Tychicus and Trophimus from Proconsular Asia. The junction of their 
names with that of Paul in the salutation of this Epistle, throws light on the junction 
of the names of Timotheus, Sosthenes, Silvanus, &c. with Paul’s in the salutation at 
the head of some other Epistles; showing us more clearly that these names were not . 
joined with that of St. Paul as if they were joint authors of the several Epistles re- 
ferred to. This clause also confirms the date we have assigned to the Hpistle, since it 
suits a period when he had an unusual number of travelling companions, in conse 
quence of the collection which they and he were jointly to bear to Jerusalem. See the 
last chapter. 

? The text used by Chrysostom placed ἡμῶν after πάτρος, which is the usual order. 
The meaning of the other reading (which has the greater weight of MS. authority for 
it) is probably the same. 


EPISfLE TO THE GALATIANS. 137 


6 1 marvel that you are so soon shifting’ your ground, and 
forsaking Him? who called you? in the grace of Christ, for a 
7 new Glad-tidings ; which is nothing else+ but the device of cer 
tain men who are troubling you, and who desire to pervert the 
§ Glad-tidings of Christ. But even though I myself, or an angel 
from heaven, should declare to you any other Glad-tidings than 
9 that which I declared, let him be accursed. As I have said 
before, so now I say again, if any man is come to you with a 
Glad-tidings different from that which you received before, let 
10 him be accursed. Think ye that man’s® assent, or God’s, is now 
my object? or is it that 1 5661 favour with men? Nay, if I 
still sought favour with men, I should not be the bondsman 
of Christ. 
11 For I certify you, brethren, that the Glad-tidings which I 
12 brought you is not of man’s devising. For I myself received 
it not from man, nor was it taught me by man’s teaching, but 
13 by the revelation of Jesus Christ. For you have heard of my 
former behaviour in the days of my Judaism, how I persecuted 
beyond measure the Church of God, and strove ® to root it out, 
14and outran in Judaism many of my own age and nation, being 
more exceedingly zealous? for the traditions of my fathers. 
15 But when it pleased Him, who set me apart " from my mother’s 
womb, and called me by His grace, to reveal His Son in me, 
16 that 1 might proclaim His Glad-tidings among the Gentiles, I 
17 did not immediately take counsel with flesh and blood, nor yet 
did I go up to Jerusalem to those who were Apostles before 
me, but I departed into Arabia,» and from thence returned to 


1 For the translation of this, see the note on the date of this Epistle, above. 

2“ Fim who called you.” St. Paul probably means God. Compare Rom. ix. 24. 

3 “In the grace of Christ.’ It is scarcely necessary (since Winer’s writing) to ob- 
serve that ἐν cannot mean into; Christians are called to salvation in the grace of 
Christ. 

4 The Authorised Version, “which is not another,” is incorrect; the ἄλλο of this 
verse not being a repetition of the preceding ἕτερον. 

5 This alludes to the accusation brought against him. See above, p. 133; also 2 
Cor. v 11; and for the words ἀνθρώποις ἀρέσκειν compare ἀνθρωπάρεσκοι (Col. iii. 22). 
His answer is, that had popularity and power been his object, he would have remained 
a member of the Sanhedrin. The ἄρτι and é7 mark the reference to this contrast be- 
tween his position before and since his conversion. 

6 ᾿Ἐπορθοῦν (the imperfect). 

7 Ζηλωτής. This term was, perhaps, already adopted (as it was not long after, 
Joseph. Bell. iv. 6) by the Ultra-Pharisaical party. 

Compare Rom. i. 1: ἀφωρισμένος εἰς εὐαγγέλιον. 
On the events mentioned in this verse, see Vol. I. p. 95 


138 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Damascus. Afterwards, when three years had passed, 1 went 18 
ap to Jerusalem, that I might know Cephas,' and with him I 
remained fifteen days; but other of the Apostles saw 1 none, 19 
save only James,’ the brother of the Lord. (Now in this which 20 
I write to you, behold I testify before God that I lie not.) Af-2) 
ter this I came into the regions of Syria and Cilicia; but I was 22 
still unknown by face to the Churches of Christ in Judea: 
tidings only were brought them from time to time,’ saying, 23 
“He who was once our persecutor now bears the Glad-tidings of 
that Faith, which formerly he laboured to root ont.” And they 24 
glorified God in me. ; Il. 

Then fourteen+ years after, 1 went up again to Jerusalem 1 
The council of With Barnabas, and took Titus with me also. At 2 
venue that time I went up in obedience to a revelation 
which I had received, and I communicated to the brethren® in 
Jerusalem the Glad-tidings which I proclaim among the Gen- 
tiles ; but to the chief brethren I communicated it privately,® 
lest perchance my labours, either past or present, might be 
rendered fruitless. Yet not even Titus, my own companion 3 
(being a Greek), was compelled to be circumcised. But this 4 
communication? [with the Apostles in Judea] I undertook on 
account of the false brethren who gained entrance by fraud, for 
they crept in among us to spy out our freedom § (which we pos- 
sess in Christ Jesus) that they might enslave us under their 
own yoke. To whom I yielded no submission, no, not for an 5 
hour; that you might continue to enjoy the reality of Christ’s 
Glad-tidings. 


1 Cephas, not Peter, is the reading of the best MSS. throughout this Epistle, as well 
as in the Epistles to Corinth; except in one passage, Gal. ii. 7, 8. St. Peter was or- 
dinarily known up to this period by the Syro-Chaldaic form of his name (the nama 
actually giver by our Lord), and not by its Greek equivalent. It is remarkable that 
he himself, in his Epistles, uses the Greek form, perhaps as a mark of his antagonism 
to the Judaizers, who naturally would cling to the Hebraic form. 


2 See note on 1 Cor. ix. 5. 3 Ακούοντες ἧσαν. 
4 See the discussion of this passage, Vol. I. pp. 227-235 ; also see Vol. I. p. 219 and 
Vol. Il. p. 74. 5 Αὐτοῖς. Compare the preceding verse. 


6 On these private conferences preceding the public assembly of the Church, see 
Vol. I. p. 213. 

7 Something must be supplied here to complete the sense: we understand ἀνεθέμην 
from v. 2; others supply οὐ περιετμήθη, “ but I refuse to circumcise him (which other- 
wise I would have done) on account of the false brethren, that I might not seem to 
yield to them.”’ Others again supply περιετμήθη, which gives an opposite sense. Our 
interpretation agrees best with the narrative in Acts xy. 

8 Viz. from the ordinances of the Mosaic law 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 139 


6 Pat from those who were held in chief reputation—it mat- 
ters not to me of what account they were,—God is no respectex 
of persons—those (I say) who were the chief in reputation gave 

7 me no new instruction; but, on the contrary, when they saw 
that I had’ been charged to preach the Glad-tidings to the un- 
circumcised by the same authority as Peter to the circumcised 

8 (for He who wrought in Peter a fitness for the Apostleship of 
the circumcision, wrought also in me the gifts needful for an 

9 Apostle of the Gentiles), and when they had learned the grace 
which God had given me,—James, Cephas, and John, who 
were accounted chief pillars, gave to me and Barnabas the 
right hand of fellowship, purposing that we should go to the 

10 Gentiles, and they to the Jews; provided only, that we should 
remember the poor [brethren in Judeea], which I have accord. 
ingly ? endeavoured to do with diligence. 

11 Lut when Cephas came to Antioch, I withstood St, Peter at An 

12him openly, because he had incurred? reproach; ὁ 
for before the coming of certain [brethren] from James, he was 
in the habit of eating with the Gentiles; but when they came, 
he drew back, and separated himself from the Gentiles, for 

“13 fear of the Jewish brethren. And he was joined in his dissim- 
ulation by the rest of the Jews [in the Church of Antioch], so 
that even Barnabas was drawn away with them to dissemble in 

14like manner. But when I saw that they were walking in a 
crooked path,‘ and forsaking the truth of the Glad-tidings, I 
said to Cephas before them all, “If thou, being The Jewish be 
born a Jew, art wont to live according to the eus- nounced — the 

righteousness 
tom of the Gentiles, and not of the Jews, why would- of the lav. 
est thou constrain the Gentiles to keep the ordinances of the 
15Jews? We are Jews by birth, and not unhallowed Gentiles ; 
16 yet,’ knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the 
Law, but by faith in Jesus Christ, we ourselves also have put 
our faith in Christ Jesus, that we might be justified by the faith 


1 Πεπίστευμαι, the perfect, used because the charge still continued. 

3 The A. V. here is probably incorrect. ᾿Εσπούδασα seems to be the aorist used for 
perfect (as cften). Αὐτὸ τοῦτο (used in this way) is nearly equivalent to accordingly 
Compare 2 Cor. ii. 3 and Phil. i. 6. 

3 Κατεγνωσμένος ἦν, a remarkable expression, not equivalent to the Av thorised 
translation, “he was to be blamed.” For the history of this see Chap. VII. 

4 'OpGorodeiv (only found here), to walk in a straight path. 

‘We read δὲ here with Tischendorf and the best MSS. 


140 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


of Christ, and not by the works of the Law; for by the works 
of the Law ‘shall no flesh be justified.’ ” 

But what if, while seeking to be justified in Christ, we have 14 
indeed reduced’ ourselves to the sinful state of unhallowed* 
Gentiles? Must we then hold Christ for the minister of sin? 
That be far from us ! 4 

For if I again build up that [structure of the Law] which 18 
I have overthrown, then I represent myself as a transgressor. 
Whereas I, through the operation " of the Law, became dead to 19 
the Law, that I might live to God. Iam crucified with Christ, 20 
and 5 live no more myself, but Christ is living in me; and my 
outward life which still remains, I live in the faith of the Son 
of God, who loved me and gave himself for me. I will not set 2] 
at naught the gift of God’s grace [by seeking righteousness in 
the Law]; for if the Law can make men righteous, then Christ 
has died in vain. 
111, 
Appeal to the O foolish Galatians, who has bewitchea yuu #7 1 
the Galatians, You, before whose eyes was held up the picture’ of 
Jesus Christ upon the cross. One question I would ask you. 2 
When you received the Spirit, was it from the works of the 
Law, or the teaching of Faith? Are you sosenseless? Having 3 
begun in the Spirit, would you now end in the Flesh? Have 4 
you received so many benefits in vain—if indeed it has been in 


1 Ps, exliii. 2. (LXX.) ; quoted also more fully, Rom. iii. 20. 

? Literally, been found. 

3 ‘Auaptwaoi. Compare ἐξ ἐθνῶν ἀμαρτωλοὶ above. 

4 Neander (P. und L. 352) thinks that the 17th verse also ought to be included in 
the speech of St. Paul, and much might be said in favour of his view. Still, on the 
whole, we think the speech more naturally terminates with v.16. See Vol. I. p. 226, 
n.1. The hypothesis in vy. 17 is that of the Judaizers, refuted (after St. Paul’s man- 
ner) by an abrupt reductio ad absurdam. The Judaizer objects, “ You say you seek 
righteousness in Christ, but in fact you reduce yourself to the state of a Gentile ; 
you are farther from God, and therefore farther from righteousness, than you were 
before.’ To which St. Paul only replies, “ On your hypothesis, then (dpa), we must 
conclude Christ to be the minister of sin! μὴ γενοιτο." This passage is illustrated 
by the similar mode in which he answers the objections of the same party, Rom. iii. 
3-8. See note on μὴ γένοιτο below, chap. iii. 21. 

5 This thought is fully expanded in the 7th of Romans. 

6 It is with great regret that we depart from the A. V. here, not only because of its 
extreme beauty, but because it must be so dear to the devctional feelings of all good 
men. Yet ζῶ dé οὐκέτι ἐγὼ cannot be translated “ nevertheless I live, yet not I.” 

7 The words τῇ ἀληθείᾳ μὴ πείθεσθηι are not found in the best MSS., and é ὑμῖν 
is also omitted. 

3 Ilpoeypagn. 


EPISTLE ΤῸ iu GALATIANS. 141 


6 vain? I say, How came the gifts of Him who furnishes you 
with the fulness of the Spirit, and works in you the power of 
miracles?! Came they from the deeds of the Law, or from the 
teaching of Faith ? 

6 So likewise “ Abraham’* had faith nm God, and sith, and μοι 

7 wt was reckoned unto him for righteousness.” Know, source of rights 
therefore, that they only are the sons of Abraham 

8 who are children of Faith. And the Scripture, foreseeing that 
God through Faith justifies [not the Jews only but] the Gentiles, 
declared beforehand to Abraham the Glad-tidings of Christ, 
saying, “All: the nations of the Gentiles shall be blessed in 

9 thee.” So then, they who are children of Faith [whether they 
be Jews or Gentiles] are blessed with faithful Abraham. 

10For all they who rest upon the works of the Law, lie 
under a curse; for it is written, “ Cursed‘ ds every one that 
continueth notin all things which are written in the book of the 

11 Law to do them.” And it is manifest that no man is counted 
righteous in God’s judgment under the conditions of the Law; 

12 for it is written, “ By* faith shall the righteous live.” But the 
Law rests not on Faith, but declares, “ 7165 man which doeth 
these things, shall live therein.” Christ has redeemed us from 

13 the curse of the Law, for He became accursed for our sakes 
(as it is written, “Cursed? ts every one that hangeth on a tree”), 

14 to the end that in Christ Jesus the blessing of Abraham might 
come unto the Gentiles; that through Faith we might receive 
the promise of the Spirit. 

15  Brethren—(I speak by comparison,*)—neverthe- the ray 
less,—a man’s covenant, when ratified, cannot by Sea arta 

its giver be annulled, or set aside by a later ad- Momnam.” 

16 dition. Now God’s promises were made to Abraham and to 


his seed; the scripture says not “and to thy seeds,” as if it 


1 Ἐνεργῶν δυνάμεις. Compare ἐνεργήματα δυνάμεων, 1 Cor. xii. 10. 

* Gen. xy. 6 (LXX.) 5 quoted also Rom. iv. 3. 

3 Gen. xii. 3, from the LXX. but not verbatim. Compare the similar quotation, 
Rom. iv. 17. 

4 Deut. xxvii. 26. Nearly verbatim from LXX. 

5 Hab. ii. 4 (UX X.) ; quoted also Rom. i. 17. 

5 Levit. xviii. 5 (LXX.) ; quoted also Rom. x. 5. 

7 Deut. xxi. 23. Nearly verbatim from LXX. 

3 Kar’ ἄνθρωπο» λέγω, in St, Paul’s style, seems always to mean, 7 use a compars: 
yon drawn from human affairs or human language. Compare Rom. iii 5, and 1 
Sor xv. 32. 


149 THE LIFE AND EPISILES OF ST. PAUT.. 


spoke of many, but as of one, “and to thy seed ;”' and iLis 
seed is Chiist. But this I say; a covenant which had been 1% 
ratified before by God, to be fulfilled in Christ, the law which 
was given four hundred and thirty’ years afterwards, cannot 
make void, to the annulling of the promise. For if the 1π-18 
heritance comes from the Law, it comes no longer from pro- 
mise ; whereas God has given it to Abraham freely by pro- 
mise. 

To what end, then, was the Law? it was? added because 1g 
of the transgressions‘ of men, till the Seed should come, to 
whom belonged the promise; and it was ordained through the 
ministration of angelss by the hands of [Moses,° who was] a 
mediator [between God and the people]. Now where’ a medi- 24 
ator is, there must be two parties. But God is one [and there 
is no second party to His promise]. 

Relation of | Do I say then® that the Law contradicts the 21 


Judaism to 


Christianity. promises of God? that be far from me! For ifa 


1 Gen, xiii. 15. (LXX.) The meaning of the argument is, that the recipients of 
God’s promises are not to be looked on as an aggregate of different individuals, or of 
different races, but are all one body, whereof Christ is the head. 

2 With regard to the chronology, see Vol. I. p. 176, n.1. To the remarks there the 
following may be added: τοὺς μηδὲν τῶν τοιούτων οἰομένους εἷναι δαιμόνιον, ἀλλὰ 
πάντα τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης γνώμης, δαιμονᾶν ἔφη " δαιμονᾶν δὲ καὶ τοὺς μαντευομένους ἃ 
τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἔδωκαν οἱ θεοὶ μαθοῦσι διακρίνειν " οἷον... . ἃ ἔξεστιν ἀριθμήσαντας 
ἢ μετρήσαντας ἢ στήσαντας εἰδέναι" τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα παοὰ τῶν θεῶν πυνθανομένους 
ἀθέμϊστα ποιεῖν ἡγεῖτο" ἔφη δὲ δεῖν, ἃ μὲν μαθόντας ποιεῖν ἔδωκαν οἱ θεοὶ, μανθάνειν " 
ἃ δὲ μὴ δῆλα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐστὶ, πειρᾶσθαι παρὰ τῶν θεῶν πυνθάνεσθαι. Memorabilia 
Socratis, 1. 1. : 

3 ΤΙροσετέθη is the reading of the best MSS. 

4 Compare Rom. v. 20: νόμος παρεισῆλθεν iva πλεονάσῃ τὸ παράπτωμα. 

5 Compare Acts vii. 53. 

6 Moses is called ‘the Mediator ”’ by the Rabbinical writers. See several passages 
quoted by Schoettgen (Hore Hebraic) on this passage. 

7 St. Paul’s argument here is left by him exceedingly elliptical, and therefore very 
obscure ; as is evident from the fact that more than two hundred and fifty different 
explanations of the passage have been advocated by different commentators. The 
most natural meaning appears to be as follows: “It is better to depend upon an un- 
conditional promise of God, than upon a covenant made between God and man; for in 
the latter case the conditions of the covenant might be broken by man (as they had 
been), and so the blessings forfeited ; whereas in the former case, God being immutable, 
the blessings derived from His promise remain steadfast for ever.’’? The passage ig 
parallel with Nom. iv. 13-16. 

8 The expression μὴ γένοιτο occurs fourteen times in St. Paul; viz. three times in 
Galatians, ten times in Romans (another example of the similarity between these 
Epistles), and once in 1 Corinthians. In one of these cases (Gal. vi. 14) it is not in- 
terjectional, but joined with éuoc; in another (1 Cor. vi. 15), it repels a direct hypo- 
thesis, “ Shall Ido (so and so)? God forbid.” But in all the other instances it ia 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 148 


Law were given which could raise men from death to life, then 
we might truly say that righteousness came from the Law. 
22 But! the Scripture (on the other hand) has shut up the whole 
world together under the condemnation of sin, that through 
Faith in Jesus Christ the promise might be given to the 
faithful. 
23 = But before Faith came, we were shut up in prison, in ward 
under the Law, in preparation for the Faith which should 
24afterwards be revealed. Thus, even as the slave? who leads 
a child to the house of the schoolmaster, so the Law led ys to 
25 our teacher Christ, that by Faith we might be justified; but 
now that Faith is gome, we are under the slave’s care no 
26longer. For you are all the sons of God, by your faith in 
27 Jesus Christ ; yea, whosoever among you have been baptized 
2gunto Christ, have put on Christ. In Him there is neither 

Jew nor Gentile, neither slave nor freeman, neither male nor 

29female ; for you all are one in Christ Jesus. And if you are 
Christ’s, then you are Abraham’s seed, and heirs of his blessing 
1V.by promise. 
1 Now Isay, that the heir, so long as he is a child, has no 
more freedom than a slave, though he is owner of the whole 
2 inheritance; but he is under overseers and stewards until the 
3 time appointed by his father. And so we also [who are 

Israelites] when we were children, were treated like slaves, 

and taught the lessons of childhood by outward ordinances. 
4 But when the appointed time was fully come, God sent forth 

His own Son, who was born of a woman [partaker of our 

flesh and blood], and born an Israelite, subject to the Law; 
5 that so he might redeem from their slavery the subjects of 

the Law, and that we‘ might be adopted as the sons of God. 
interjectional, and rebuts an inference deduced from St. Paul’s doctrine by an oppo- 
nent. So that the question which precedes μή γένοιτο is equivalent to “ Do I then 
infer that.” 

1 The conneztion of the argument is, that if the Law could give men spiritual life, 
and so enable them to fulfil its precepts, it would give them righteousness: but it does 
not pretend to do this; on the contrary, it shows the impotence of their nature by the 
contrast of its requirements with their performance. This verse is parallel with Rom. 

1/82. 
nt Παιδαγωγός. The mistranslation of this word in the Authorised Version has led 
to a misconception of the whole metaphor. See note on 1 Cor. iv. 15. 
3 Τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῦ κόσμου literally means the elementary lessons of outward things 


Compare Col. ii. 8 and 20. 
4 We, namely, all Christians, whether Jews or Gentiles. 


144 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


And because you are the sons of God, He has sent forth the 6 
spirit of His own Son into your hearts, crying unto Him, and 
saying “ Our Father.” Wherefore thou [who canst so pray] 1 
art no more a slave, but a son; and if a son, then an heir of 


. God through Christ. 
Appeal to the But you [who were Gentiles], when you knew 8 


heathen con- 5 ‘ 
verts not to not God, were in bondage to gods that have no real 
return to an 


outward and being. But now, when you have gained the know- 9 


formal worship. 


ledge of God,—or rather, when God has acknow- 
ledged you,—how is it that you are turning backwards to 
those childish lessons, void both of strength and_ blessing ? 
Would you seek again the slavery which you have outgrown? 
Are you observing days,” and months,’ and seasons,‘ and 1 
years? I am fearful for you, lest I have spent my labour on 11 
you in vain. I beseech you, brethren, to become as I am1z 
[and seek no more a place among the circumcised]; for I too 
have become as you® are [and have cast. away the pride of 
my circumcision]. You have never wronged me hitherto: 
on the contrary, although it was sickness (as you know) which 18 
caused’? me to preach the Glad-tidings to you at my first visit, 
yet you neither scorned nor loathed me because of the bodily 14 
infirmity which was my trial ;* but you welcomed me as an 
angel of God, yea, even as Christ Jesus. Why, then, did you15 


1 ’AG(a is the Syro-Chaldaic word for Father, and it is the actual word with which 
the Lord's prayer began, as it was uttered by our Lord himself. The ὁ πατήρ which 
follows is only a translation of ’AGd, inserted as translations of Aramaic words often 
are by the writers of the New Testament, but not used along with’AB3d, This is 
rendered evident by Mark xiv. 36, when we remember that our Lord spoke in Syro- 
Chaldaic. Rom. viii. 15 is exactly parallel with the present passage. 

2 The Sabbath-days. Compare Col. ii. 16. 3 The seventh months. 

4 The seasons of the great Jewish feasts. 

5 The Sabbatical and jubilee years. From this it has been supposed that this Epistle 
must have been written in a Sabbatical year. But this does not necessarily follow, 
because the word may be merely inserted to complete the sentence ; and of course 
those who observed the Sabbaths, festivals, &c. would intend to observe also the Sab- 
batical years when they came. The plural of the word ἐνιαυτούς being uscd, favours 
this view. 

6 This is of course addressed to the Gentile converts. 

7 J. e. by keeping him in their country against his previous intention. See Vol. L 
p’ 274. 

8 Πειρασμόν. This was probably the same disease mentioned 2 Cor. xii. 7. It is 
very unfortunate that the word temptation has so changed its meaning in the last two 
hundred and fifty years, as to make the Authorised Version of this verse a great source 
of misapprehension to ignorant readers. Some have even been led to imagine that St, 
Paul spoke of a sinful habit in which he indulged, and to the dominion of which he 
was encouraged (2 Cor. xii. 9) contentedly to resign himself ! 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 145 


think yourselves so happy? (for I bear you witness that, if it 
iv had been possible, you would have torn out your own eyes 
16 and given them to me). Am 1 then become your enemy? be- 
27 cause I tell you the truth? They [who call me so] show zeal 
for you with no good intent; they would shut you out from 
8 others, that your zeal may be for them alone. But it is good 
to be zealous* in a good cause, and that at all times, and not 
when zeal lasts only [like yours] while I am present with 
tg you. My beloved children, [am again bearing the pangs of 
20 travail for you, till Christ be fully formed within you. I would 
that I were present with you now, that I might change my 
tone [from joy to sadness]; for you fill me with perplexity. 
1. Tell me, ye that desire to be under the Law, will you not 
o2hear the Law? For therein it is written that 6 anegory 
Abraham had two sons;‘ one by the bond-woman, κε “traces 
23the other by the free. But the son of the bond- ‘in ew" 
woman was born to him after the flesh; whereas the son of the 
24 free-woman was born by virtue of God’s promise. Now, all 
this is allegorical ; for these two women are the two covenants; 
the first given from Mount Sinai, whose children are born inte 
25 bondage, which is Hagar (for the word Hagar® signifies 
Mount Sinai in Arabia); and herein she answers to the earthly 
Jerusalem, for® she continues in bondage with her children 
26 But [Sarah? is the second covenant, which is in Christ, and 
answers to the heavenly Jerusalem; for] the heavenly Jeru- 


1 This certainly seems to confirm the view of those who suppose St. Paul’s malady 
to have been some disease in the eyes. The ὑμῶν appears emphatic, as if he would 
say, you would have torn out your own eyes to supply the lack of mine. 

3 The Judaizers accused St. Paul of desiring to keep the Gentile converts in an infe- 
rior position, not admitted (by circumcision) into full covenant with God; and called 
him, therefore, their enemy. So, in the Clementines, St. Paul is covertly alluded to 
as ὁ ἐχθρός ἄνθρωπος. 

3 Td ζηλοῦσθαι might also mean, “ to be the object of zeal,” as many interpreters take 
it; but, on the whole, the other interpretation (which is that of Winer, Meyer, and De 
Wette) seems to suit the context better. Perhaps, also, there may be an allusion here | 
io the peculiar use of the word ζηλωτὴς. Compare Gal. i. 14. 

4 With this passage compare Rom. ix. 7-9. 

5 The word Hagar in Arabic méans “a rock,’’ and some authorities tell us tha. 
Mount Sinai is so called by the Arabs. The lesson to be drawn from this whole pas- 
sage, as regards the Christian use of the Old Testament, is of an importance which can 
scarcely be overrated. 

6 All the best MSS. read γὰρ, not δὲ, 

7 This clause in brackets is implied, though not expressed, by St. Paul, being neces 
sary for the completion of the parallel. 

von. 1.—10 


140 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


salein is free, and is the mother of us 811} And so it is written 
[that the spiritual seed of Abraham should be more numeroas 
than his natural seed; as says the Prophet] “ Lejoice, thou 24 
barren that bearest not; break forth into shouting, thou that 
travailest not ; for the desolate hath many more children than 
she which hath the husband.”? Now, we, brethren, like Isaac, 28 
are children born [not naturally, but] by virtue of God’s pro- 
mise. Yet, as then the spiritual seed of Abraham was perse- 29 
cuted by his natural seed, so it is also now. Nevertheless, 30 
what says the Scripture? “ Cast out the bond-woman and her 
son ; for the son of the bond-woman shall not be heir with the 
son of the free-woman.”* So then, brethren, we are not chil- 31 
dren of the bond-woman, but of the free. Stand fast, there- Vv. 1 
fore, in the freedom which Christ has given us, and turn not 
back again, to entangle yourselves in the yoke of bondage. 

Lo, I Paul declare unto you, that if you cause yourselves 2 
to be circumcised, Christ will profit you nothing. I testify 3 
again to every man who submits to circumcision, that he there- 
by lays himself under obligation to fulfil the whole Law. By 4 
resting your righteousness on the Law, you have annulled 
your fellowship with Christ, you are fallen from the free gift 
of His grace. For we, through the power of the Spirit [not 5 
through the circumcision of the Flesh], from Faith [not works], 
look with earnest longing for the hope* of righteousness. For 6 
in Christ Jesus neither circumcision avails anything, nor un- 
circumcision; but Faith, whose work * is Love. 
Warningagainst = You were running the race well; who has cast 7 


the Judaizing 


teachers, and g stumbling block in your way? who has turned 
against party 


divisions. you aside from your obedience to the truth? The 8 
counsel which you have obeyed’ came not from Him who 
called® you. [Your seducers are few; but] “A little leaven 9 


1 The weight of MS. authority is rather against the πάντων of the received text; 
yet it bears an emphatic sense if retained, viz. “we all, whether Jews or Gentiles, 
who belong to the Israel of God.” Compare Gal. vi. 16. 

2 Tsaiah liv. 1. (LXX.) 

3 Gen. xxi. 10, from LXX., but not quite verbatim. 

4 In the words πνεῦμα and “πίστις a tacit reference is made to their antitheses (con- 
stantly present to St. Paul’s mind) s20f or γράμμα, and νόμος or ἔργα, respectively. 

5 I. 6, the hope of eternal happiness promised to the righteous. 

6 Literally, “ whose essential operation consists in the production of love.” 

* Observe the paronomasia between πεισμονή and πείθεσθαι. 

1 Τοῦ καλοῖντος. The participle used substantively. Compare i. 6, and note. 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 147 


loleavens the whole lump.”' ΑΒ for me, I rely upon you, 
brethren, in the Lord Jesus, that you will not be led astray ; 
but he that is troubling you, whosoever he be, shall bear the 


blame. 

uss But if, myself also [as they say] preach circumcision,? why 
am I still persecuted? for it 1 preach circumcision, then the 
cross, the stone at which they stumble,’ is done away. 

12 I could wish that these agitators who disturb your quiet, 
would execute upon themselves not only circumcision, but 


excision also.‘ 


13 For you, brethren, have been called to freedom ; Pxhoriation to 


he more en- 


only make not your freedom a vantage-ground for lightened party 


not to abuse 


the Flesh, but rather enslave yourselves one to tit freedom. 
I4ahother by the bondage of love. For all the Law is fulfilled 
15in this one commandment, “ Dhow shalt love thy neighbour as 
thyself.”*> But if, on the other hand, you bite and devour one 
another, take heed lest you be utterly destroyed by one 


another’s means. 
16 This I say, then; walk in the Spirit, and you _ Variance ve 


tween the 


ιτ shall not fulfil the desire of the Flesh; for the desire Spit pada tee 
of the Flesh fights against the Spirit, ana the desire. 
of the Spirit fights against the Flesh; and this variance be- 
tween the I"lesh and the Spirit would hinder ὁ yoy from doing 
18 that which your will prefers. But, if you be led by the Spirit, 
19 you are not under the Law.? Now, the works of the Flesh 


1 This proverb is quoted also 1 Cor, v. 6. 

* This accusation might naturally be made by St. Paul’s opponents, on the ground 
of his circumcising Timothy, and himself still contiauing several Jewish observances. 
Sce Acts xx. 6., and Acts xxi. 24. 

3 Literally, the stwmbling-stone of the cross; i. 6. the cross, which is their stum- 
bling-stone. Compare 1 Cor. i. 23. The doctrine of a crucified Messiah was a stum- 
bling-block to the national pride of the Jews; but if St. Paul would have consented to 
make Christianity a sect of Judaism (as he would by “ preaching circumcision”), 
their pride would have been satisfied. But then, if salvation were made to depend on 
outward ordinances, the death of Christ would be rendered unmeaning. 

4 Observe the force of the sz? and of the middle voice here; the A. Y. is a mistrans 
lation. 

5 Levit. xix. 18, saree 

δ Ἵνα uj ποιῆτ:, not “so that you cannot’ (A. V.). but tending to prevent you 
from. 

7 To be “under the yoke of the Law,” and “under the yoke of the Flesh.” is in St 
Paul’s language the same ; because, for those who are under the Spirit’s guidance, the 
Law is dead (v. 23); they do right, not from fear of the Law’s penalties, but through 
the influence of the Spirit who dwells within them. This, at least, is the ideal staty 


/ 


148 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


aie manifest, which are such as these;! fornication, impurity, 2( 
lasciviousness; idolatry, withcraft;* enmities, strife, jealousy, 
passionate anger ; intrigues,’ divisions, sectarian parties; envy, 2: 
murder, drunkenness, revellings, and such like. Of which I 
forewarn you (as I have told you also in times past), that they 
who do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God. But 22 
the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, kind- 
ness, goodness, trustfulness,‘ gentleness, self-denial. Against 23 
such there is no Law. 

Warning to But they who are Christ’s have crucified the 24 


the more en- 


lightened party Flesh, with its passions and its lusts. If we live by 25 


against spirit- Paes . 
val pride. the Spirit, let us take heed that our steps are guided 


by the Spirit. Let us not thirst for empty honour, let us not 26 
provoke one another to strife, let us not envy one another. VI. 
Brethren,—I speak to you who call yourselves the Spiritual,» 1 
—even if any one be overtaken in a fault, do you correct such 

a man in aspirit of meekness; and let each of you take heed 
to himself, lest he also be tempted. Bear ye one another’s 2 
burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. For, if any man exalts 3 
himself, thinking to be something when he is nothing, he 
deceives himself with vain imaginations. Rather let every 4 
man examine his own work, and then his boasting will concern 
himself alone and not his neighbour; for each will bear the 5 
load [of sin] which is his own ® [instead of magnifying the load 
which is his brother’s]. 


of Christians. Compare Rom. viii. 1-14. St.Paul here, and elsewhere in his Epistles, 
alludes thus briefly to important truths, because his readers were already familiar with 
them from his personal teaching. By the Flesh (σάρξ) St. Paul denotes not merely 
the sensual tendency, but generally that which is earthly in man, as opposed to what 
is spiritual. “Die σάρξ bezeichnet die menschliche Natur uberhaupt in Zustande 
ihrer Entfremdung von gottlichen Leben.’? Neander, P. und L., 664. It should be 
observed, that the 17th verse is a summary of the description of the struggle between 
flesh and spirit in Rom. vii. 7-25 ; and verse 18th is a summary of the description of 
the Christian’s deliverance from this struggle. Rom. viii. 1-14. 

1 *Arcva is less definite than d In the words which follow, μοιχεία is omitted in the 
best MSS. 

? Φαρμακεία, the profession of magical arts. The history of the times in which St 
Paul lived is full of the crimes committed by those who professed such arts. We have 
seen him brought into contact with such persons at Ephesus already. They dealt iy 
poisons also, which aecounts for the use of the term etymologically. 

3 ᾿Ἐξριθεία. Compare Rom. ii. 8 and note. Also 2 Cor. xii. 20. 

4 Πίστις seems to have this meaning here ; for faith (in its larger sense) could not 
-be classed as one among a number of the constituent parts of Jove. See 1 Cor. xiii. 

5 Ὑμεϊς ol πνευματικοὶ. See Vol. I. p. 446. 

€ The allusion here is apparently to Aisop’s well-known fable. It is unfortunate 


EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 149 


6 Moreover, let him who is receiving instruction | Proviston ta 
be made fo 


in the Word? give to his Instructor a share in all the mainte 


nance of the 


7 the good things which he possesses. Do not deceive , Presbyters 
(κατηχοῦντες) 


8 yourselves—God cannot be defrauded. Every man 
shall reap as he has sown. The man who now sows for his own 
Flesh, shall reap therefrom a harvest doomed? to perish; but 
he who sows for the Spirit, shall from the Spirit reap the har- 
9 vest of life eternal. But let us continue in well-doing, and not 
be weary ;* for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not. 
10 Therefore, as we have opportunity, let us do good to all men, 
but especially to our brethren in the household of Faith. 


LL Observe the size‘ of the characters in which I autozraph con 
have written to you with my own hand. ea 

12 I tell you that they who wish to have a good repute in 
things pertaining to the Flesh, they, and they alone: are 
forcing circumcision upon you; and that only to save them 
selves from the persecution which 5 Christ bore upon the cross. 

13 For even they who circumcise themselves do not keep the 
Law; but they wish to have you circumcised, that your 


that in the Authorised Version the two words φορτίον and βάρος (v. 2) are translated 
by the same term burden, which seems to make St. Paul contradict himself. His 
meaning is, that self-examination will prevent us from comparing ourselves boastfully 
with our neighbour ; we shall have enough to do with our own sins, without scrutinis 
ing his. 

1 By the Word is meant the doctrines of Christianity. 

3 Φθοράν. See Rom. viii. 21. 

3 Compare 2 Thess. iii. 13, where the expression is almost exactly the same: μὴ 
ἐκκακήσητε καλοποιοῦντες. 

41 Thus we must understand πηλίκοις γράμμασιν, unless we suppose (with Tholuck) 
that πηλίκοις is used for ποιοῖς, as in the later Greek of the Byzantine writers. Tc 
take γράμματα as equivalent to ἐπιστόλῃ appears inadmissible. St. Paul does not 
here say that he wrote the whole Epistle with his own hand, but this is the beginning 
of his usual autograph postscript, and equivalent to the οὕτω γράφω in 2 Thess. iii. 17. 
We may observe as a further confirmation of this view, that scarcely any Epistle bears 
more evident marks than this of having been written from dictation. The writer re- 
ceived a letter from the venerable Neander a few months before his death, which illus 
trated this point in a manner the more interestirg, because he (Neander) takes a dif- 
ferent view of this passage (P.u. L., p 368). His ‘letter is written in the fair and 
flowing hand of an amanuensis, but it 2nds with a few irregular lines in large and 
rugged characters, written by himself, and explaining the cause of his necding the 
services of an amanuensis, namely, the weakness cf ‘1s eyes (probably the very malady 
af St. Paul). It was impossible to read this autograph without thinking of the present 
passage, and observing that he might have expressed himself in the very words of St 
Paul :—Ide πηλίκοις σοι γοάμμασιν eypapa τῇ ἐμῇ χειρί. ; 

5 The οὗτοι is emphatic. 

8 Literally, persecution inflicted by the cross of Christ. 


150 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


obedience! to the fleshly ordinance may give them a ground 
of boasting. But as for me, far be it from me to boast, save 14 
only in the cross* of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ; 
whereby the world is crucified unto me, and I unto the world. 
For in Christ Jesus neither circumcision avails anything, nor 15 
uncircumcision ; but a new creation. And whosoever shallig 
walk by this rule, peace and mercy be upon them, and upon 
all the Israel of God. 

Henceforth, let no man vex me [by denying that I am17 
Christ’s servant]; for I bear in my body the scars* which 
mark my bondage to the Lord Jesus. 


Brethren, the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your18 
spirit. Amen. 


1 Literally, that they may boast in your flesh. 

* To understand the full force of such expressions as “to boast in the ecross,’’ we 
must remember that the cross (the instrument of punishment of the vilest malefactors) 
was associated with all that was most odious, contemptible, and horrible, in the minds 
of that generation, just as the word gibbet would be now. 

3 Compare ch. iii. v. 9. 

4 Yriyuara, literally, the scars of the wounds made upon the body of a slave by the 
branding-iron, by which he was marked as belonging to his master. Observe the 
emphatic ἐγὼ, “1 (whatever others may do), I at least bear in my body the true marke 
whieh show that I belong to Christ ; the scars, not of circumcisicno, but of wounds suf 
fered for His sake.” 


8T. PAUL AT CORINTH. 15) 


CHAPTER XIX. 
Οὕτω τὸ car’ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς ἐν ‘POMH εὐαγ) eAicacbar.—Rom. i. 19, 


8T. PAUL AT CORINTH.—PUNISHMENT OF CONTUMACIOUS OFFENDERS.—SUBSEQUEANY 
CHARACTER OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH.—COMPLETION OF THE COLLECYION.— 
PHBE’S JOURNEY TO ROME.—SHE BEARS THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


No sooner had St. Paul despatched to Ephesus the messengers who bore 
his energetic remonstrance to the Galatians, than he was called upon tc 
inflict the punishment which he had threatened upon those obstinate 
sinners who still defied his censures at Corinth. We have already seen 
that these were divided into two classes: the larger consisted of those 
who justified their immoral practice by antinomian' doctrine, and styling 
themselves ‘‘ the Spiritual,” considered the outward restrictions of morality 
as mere carnal ordinances, from which they were emancipated ; the other 
and smaller (but more obstinate and violent) class, who had been more 
recently formed into a party by emissaries from Palestine, were the ex- 
treme Judaizers,? who were taught to look on Paul as a heretic, and to 
deny his apostleship. Although the principles of these two parties differed 
so widely, yet they both agreed in repudiating the authority of St. Paul ; 
and, apparently, the former party gladly availed themselves of the calum- 
nies of the Judaizing propagandists, and readily listened to their denial of 
Paul’s divine commission ; while the Judaizers, on their part, would foster 
any opposition to the Apostle of the Gentiles,. from whatever quarter it 
might arise. 

But now the time was come when the peace and purity of the Corin- 
thian Church was to be no longer destroyed (at least openly) by either of 
these parties. St. Paul’s first duty was to silence and shame his leading 
opponents, by proving the reality of his Apostleship, which they denied. 
This he could only do by exhibiting ‘“‘ the signs of an Apostle,” which con- 
sisted, (as he himself informs us), mainly in the display of miraculous 


1 In applying this term Antinomian to the πάντα ἔξεστιν party at Corinth, we de 
not of course mean that all their opinions were the same with those which have been 
held by modern (so-called) Antinomians. But their characteristic (which was a belief 
that the restraints of outward law were abolished for Christians) seems more accurately 
expressed by the term Antinomian, than by any other. 

* See above. Chap. XVII. p. 96. 


152 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


powers (2 Cor. xii. 12). The present was a crisis which required such ax 
appeal to the direct judgment of God, who could alone decide between 
conflicting claimants to a Divine commission. It was a contest like that 
between Elijah and the prophets of Baal. St. Paul had already in his 
absence professed his readiness to stake the truth of his claims on this 
issue (2 Cor. x. 8, and xiii. 3-6) ; and we may be sure that now, when he 
was present, he did not shrink from the trial. And, doubtless, God, who 
had sent him forth, wrought such miracles by his agency as sufficed to 
convince or to silence the gainsayers. Perhaps the Judaizing emissaries 
from Palestine had already left Corinth, after fulfilling their mission by 
founding an anti-Pauline party there. If they had remained, they must now 
have been driven to retreat in shame and confusion. All other opposition. 
was quelled likewise, and the whole Church of Corinth were constrained to 
confess that God was on the side of Paul. Now, therefore, that “‘ their obe- 
dience was complete,” the painful task remained of “punishing all the dis- 
obedient” (2 Cor. x. 6). It was not enough that those who had so often 
offended, and so often been pardoned before, should now merely profess 
once more ἃ repentance which was only the oflspring of fear or of hypocrisy. 
They had long infected the Church ; they were not merely evil themselves, 
but they were doing harm to others, and causing the name of Christ to be 
blasphemed among the heathen. It was necessary that the salt which had 
lost its savour should be cast out, lest its putrescence should spread to 
that which still retained its purity. St. Panl no longer hesitated to stand 
between the living and the dead, that the plague might be stayed. We 
know, from his own description (1 Cor. v. 3-5), the very form and 
wnanner of the punishment inflicted. A solemn assembly of the Church 
was convened ; the presence and power of the Lord Jesus Christ was 
especialiy invoked ; the cases of the worst offenders were separately con 
sidered, and those whose sins required so heavy a punishment, were pub- 
licly cast out of the Church, and (in the awful phraseology of Scripture) 
delivered over to Satan. Yet we must not suppose that even in such 
extreme cases the object of the sentence was to consign the criminal to 
final reprobation. On the contrary, the purpose of this excommunication 
was so to work on the offender’s mind as to bring him to sincere repent- 
ance, “ that his spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus.”! If 
it had this happy effect, and if he manifested true contrition, he was re 
stored (as we have already seen in the case of the incestuous person?) te 
the love of the brethren and the communion of the Church. 

We should naturally be glad to know whether the pacification and 
purification of the Corinthian Church thus effected was permanent ; Οἱ 
whether the evils which were so deeply rooted, sprang up again after St 


11 Cor. v.5 2 Cor. ii. 6-8. 


SUBSEQUENT CHAKACTER OF THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH. 154 


Paul’s departure. On this point Scripture gives us no farther information, 
nor can we nnd any mention of this Church (which has hitherto occupied 
50 large a space in our narrative) after the date of the present chapter, 
either in the Acts or the Epistles. Such silence seems, so far as it goes, 
of favourable augury. And the subsequent testimony of Clement (the 
“fellow-labourer” of Paul, mentioned Phil. iv. 3) confirms this interpreta- 
tion of it. He speaks (evidently from his own personal experience) of 
the impression produced upon every stranger who visited the Church of 
Corinth, by their exemplary conduct ; and specifies particularly their pos- 
session of the virtues most opposite to their former faults. Thus, he says, 
that they were distinguished for the ripeness and soundness of their know- 
ledge,' in contrast to the unsound and false pretence of knowledge for 
which they were rebuked by St. Paul. Again, he praises the pure and 
blameless lives of their women ;* which must therefore have been greatly 
changed since the time when fornication, wantonness, and impurity (2 Cor. 
xii. 21) was the characteristic of their society. But especially he com- 
mends them for their entire freedom from faction and party-spirit,3 which 
had formerly been so conspicuous among their faults. Perhaps the picture 
which he draws of this golden age of Corinth may be too favourably 
coloured, as a contrast to the state of things which he deplored when he 
wrote. Yet we may believe it substantially true, and may therefore hope 
that some of the worst evils were permanently corrected ; more particu- 
larly the impurity and licentiousness which had hitherto been the most 
flagrant of their vices. Their tendency to party-spirit, however (so cha- 
racteristic of the Greek temper), was not cured; on the contrary, it 
blazed forth again with greater fury than ever, some years after the 
death of St. Paul. ‘Their dissensions were the occasion of the letter οἱ 
Clement already mentioned ; he wrote in the hope of appeasing a violent 
and long-continued‘ schism which had arisen (like their earlier divisions) 
from their being ‘“‘ puffed up in the cause of one against another.”> He 
rebukes them for their envy, strife, and party-spirit;* accuses them of 
being devoted to the cause of their party-leaders rather than to the cause 
of God ;7 and declares that their divisions were rending asunder the body 
of Christ, and casting a stumbling-block in the way of many.’ This is the 


1 Τὴν τελείαν καὶ ἀσφαλῆ γνῶσιν. Clem. Ep. I. cap. 1. 
Τυναιξὶν ἐν ἀμώμῳ καὶ σεμνῇ καὶ ἁγνῇ συνειδήσει πάντα ἐπιτελεῖν παρηγγέλλετε 

πο ΠΣ: πάνυ σωφρονούσας. I. cap. 1. 

3 Πᾶσα στάσις καὶ πᾶν σχίσμα βδελυκτὸυ ὑμῖν. Cap. 2. 

4 ᾿Επίμονος ὑμῶν ἐστιν ἣ στάσις. Clem. Ep. I. cap. 46. 

5 1 Cor. iv. 6. 

6 Φιβθόνος καὶ ἔρις καὶ στάσις. Clem. Ep. 1. cap. 3. 

7 Δίκαιον... ὑπηκόους ἡμᾶς μᾶχλον γένεσθαι τῷ Θεῷ ἢ τοῖς ἐν ἀλαζονείᾳ καὶ 
Ξκαταστασίᾳ ἀρχηγοῖς ἐξακολουθεῖν (cap. 14). Also he tells them that they were 
wv ἕν ἢ δύο πρόσωπα στασιάζοντες (cap. 47). See also cap. 54. 

8 Clem. Ep. I. cap. 46. 


154 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


ast account which we have of the Corinthian Church in the Apcstolie 
age; so that the curtain falls upon a scene of unchristian strife, too muck 
like that upon which it rose. Yet, though this besetting sin was stil 
ansubdued, the character of the Church, as a whole, was (as we have 
seen) very much improved since the days when some of them denied the 
resurrection, and others maintained their right to practise ruchastity. 

St. Paul continued three months! resident at Coriuth ; or, at least, he 
made that city his head-quarters during this pericd. Probably he made 
excursions thence to Athens and other neighbotriag Churches, which (as 
we know”) he had established at his first visit <fvoaghout all the region 
of Achaia, and which, perhaps, needed his pteseuce, his exhortations, and 
his correction, no less than the metropolitee Courch. Meanwhile, he was 
employed in completing that great colleciior. for the Christians of Pales- 
tine, upon which we have seen him so Jong engaged. The Christians of 
Achaia, from whose comparative wealJtbh much seems to have been ex- 
pected, had already prepared ther contributions, by laying aside some- 
thing for the fund on the first day of every week ;* and, as this had been 
going on for more than a year,‘ the sum laid by must have been consi- 
derable. This was now collected from the individual contributors, and 
entrusted to certain treasurers elected by the whole Church,® who were to 
earry it to Jerusalem in company with St. Paul. 

While the Apostle was preparing for this journey, destined to be so 
eventful, one of his converts was also departing from Corinth, in an oppo- 
site direction, charged with a commission which has immortalised her 
name. This was Phebe, a Christian lady resident at Cenchrex, the 
eastern port of Corinth. She was a widow® of consideration and wealth, 
who acted as one of the deaconesses? of the Church, and was now about 
to sail to Rome, upon some private business, apparently connected with a 
law-suit in which she was engaged. St. Paul availed himself of this op- 
portunity to send a letter by her hands to the Roman Church. His reason 
for writing to them at this time was his intention of speedily visiting 
them, on his way from Jerusalem to Spain. He desired, before his per- 
sonal intercourse with them should begin, to give them a proof of the 
affectionate interest which he felt for them, although they “had not secu 


1 Acts. xx. 3. 

2 See 2 Cor. i. 1, and 2 Cor. xi. 10 (τοῖς κλίμασι τῆς ᾿Αχαΐας). See, however, the 
remarks at the end of Chap. X. and Chap. XVIL 

31 Cor. xvi. 2. 4 2 Cor. viii. 10, and 2 Cor. ix. 2. 

5 Οὗς ἐὰν δοκιμάσητε. 1 Cor. xvi. 3. (See the translation of the verse.) 

6 She could not (according to Greek manners) have been mentioned as acting in the 
independent manner described Rom, xvi. 1-2) either if her husband had been living οἱ 
if she had been unmarried. 

7 On this appellation, however, see Vol. I. p. 435, note 1, 

5. See note on Rom. xvi. 1. 


ROMAN CHURCH OF GENTILE ORIGIN. SE 


his face in the flesh.” We must not suppose, however, that they were 
hitherto altogether unknown to him ; for we sce, from the very numerous 
salutations at the close of the Epistle, that he was already well acquainted 
with many individual Christians at Rome. From the personal acquaint: 
ance he had thus formed, and the intelligence he had received, he had 
reason to entertain a very high opinion of the character of the Church ;' 
and accordingly he tells them (Rom. xv. 14, 15) that, in entering so fully 
in his letter upon the doctrines and rules of Christianity, he had done it 
not so much to teach as to remind them; and that he was justified in 
assuming the authority so to exhort them, by the special commission which 
Christ had given him to the Gentiles. 

The latter expression shows us that the majority of the Roman Christ- 
iuns were of Gentile origin,’ which is also evident from several other pas- 
sages in the Epistle. At thesame time, we cannot doubt that the original 
nucleus of the Church there, as well as in all the other great citics of the 
Empire, was formed by converts who had separated themselves from the 
Jewish synagogue The name of the original founder of the Roman 
Church has not been preserved to us by history, nor even celebrated by 
tradition. This is aremarkable fact, when we consider how soon the 
Church of Rome attained great eminence in the Christian world, both 
from its numbers, and from the influence of its metropolitan rank. Had 
any of the Apostles laid its first foundation, the fact could scarcely fail to 
have been recorded. It is therefore probable that it was formed in the 
first instance, of private Christians converted in Palestine, who had come 
from the eastern‘ parts of the Empire to reside at Rome, or who had 
brought back Christianity with them, from some of their periodical visits 
to Jerusalem, as the “Strangers of Rome,” from the great Pentecost. 
Indeed, among the immense multitudes whom political and commercial 
reasons constantly attracted to the metropolis of the world, there could 
not fail to be representatives of every religion which had established itself 
in any of the provinces. 

1 Rom. i. 8: “ Your faith is spoken of throughout the whole world.” 

® See also Rom. i. 13. 

+ This is evident from the familiarity with the Old Testament which St. Paul assumes 
in the readers of the Epistle to the Romans ; also from the manifest reference to Jewish 
readers in the whole argument of chapters iii. and iv., and again of chapters ix., x, 
and xi. 

4 We cannot, perhaps, infer anything as to the composition of the Church at Rome, 
fiom the fact that St. Paul writes to them in Greek instead of Latin; because Hellen- 
istic Greek was (as we have seen, Vol. I. p. 39) his own native tongue, in which he 
seems always to have written; and if any of the Roman Christians did not understand 
that language, interpreters were not wanting in their own body who could explain it 
to them. It is rather remarkable that Tertius, who acted as St. Paul’s amanuensis, 


was apparently (to judge from his name) a Roman Christian of the Latin section of 
the Church. ; 


150 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF SI. PAUL. 


On this hypothesis, the earliest of the Roman Christians were Jews by 
birth, who resided in Rome, from some of the causes above alluded to 
By their efforts others of their friends and fellow-countrymen (who were 
very numerous at Rome!) would have been led to embrace the Gospel. 
But the Church so founded, though Jewish in its origin, was remarkably 
free from the predominance of Judaizing tendencies. ‘This is evident from 
the fact that so large a majority of it at this early period were already of 
Gentile blood ; and it appears still more plainly from the tone assumed by 
St. Paul throughout the Epistle, so different from that in which he ad- 
dresses the Galatians, although the subject-matter is often nearly identical. 
Yet, at the same time, the Judaizing element, though not preponderating, 
was not entirely absent. We find that there were opponents of the 
Gospel at Rome, who argued against it on the ground of the immoral con 
sequences which followed (as they thought) from the doctrine of Justifica- 
tion by Faith ; and even charged St. Paul himself with maintaining that 
the greater man’s sin, the greater was God’s glory (see Rom. iii. 8). 
Moreover, not all the Jewish members of the Church could bring them- 
selves to acknowledge their uncircumcised Gentile brethren as their equals 
in the privileges of Christ’s kingdom (Rom. iii. 9 and 29. xv. 7-11) ; 
and, on the other hand, the more enlightened Gentile converts were in- 
clined to treat the lingering Jewish prejudices of weak consciences with 
scornful contempt (Rom. xiv. 3). It was the aim of St. Paul to win the 
former of these parties to Christian truth, and the latter to Christian love ; 
and to remove the stumbling-blocks out of the way of both, by setting 
before them that grand summary of the doctrine and practice of Christ- 
ianity which is contained in «1; following Epistle. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS.’ 


Salutation. Pav, a bondsman of Jesus Christ, a called Apostle, 1 
set apart to publish the Glad-tidings of God——— 


1 Horace, Sat. 1. 70. 

2 The date of this Epistle is very precisely fixed by the following statements con- 
tained in it:— 

(1) St. Paul had never yet been to Rome. (i. 11, 13, 15), 

(2) He was intending to go to Rome, after first visiting Jerusalem (xv. 23-28). 
This was exactly his purpose during his three months’ residence at Corinth. ~See Acta 
xix. 21. 

(3) He was going to bear a collection of alms from Macedonia and Achaia to Jeru- 
salem (xv. 26 and 31). This be did carry from Corinth to Jerusalem at the close of 
this three months’ visit. See Acts xxiv. 17. 

(4) When he wrote the Epistle, Timotheus, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus were with 
him (xvi. 21, 23); of these, the first three are expressly mentioned in the Acts as hav. 
ing been with him at Corinth during the three months’ visit (see Acts xx. 4); and the 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 154 


2 which He promised of old by His Prophets in the Holy 
Scriptures, concerning His Son (who was born of the seed 

4 of David according to the flesh, but was marked out! as 
the Son of God with mighty power, according to the 
spirit of holiness, by his resurrection from the dead), even 
5 Jesus Christ, our Lord and Master.?- By whom I received 
grace and apostleship, that I might declare His name 
among all the Gentiles, and bring them to the obedience 
of faith, Among whom ye also are numbered, being 
called by Jesus Christ———ro ati Gop’s BELOVED CHILD- 
REN, CALLED TO BE CHRIST’S PEOPLE,’ WHO DWELL IN Rome.‘ 
Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father, and from our 

Lord Jesus Christ. 

8 first I thank my God through Jesus Christ for  qutention οἱ 
you all, because the tidings of your faith are fold ea 

9 throughout the whole world. For God is my wit- ““*°"® 
ness (whom I serve with the worship* of my spirit, in pro- 
claiming the Glad-tidings of His Son) how unceasingly I make 
Lomention of you at all times in my prayers, beseeching Him 
that if it be possible I might now at length have a way open 
to rhe according to the will of God, to come and visit you. 
11 For I long to see you, that J may impart to you some spiritual 
12 gift, for the establishment of your stedfastness; that I may 
share with you (I would say) in mutual encouragement, 
through the faith beth of you and me together, one with ano- 


I DS 


last, Erastus, was himself a Corinthian, and had been sent shortly before from Ephesus 
(Acts xix. 22) with Timotheus on the way to Corinth. Compare 1 Cor. xvi. 10, 11. 

(5) Phebe, a deaconess of the Corinthian port of Cenchrez was the bearer of the 
Epistle (xvi. 1) to Rome. 

1 Ὃρισθέντος, here equivalent, as Chrysostom says. to δειχθέντος. We may observe 
that the notes which marked Jesus as the Sen of God, are here declared to be power 
and holiness. Neither would have been sufficient without the other. 

3 Κύριος seems to require this translation here, especially in connection with 
δοῦλος, v. 1. 

3 See note on 1 Cor. i. 2. 

4 If this introductory salutation appears involved and parenthetical, it the more 
forcibly recalls to our mind the manner in which it was written, namely, by dictation 
from the mouth of St. Paul. Of course an extemporary spoken composition will 
always be more full of parentheses, abrupt transitions, and broken sentences, than a 
treatise composed in writing by its author. 

ὃ Τῷ πνεύματί μου qualifies λατρεύω, a term which was generally applied te acts of 
sutward worship. As much as to say, ‘My worship of God is not the outward service 
of the temple, but the inward homage of the spirit.”’ See λατρείαν similarly qualified 
chap. xii. 1. 


158 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


ther. But I would not have you ignorant, brethren, that 113 
have often purposed to come to you (although hitherto I 
lave been hindered), that I might have some fruit among you 
also, as I have among the other Gentiles. JI am a debtor both 14 
to Greeks and Barbarians, both to wise and foolish ; therefore, 15 
as far as in me lies, 1 am ready to declare the Glad-tidings to 
you that are in Rome, as well as to others. For [even in the 16 
chief city of the world] Iam not ashamed of the Glad-tidings 
of Christ, seeit.g it is the mighty power whereby God brings 
salvation to every man that has faith therein, .o the Jew first, 
This Gata. and aiso to the Gentile.’ For therein God’s right-13 
the revelation COUSNeSS? 9 revealed, a righteousness which springs 


f 1 : ΐ : ἢ “supe 
τ δ perfect mo from Faith, and which Faith receives—as it 15 writ- 
ral state ES 4 4 ᾿ ᾿ 5 

daea ὁ ng “ten: “ By faith shall the righteous live.” 5 

oh ainen each For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven1s 


is the condition 


(éx) and the ooainst all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, 
recipient (εἰς). f=) 5 t=) Σ 
For by Ged’s who keep‘ down the truth [which they know] 


revious reve- i . Β 
tions, only His hy the wickedness wherein they |ἰγ6.5 Because 19 


prohibition of 


sin had been that which can be known of God is manifested in 


revealed. 


tease awof their hearts, God himself having shown it to them ; 


conscience was 


en erg for His eternal power and Godhead, though they be 20 


omen »" invisible, yet are seen ever since the world was 


them, as was 


testified by the INAde, being understood by His works, that they 


utterly co t . . . 
state of the [who despised Him] might have no excuse ; because 21 


ἘΝ ΤΣ although they knew God, they glorified Him not as 
God, nor gave Him thanks, but in their reasonings they went 
astray after vanity, and their heart, being void of wisdom, was 
filled with darkness, Calling themselves wise, they were 22 
turned into fools, and forsook the glory 5 of the imperishable 28 


1 St. Paul uses Ἕλλην as the singular of ἔθνη, because the singular of the latter 
word is not used in the sense of a Gentile. Also the plural "Ἕλληνες is used when 
individual Gentiles are meant; ἔθνη when Gentiles collectively are spoken of. 

Δικαιοσύιη Θεοῦ. Not an attribute of God, but the righteousness which God con- 
siders such ; and which must therefore be the perfection of man’s moral nature. This 
righteousness may be looked on under two aspects: 1, in itself, as a moral condition 
of man ; 2, in its consequences, as involving a freedom from guilt in the sight of God. 
Under the first aspect it is the possession of a certain disposition of mind ealled πίστις, 
or faith. Under the second aspect it is regarded as something reckoned by God to the 
account of man—an acquittal of past offences, 

3 Habakkuk ii. 4. (LXX.) 

4 For this meaning of κατέχω, compare 2 Thess. ii. 6. 

5 Ἔν ἀδικίᾳ, by living in wickedness. 

* This is nearly a quotation from Ps. cvi. 20: 747 iSavro τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν ἐν ὁμοιὼ 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 159 


God for idols graven in the likeness of perishable men, or of 
24birds and beasts, and creeping things. Therefore God also 
gave them up to work uncleanness according to their hearts 
2% lust, to dishonour their bodies one with another ; seeing they 
had bartered the truth of God for lies, and reverenced and 
worshipped the things made instead of the Maker, who is 
26 blessed for ever, Amen. Tor this cause God gave them up to 
shameful passions ; for on the one hand their women changed 
27 the natural use into that which is against nature; and on the 
other hand their men, in like manner, leaving the natural use 
of the women, burned in their Inst one toward another, men 
with men working abomination, and receiving in themselves 
28the due recompense of their transgression. And as they 
thought fit to cast out the acknowledgment of God, God gave 
them over to an outcast! mind, to do the things that are un- 
29seemly. They are filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, 
depravity, covetousness, maliciousness. They overflow with 
80 envy, murder, strife, deceit, malignity. They are whisperers, 
backbiters, God-haters ;* outrageous, overweening, false boast- 
ers; inventors of wickedness; undutiful to parents; bereft of 
31 wisdom; breakers of covenanted faith ; devoid of natural affec- 
32 tion ; ruthless, merciless. Who knowing the righteous judg- 
ment of God,’ whereby all that do such things are worthy of 
death, not only commit the sins, but delight in their fellowship 

U.with the sinners. 

1 Wherefore thou, O man, whosoever thou art that 1 was atco vio. 
judgest others, art thyself without excuse‘ if thou Ye" by the 
doest evil; for in judging thy neighbour thou con- gaionq iether 
demnest thyself, since thy deeds are the same which ‘piitwopner. 

2 in him thou dost condemn. And we know that casmest would 


not avail in 


God judges them who do such wickedness not by God’s sight. 


wate μόσχου. (LXX.) ᾿Αλλάσσεσθαι τι ἔν τινὶ means to forsake one thing far an- 
other. to change one thing against another. 

1 Οὐκ ἐδοκίμασαν.... ἀδόκιμον. A translation should, if possible, retain such plays 
upon words, as they are one of the characteristics of St. Paul’s style. A paronomasia 
upon the same words is found 2 Cor. xiii. 6, 7. 

* We venture to consider θεοστυγεῖς active, against the opinion of Winer, Meyer, 
énd De Wette; relying first, on the authority of Suidas, and secondly, on the context. 

3 How did they know this? By the law of conscience (sce ii. 14) confirmed by the 
tows of nature (i. 20). 

4 ’'Αναπολόγητος. Inexcusable in doing evil is evidently meant, just as it is before 
(i. 20) by the same word, ἀναπολογήτους. 

5 This appears to be the meaning of κατὰ ἀληθείαν, 


-60 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


His juijenent their words, but by their deeds. But reckonest 8 


would depend 


on the agree- thou, O thou that condemnest these evil-doers, and 


ment between 


theactions an! doest the like thyself, that thou shalt escape the 


the law reveal- 


δ νεῖν, as judgment of God? or does the rich abundance of 4 


outwardly (as 
to the Jews) or 


inwardly (asto His kindness and forbearance and long-suffering 
te heather) cause thee to despise’ Him? and art thou ignorant 
that God, by His kindness [in withholding punishment], strives 
+o lead thee to repentance? But thou in the hardness and im- 4 
‘enitence of thy heart, art treasuring up against thyself a 
store of wrath, which will be manifested in’ the day of wrath, 
even the day when God will reveal to the sights of men the 
righteousness of His judgment. And He will pay to all their 6 
due, according their deeds; to those who with stedfast en- 7 
durance in well doing seek the glory which‘ cannot perish, 
He will give life eternal; but for men of guile,» who are obe- 8 
dient to unrighteousness, and disobedient to the truth, indigna- 
tion and wrath, tribulation and anguish shall 5 fall upon them ; 
yea upon every soul of man that does the work of evil, upon 
the Jew first, and also upon the Gentile. But glory and peace 1¢ 
shall be given to every man who does the work of good, to the 
Jew first, and also to the Gentile; for there is no respect of1: 
persons with God. 

For they who have sinned without [the knowledge of] the12 
Law, shall perish without [the punishment of] the Law; and 
they who have sinned under the Law, shall be judged by the 
Taw.’ For not they who hear the words of the Law [in their13 


a) 


1 Literally, ‘is it the rich abundance ef his kindness, &c., which thou despisest ?” 

2 Ἔν, not against, but manifested in. 

3 ᾿Αποκαλύπτειν means to disclose to sight what has been hidden; the word reveal 
does not by itself represent the full force of the original term, although etymologically 
it, precisely corresponds with it. 

4 0. κι τ. καὶ ἀφθαρσίαν, an Hendiadys for ἀφθαρτὸν 0. κι τ. Δόξα καὶ τιμὴ together 
is equivalent to glory. 

5 ’Epfeia seems to mean selfish party intrigue, conducted in a mercenary spirit, 
and more generally, selfish cunning ; being derived from ἐριθεύομαι, to undertake a 
work for hire. It occurs also 2 Cor. xii. 20. Phil. i. 17. Phil. ii. 3. Gal v, 20. 
“ποιθευομένους is used for intriguing partizans by Aristotle (Polit. v. 3). The history 
of this word seems to bear a strong analogy to that of our term job. 

6 Observe the change of construction here. 

7 We have remarked elsewhere (but the remark may be bere repeated with aivan: 
tage) that the attempts which were formerly made to prove that νόμος, when used 
with and without the article by St. Paul, meant in the former case a moral daw in 
general, and in the latter only the Mosaic Law, have now been abandoned by [88 
best interpreters. See note on iii. 20. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 161 


synagogues] are righteous in God’s sight, but they who do the 
14 works of the Law shall be counted righteous. For when the 
Gentiles, who have no Law, do by nature the works of the Law, 
they, though they have no Law, are a Law to themselves; 
i5since they manifest the work of the Law written in their 
hearts, and their conscience also bears them witness, while their 
ward thoughts answering one to the other, either justify or 
16 else condemn them ; [as will be seen] in that day when God 
shall judge the secret counsels of men by Jesus Christ, accord- 
ing to the Glad-tidings which I preach. 
11 Behold' thou callest thyself a Jew, and restest in _ ΒΥ 
18 the Law, and boastest of God’s favour, and knowest jews be shielded 


y their boast 


ἃ ἮΝ the Law, 
the will of God, and givest? judgment upon good or aioe ica 


19 evil, being instructed by the teaching of the Law, {e!«w; nor by 


consecration te 


Thou deemest thyself a guide of the blind, a light to gyyecration te 
those who are in darkness, an instructor of the simple, ὑπο ποῖοι, 8 
20 a teacher of babes, possessing in the Law the perfeet ον 
21pattern of knowledge and of truth. Thou therefore that 
teachest thy neighbour, dost thou not teach thyself? thou that 
22 preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal? thou that 
sayest a man should not commit adultery, dost thou commit 
adultery ? thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou rob? temples ? 
23 thou that makest thy boast in the Law, by breaking the Law, 
24 dost thou dishonour God? Yea, as it is written, “ 7) hrough.« 
you ws the name of God blasphemed among the Gentiles.” 
25 For circumcision avails if thou keep the Law; but if thou 
be a breaker of the Law, thy circumcision is turned into un- 
26circumeision. If then the uncircumcised Gentile keep the 
commandments of the Law, shall not his uncireumcision be 
27 counted for circumcision? And shall not he, though naturally 
uncircuincised, by ® fulfilling the law, condemn thee, who with 
28scripture and circumcision dost break the law. For he is 
not a Jew, who is one outwardly; nor is that circumcision, 
29 which is outward in the flesh ; but he is a Jew who is one in- 


1 If we read εἰ dé (with some of the best MSS.) the translation must run thus: “But 
what, if thon callest thyself,” &c.; the apodosis beginning with verse 21. 

ἦ Δοκιμάζειν, to test (as a metal by fire). See 1 Pet.i.7. Henee to give judgment 
upon (here). Td διαφέροντα means (a3 explained by Theophv!act), τὴ δεῖ ποᾶξαι καὶ 
+2 δεῖ μὴ πρᾶξαι. The same phrase occurs Phil. i. 10. 

3 Compare ἱεροσύλους, Acts. xix. 36. 

4 Isaiah lii.5. (LXX.) δ. See Winer, Gram., § 19. p. 126. 


ΜΟΙ Π ip) 


162 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


wardly, and circumcision is that of the heart, in the spirit, not 
in the letter; whose praise comes not from man! but from 


God. 


The advantage 
of the Jews con- 
sisted in their 
being entrust- 
ed with the out- 
ward revelation 
of God’s will. 
Their faithless- 
ness to this 
trust only esta- 
blished God’s 
faithfulness, 
by furnishing 
the occasion for 
its display. Yet 
though this 

‘ood = resulted 
trom their sin, 
its guilt is 
not thereby re- 
moved ; since 
no consequen- 
ces (however 
good) can make 
& wrong action 
right. 


“But? if this be so, what advantage has the Jew, 
and what has been the profit of circumcision ¢” 
Much every way. First, because to their keeping 
were entrusted the oracles of God. for what, 
though some of them were faithless* to the trust 
shall we say‘ that their faithlessness destroys the 
faithfulness* of God? That be far from us. Yea, 
be sure that God is true, though all mankind be 
liars, as it is written: “Zhat* thou mightest be justi- 
fied in thy sayings, and mightest overcome when 
thou art judged.” “But if the righteousness of God 
is established by our unrighteousness [His faithful- 
ness being more clearly seen by our faithlessness], 


must we not say that God is unjust” (I speak as men do),’ “in 


sending the punishment ?” 


punishment. be unjust], how shall God judge the world? since’ 


[of that judgment also it might be said]: 


“Tf God’s truth has 


by the occasion of my falsehood more fully shown itself, to the 
greater manifestation of His glory, why am I still condemned 
as a sinner? and why?’ should we not say” (as I myself am 8 


lil 


45 


2 
3 


4 


>t 


That be far from us; for [if this 6 


" 
‘ 


1 The Pharisees and Pharisaic Judaizers sought to gain the praise of men by their 
outward show of sanctity; which is here ecntrasted with the inward holiness which 
sceks no praise but that of God. The same contrast occurs in the Sermon on the 


Mount. 


? Οὗν, if this be so. 

3 Ἢ πίστησαν refers to the preceding ἐπιστεύθησαν, 
4 See note on μὴ γένοιτο, Gal. iii. 21. 
5 That is, shall we imagine that God will break his covenant with the true Israel, 


because of the unfaithfulness of the false Israel ἢ 


6 Ps, li. 4. 


Compare Rom, xi. 1-5. 
<LXX.) The whole context is as follows : 


“T acknowledge my trans- 


gression, and my sin is ever before me ; against Thee only have I sinned, and done 
this evil in Thy sight ; that Thou mightest be justified in Thy sayings, and mightest 
overcome when Thou are judged.” | 


7 Kar’ ἄνθρωπον λέγω. 


See note on Gal. iii. 15. 


and Rom. vi. 19. 
8 In this most difficult passage we must bear in mind that St. Paul is constantly re- 
ferring to the arguments of his opponents, which were familiar to his readers at Rome, 


but are not so to ourselves. 


And compare also 1 Cor. xy. 32, 


Hence the apparently abrupt and elliptical character of 


the argument, and the necessity of supplying something to make the connection intel- 


Tigible. 


® The ellipsis is supplied by understanding ri from the preceding clause, ana λέγω- 
«ev from the following ; the complete expression would have been καὶ τί ui) λέγωμεν. 
The succeeding “rv is (as usual) equivalent to a mark of quotation. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 162 


slanderously charged with saying) ‘let us do evil that good 
may come?” Of such men' the doom is just. 


: What shall we say then? [having gifts above the me, privitezes 
of ‘ihe Jews 


xentiles] have we the pre-eminence over them? No, gave them ne 
moral pre-erhi- 


. . . . nence over the 
nno wise; for we have already charged all, both pened oat 


4 Jews and Gentiles, with the guilt of sin. And so it Lav only con. 


victed them of 


is written, “ Zhere* ἐδ none righteous, no not one; '" 
iL there is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after 
12 God, they are all gone out of the way, they are altogether become 
13 unprofitable, there is none that doeth good, no not one. Their 
throat ¢ 7s an open sepulchre, with their tongue they have used 
iadeceit, the porson of asps is under their lips. Their mouth is full 
is of cursing and bitterness. Their feet are swift to shed blood. 
10,11 Destruction and misery are in their paths,» and the way 
18 of peace have they not known. There is no fear of God before 
19 their eyes.” Now we know that all the sayings of the Law are 
spoken to those under the Law [these things therefore are 
spoken to the Jews] that every mouth might be stopped, and 
the whole world might be subjected to the judgment of God. 
20 For? through the works of the Law “ shall no flesh be justified 
im His sight,” * because by the Law is wrought [not the doing 
of righteousnoss, but] the acknowledgment of sin. 4... an ΤΥ 


21. αῦ now, not by the Law, but by another way,' ee 


God’s righteousness is brought to light, whereto the ‘tnt ofmo- 


ral law which 


22 Law and the prophets bear witness; God’s right- fBeyressessed, 


righteous in 


eousness (I sey) which comes by faith in Jesus Gos sight in 


‘ ie : different 
Christ, for all, and upon all, who have faith in Him; from that of 

Ἂ . . the Law; 7. 6. 
for herein thero is no difference [between Jew and _ not by obeying 

ὁ . . precepts and so 
23Gentile], since all have sinned, and none have at- escaping penal. 
ies, but by 


24tained the glorious likeness of God. But by His faith in Jesus 
Christ, and by 


free gift they are justified without payment [of their receivingagra- 


tuitous pardon 


debt], through the ransom which is paid in Christ ἴον past offen- 


ces. 


1 Viz., men who deduce immoral consequences from sophistical arguments. 

* This whole passage is quoted (and all but verses 10 and 11 verbatim) from Ps. 
xiv. 1, 2, 3. (LXX.) Portions of it also occur in Ps. liii. 3. Ps.v.9. Ps. exl. 3 
Ps.x.7. Isaiah lix.7. Ps, xxxvi. 1. 

3 "Epyov νόμου here is equivalent to τῶν ἔργων τοῦ νόμου (in spite of the attempts 
made by Middleton and others to maintain a perpetual distinction between them), as 
ig now acknowledged by the best interpreters: the clearest proof of this is in verses 
28 and 29, χωρὶς ἔργων νόμου" ἢ ᾿Ιουδαίων ὁ Θεὸς μόνον. At the same time, it musi 
be observed that the law is spoken of as a moral, not as a ceremonial law. 

«Ps. exliii. 2 almost verbatim from LXX. 

* Mawi¢ (τινος) means not by (τι), but by something else. See iil. 28. and iv. 6 


164 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


The sacrifice of Jesus. For Him hath God set forth, in His blood, 25 
Christ showed 5. Ὁ : Ἢ 

that this par- to be a propitiatory sacrifice by means of Faith, 
on proceeded . . 

not from God’s thereby to manifest the righteousness of God ; be- 
indifference to 


an. cause in His forbearance God had passed over the 
former sins of men'in the times that are gone by. [Him (120 
say) hath God set forth] in this present time to manifest His 
righteousness, that He might be just, and [yet] might justify? 
the children’ of Faith. Where then is the‘ boasting [of the 21 
Jew]? Itis®shut out. By what law? by the law of werks? 
no, but by the law of Faith. Therefore we conclude that by 28 
Faith a man is justified, and not by® the works of the Law; 
else God must be the God of the Jews alone; but is He not 29 
likewise the God of the Gentiles? Yea, He is the God of the 
Gentiles also. For God is one [for all men], and He will sr 
justify throngh Faith the circumcision of the Jews, and by 
their Faith will He justify also the uncircumcision of the 
Gentiles. 

Do we then by Faith bring to nought the Law? That be 31 
far from us! Yea, we establish the Law. IV. 
Jewish _ objec- What then’ can we say that our father Abraham 1 


lions met by 


appeal to the oained by " the fleshly ordinance? For, if Abraham 2 


and the eam was justified by works he has a ground of boast- 
ham. Abra- 


lan’s belief in ING. But he has no ground of boasting with God; 


1 The A. V. here is a’ mistranslation. Cf. Acts xvii. 30. And the note Vol. 1. p, 
195, n. 2. 

3 The first wish of a translator of St. Paul’s Epistles would be to retain the sama 
English root in all the words employed as translations of the various derivatives of 
δίκαιος, Viz. δικαιοσύνη, δικαιοῦν, δικαίωμα, δικαίωσις, δικαίως, and δικαιοκρισία. But 
this is impossible, because no English root of the same meaning has these derivatives ; 
for example, taking righteous to represent δίκαιος, we have righteousness for δικαιο- 
σύνη, but no verb from the same root equivalent to δικαιοῦν. Again, taking just for 
δίκαιος, we have justify for δικαιοῦν, but no term for δικαιοσύνη, which is by no means 
equivalent to justice, nor even to justness, in many passages where it occurs. The 
only course which can be adopted, therefore, is to take that root in each case whick 
seems best to suit the context, and bring out the connection of the argument. 

3 Tov ἐκ πίστεως is not fully represented by the A. V. It means “him whose essem 
tial characteristic is faith,’’ ‘‘ the child of faith.” Compare Gal. iii. 7 and Gal. iii. 9 
The word Ἰησοῦ is omitted by the best MSS. 

4 Observe the article before καύχησις. 

5 The aorist ἐξεκλείσθη seems used here (as often) in a perfect sense. 

6 Χωρίς, See note on verse 21. 

1 The οὖν here is very perplexing, as the argument seems to require ydp. It is pro 
bably repeated from the preceding οὖν, just as yap is repeated in v. 7. 

8 Edpnxévat κατὰ σάρκα, literally, gained in the way of the flesh. The order of 
the Greek forbids us to join κατὰ σάρκα with marepa, asin A. V. 

: 


EPISTLE 10 THE ROMANS. 165 


> for what says the Scripture: “Abraham had faath fous Promises 


foreshadows 


in God, and it was reckoned unto him for righteous- Greinke 


. Ω . “ ing by vi f 
2 ness.” Now if a man earn his pay by his work, it iin ":ith the 
spiritual chil 


is not “reckoned to him” as a favour, but it is paid Gren of Abra- 
5 him as a debt; but if he earns nothing by his work, orig promises, 
but rests his faith ἢ in Him who justifies? the ungodly, then his 
6 faith is “reckoned to him for righteousness.” In like manner 
David also tells the blessedness of the man, to whom God 
reckoneth righteousness, not by works but by another way,’ 
1 saying, “ Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and 
8 whose sins are covercd. Blessed is the man against whom the 
9 Lord shall not reckon sin.” . Is this blessing then for the cir- 
cumcised alone? or does it not belong also to the uncircum- 
cised? for we say, “his’ faith was reckoned to Abraham for 
10 reghtcousness.” How then was it reckoned to him? when he 
was circumcised, or uncircumcised ?, Not in circumcision but 
lin uncireumcision, And he received circumcision as an out- 
ward sign οὐδ inward things, a seal to attest the righteousness 
which belonged to his Faith while he was yet uncircumcised. 
That so he might be the father of all the uncircumcised who 
have Faith, whereby the righteousness of Faith might be 
12 reckoned to them no less? than to him ;—and the father of cir 
cumcision to those [of the house of Israel] who are not cireum- 
cised only in the flesh, but who also tread in the steps of 
that Faith which our father Abraham had while yet uncir- 
cumcised. 
13 For the promise * to Abraham and his seed that he should 
inherit the land, came not by the Law, but by the righteous- 
14ness of Faith. For, if this inheritance belong to the children 
of the Law, Faith is made of no account, and the promise is 
15 brought to nought; because the Law brings [not blessings but] 
punishment (for where there is no law, there can be no law- 
16 breaking). Therefore the inheritance belongs to Faith, that 
it might be a free gift; that so the promise® [not being capa 
ble of forfeiture] might stand firm to all the seed of Abraham, 


1 Gen. xv. 6. (LXX.) 3 See note on iii. 26. 

3 Χωρίς. See note on iii. 21. 4 Ps. xxxii. 1,2. (LXX.) 
5 Gen. xv. 6. (LXX.) repeated. _ 

6 This is the full meaning of σημεῖον, 7 Καὶ. 


8 “The land which thou seest, to thee will I give it, and to thy seed for ever," 
Gen. xiii. 15. 
® This passage throws light on Gal. iii. 18 and 20. 


£06 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


not to his children of the Law alone, but to the children of his 
Faith; for he is the lather of us all [both Jews and Gertiles], 
(as it is written, “1 have made thee the father of many nations \1 
of the Gentiles,”) in the sight of God, on whom he fixed his 
faith, even God who makes the dead to live, and calls the things 
which are not as though they were. For Abraham had faith 1g 
in hope beyond hope, that he might become the father of many 
nations ;*? as it was said unto him, “ Look toward heaven and 
tell the stars if thou be able to number them; even so shall 
thy seed be.”*? And having no feebleness in his faith, he re-19 
garded not his own body which was already dead (being about 
a hundred years old), nor the deadness of Sarah’s womb; at 20 
the promise of God (I say) he doubted not faithlessly, but his 
spirit 4 was strengthened with the might of Faith, and he gave 
praise to God; being fully persuaded that what He has pro-21 
mised, He is able also to perform. Therefore “his faith was 22 
reckoned to him for righteousness.” But these words were not 23 
written for his sake only, but for our sakes likewise; for to us 24 
also it will be “reckoned for righteousness,” because we have 
faith in Him that raised from the dead our Lord Jesus ; who was 25 
given up to death for our transgressions, and raised again to 
life for our justification.> Vv. 
Through faith Therefore, being justified by Faith, we have 1 
Christians are peace with God, through our Lord Jesus Christ ; 


Christians are 
ustified ; and F . 
thoy rejoice in. through whom also we have received entrance into 2 


the midst of 3 . 

their present this grace® wherein we stand, and through whom 

sufferings, be- ᾿ δ ΡΝ : 

ing filled’ with we exult in hope [of the future manifestation] of 
@ conscious- 4 . 

ness of God’s God’s glory. And not only so, but we exult also in 3 


love in the sa- 


evifice of Christ j . "τσ Ie Ino 
crifice of Christ Our [present] sufferings; for we know that suffering 


b artakin 7 a ¢ e 
by partaking gives the stedfastness of endurance, and stedfast en- 4 


ramet, meyare durance gives the proof of soundness, and the proof 

1 Gen. xvii. 5. (LXX). It is impossible to represent in the English the full force of 
the Greek, where the same word means nations and gentiles. 

2 Gen. xvii. 5. See the previous note. 

3 Gen. xv. 5. (LXX.) In such quotations, a few words were sufficient to recall the 
whole passage to Jewish readers; therefore, to make them intelligible to modern 
readers, it is sometimes necessary to give the context. 

4 Literally, he was strengthened inwardly. 

5 i.e. That we might have an ever-living Saviour as the object of our faith, and 
might through that faith be united with Him, and partake of His life, and thus be jus. 
tified, or accounted righteous, and (for St. Paul does not, like later theologians, separate 
these ideas) have the seed of all true moral life implanted in us. Compare vy. 10. 

8 Τῇ πίστει is omitted in the best MSS. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 101 


God, and by 


δ of soundness gives strength tc hope, and cur hope Fis, an’ ᾿ 
the life 9 


eannot shame us in the day of trial; because the (ist they are 
tove of God is shed forth in our hearts by the Holy “| 
6 Spirit, who has been given unto us. For while we were yet 
helpless [in our sins], Christ at the appointed time died for 
~ sinners. Now hardly for a righteous man will any be found 
to die, (although some perchance would even endure death for 
8 him whose goodness! they have felt,) but God gives proof οἵ 
His own love to us, because while we were yet sinners Christ 
9 died for us. Much more, now that we have been justified in 
His blood,? shall we be saved through Him from the wrath? to 
10come. For, if when we were His enemies, we were reconciled 
to God by the death of His son, much more, being already re- 
11 conciled, shall we be saved, by sharing in His life. Nor is 
this our hope only for the time to come; but even [in the midst 
of our sufferings] we exult in God, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord, by whom we have now received reconciliation with 
God. 


12 This, therefore, is like the case‘ when, through yor onrist in 
one man [Adam], sin entered into the world, and by Yas tne mene 
sin death ; and so death spread to all mankind, be- mankina tor. 

13 cause all committed sin. For before the Law was Adam was for 


condemnation. 


given [by Moses] there was sin in the world; but Te Mosaic 
Law has added 


sin is not reckoned against the sinner, when there is to the law of 


conscience, in 


Aes ino itl: ΤΟ order that sin 
14n0 law [forbidding it]; nevertheless, death reigned Cat τῖθ κα 


from Adam till Moses, even over those whose sin be® transgres- 


sion of acknow- 
ξ δ ledged duty, 
[not being the breach of law] did not resemble the "ise duty, | 


" δ . . the gift of spi- 
sin of Adam. Now Adam is an image of Him τ ἄς ἘΣ 


15that was to come. But far greater is the gift than pee ete 


δ - δ red to feel 
was the transgression; for if by the sin of the one theirneedo’ it, 
s0 that man’s 
man [Adam], death passed upon the many,® much sin might be 
the occasion of 


more in the grace of the one man Jesus Christ hag Goa’s mercy. 


1 Δίκαιος here is a man who righteously fulfils the duties of life, and ὁ ἀγαθός ia 
the good and benevolent man with whom we ourselves have been brought into contact. 

* Justified in His blood, i.e. by participation in (év) His blood ; that is, being 
made partakers of His death. Compare Rom. vi. 3-8; also Gal. ii. 20. 

2 Observe the τῆς before ὀργῆς. 

4 Much difficulty has been caused to interpreters here by the ὥσπερ (which introduces 
the first member of the parallel) haying no answering οὕτως (nor anything equivalent 
to it) to introduce the second. The best view of ihe passage is to consider ὥσπερ as 
used elliptically for [the case is] as what follows, in which sense it is used Matt. xxv 
146: ὥσπερ yap ἄνθρωπος, &e., where it neither has, nor requires, any answering οὕτωρ 

" Οἱ πγλλοΐζ, not “many” (A. V.), but the many nearly equivalent to all. 


9 ὃ ΜῈ LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


the freeness of God’s! bounty overflowed unto the many. 
oreover the boon [of God] exceeds the fruit? of Adam’s 16 
sin; for the doom came, out of one offence, a sentence 
nf condemnation; but the gift comes, out of many offen- 
ces, a sentence of acquittal. For if the reign of death was17 
established by the one man [Adam], through the sin of him 
alone; far more shall the reign of life be established, in those 
who receive the overflowing fulness of the free gift of righ- 
teousness, by the one man Jesus Christ. Therefore, as the1s 
fruit of one offence reached to all men, and brought upon 
them condemnation [the source of death]; so likewise the 
fruit of one acquittal shall reach? to all, and shall bring justi- 
fication, the source‘ of life. For as, by the disobedience of 19 
the one [Adam], the many were made sinners; so by the obe- 
dience of the one [Christ], the many shall be made righteous. 
And the law was added, that sin might abound;> but where 20 
sin had abounded, the gift of grace has overflowed beyond 
[the outbreak of sin]; that as sin has reigned in death, so 21 
grace might reign through righteousness unto life eternal, by 
the work of Jesus Christ our Lord. VI. 


Foes a bedicnns What shall we say then? shall we® persist in sin 1 


tradict - . 
vosion ot ὑεῖς that the gift of grace may be more abundant? God 


truth to con- . . . 

elude from it forbid. We who died’? to sin [when we became 2 
that we should ° . . 
persist in sin in followers of Christ], how can we any longer live in 


wrder to ca 


1 We take ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἡ δωρεὰ together. Compare the same expression 
below, in verse 17 ; litcrally, the free gift and the boon of God, an hendiadys for the 
freeness of God’s bounty. 

* Literally, the boon is not as [that which was] wrought by one man who sinned. 

3 We take δικαιῶμα here in the same sense as in verse 16, because, first, it is difficult 
to suppose the same word used in the very same passage in two such different mean- 
ings as Recte factum, and decretum absolutorium (which Wahl and most of the com- 
mentators suppose it to be), And, secondly, because otherwise it is necessary to take 
ἑνός differently in the two parallel phrases dv’ ἑνὸς δικαιώματος and δι’ ἑνὸς παραπτώ- 
maroc (masculine in the one, and neuter in the other) which is unnatural. 

4 Ζωῆς, literally, appertaining to life. 

5 A light is thrown on this very difficult expression by vii. 13: see note on that 
verse. 

6 This was probably an objection made by Judaizing disputants (as it has been made 
by their successors in other ages of the Caurch) against St. Panl’s doctrine. They 
argued that if (as he said) the sin of man called forth so glorious au exhibition of the 
pardoning grace of God, the necessary conclusion must he, that the more men sinned 
the more God was glorified. Compare iii. 7-8 and verse 15 below. We know algo, 
that this inference was actually deduced by the Antinomian party at Corinth (see Vol 
I. p. 447), and therefore it was the more necessary for St, Paul to refute it. 

7 The A. Y. “are dead ”’ is ἃ mistranslation. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 168 


sin? or have you forgotten that all of us, when we fort iva greate: 


exhibition οἱ 


were baptized into fellowship with Christ Jesus, God's grace 


for spiritual 


were baptized into fellowship with his death? lie (which is 


the grace) can 


« With Him therefore we were buried by the bap- Wh, Ossie 
tism wherein we shared His death, [when we sank %*- 
beneath the waters; and were raised! from under them], that 
even as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the 

& Father, so we likewise might walk in newness of life. For if 
we have been grafted? into the likeness of His death, so shall 

6 we also,share His resurrection. For we know that our old 
man was [then] crucified? with Christ, that the sinful body 
{of the old man]‘ might be destroyed, that we might no 

7 longer be the slaves of sin; (for he that is dead is justified‘ 

8 from sin.) Now if we haye shared the death of Christ, we 

9 believe that we shall also share His life; knowing that Christ 
being raised from the dead, can die no more; death has no 

10more dominion over Him. For He died once, and once only, 

11 unto sin; but He lives [for ever] unto God. Likewise reckon 
ye also yourselves to be dead indeed unto sin, but living unte 

12 God in Christ Jesus.° Let not sin therefore reign in your dy- 
ing body, causing you to obey its lusts; nor give up your mem- 

13 bers to sin, as instruments of unrighteousness; but give your- 
selves to God, as being restored to life from the dead, and your 

14members to His service as instruments of righteousness; for 
sin shall not have the mastery over you, since you are not 
under the Law,’ but under grace. 


? This clause, which is here left elliptical, is fully expressed, Col. ii 12: ovvrader- 
τες αὐτῷ ἐν τῳ βαπτίσματι ἐν ᾧ καὶ συνηγέρθητε. This passage cannot be under- 
stood unless it be borne in mind that the primitive baptism was by immersion. Sce 
Vol. I p. 439. 

_ ἢ Σύμφυτο, γεγόναμεν, &e., literally, have become partakers by a vital union [as 
that of a graft with the tree into which it is grafted] of the representation of his 
death [in baptism]. The meaning appears to be, if we have shared the reality of his 
death, whereof we have undergone the likeness. 

3 Observe the mistranslation in the A. V., “is crucified.” 

4 On τὸ σῶμα τῆς ἁμαρτίας, see Winer, Gram. p. 173, and De Wette in loco, ard 
zompare τὸ σῶμα τῆς capkog (Col. ii. 11). 

5 Δεδικαίωται, meaning that if a criminal charge is brought against a man who died 
before the perpetration of the crime, he must be acquitted, since he could not have 
committed the act charged against him. 

6 The best MSS. omit τῷ κ. 77. 2 

7 To be “under the law,” in St. Paul’s language, means to avoid sin from fear of 
penalties attached to sin by the law. This principle of fear is not strong enough ta 
keep men in tbe path of duty. Union with Christ can alone give man the mastery 
aver sin. 


170 


The Christian’s 
freedom from 
the Law con- 
sists in living 
in the morality 
of the Law, not 
from fear of its 
penalties, but 
as necessary 
fruits of the 
spiritual _ life 
whereof Christ- 
ians partake, 
Hence’ the 

slaves of sincan 
have no part in 
this freedom 
from the Law; 
since they are 
still subject to 
the penalties of 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


What then? shall we sin' because we are not ii 
under the Law, but under grace? God forbid. Know 16 
ye not that He to whose service you give yourselves, 
is your real master, whether sin, whose fruit is death, 
or obedience, whose fruit is righteousness. But1j 
God be thanked that you, who were once the slaves 
of sin, have obeyed from your hearts the teaching 
whereby you were moulded anew ;* and when you 18 
were freed from the slavery of sin, you became the 
bondsmen of righteousness. (I speak the language 1y 


the Law, whieh 


thelaw, whieh of common life, to show the weakness of your 
ry resuits of 


ἐπ fleshly nature,? [which must be in bondage either to 
the one, or to the other].) Therefore, as you once gave up the 
members of your body for slaves of uncleanness and licentious- 
ness, to work the deeds of licence; so now give them up for 
slaves of righteousness, to work the deeds of holiness. For 20 
when you were the slaves of sin, you were free from the service 
of righteousness. What fruit then had you in those times, from 21 
the deeds whereof you are now ashamed? yea, the end of them 
is death. But now, being freed from the bondage of sin, and 22 
enslaved to the service of God, your fruit is growth in holiness,‘ 
and its end is life eternal. For the wage of sin is death; but 23 
the gift of God is eternal life in Christ Jesus our Lord and 
Vii. 
You must acknowledge* what I say [that we are 1 
not under the Law]; knowing, brethren, (for Ispeak 


master. 


As above said, 
Christians are 
not under the 


1 See note on the first verse of this chapter. 

* Literally, the mould of teaching into which you were transmitted. 
phor is from the casting of metals. 

3 There is a striking resemblance between this passage and the words of Socrates 
recorded by Xenophon (Mem. I. δ) ; ἐμοὶ μέν δοκεῖ... . δουλεύοντα ταῖς τοιαύταις 
ἡδοναῖς ἱκετεύειν τούς θεοὺς δεσποτῶν ἀγαθῶν τυχεῖν" οὕτως γάρ ἄν μόνως ὁ 
τοιοῦτος σωθείη. 

4 Literally, the fruit which you gain tends to produce (εἰς) holiness. In other 
words, the reward of serving God is growth in holiness. 

5 Ἤ ἀγνοεῖτε, Literally, or are you ignorant ; the or (which is omitted in A. V.) 
referring to what has gone before, and implying, if you deny what I have said, you 
must be ignorant of, &c., or in other words, you must acknowledge what I say, or be 
ignorant of, &c. The reference here is to the assertion in verses 14 or 15 of the pre 
ceding chapter, that Christians “ are not under the law.” For the argument of the 
present passage, see the marginal sQ¥mmary. St. Paul’s view of the Christian life, 
throughout the sixth, seventh, and eighth chapters, is that it consists of a death and 
a resurrection; the new-made Christian dies to sin, to the world, to the flesh, and te 
the Law; this death he undergoes at his first entrance into communion with Christ, 


Thu meta- 


EPISTLE YO THE ROMANS, 


to men who know the Law) that the dominion of the 
Law over its subjects lasts only during their life ; 
2 thus the married woman is bound by the Law to her 
husband while he lives, but if her husband is dead, 
the Law which bound her to him has lost its hold 
3 upon her; so that while her husband is living, she 
will be counted an adulteress if she be joined to an- 
other man; but if her husband be dead, she is free 
from the Law, and although joined to another man 
4 she is no adulteress. Wherefore you also, my breth- 


a7] 


Ian; tor the 
Law belongs to 
that sinful 


eartlly nature 
to which they 
have died by 
partaking in 
Christ’s death 
having been ad- 
mitted to a bet- 
ter spiritual 
service by their 
union with 
Christ’s life ; se 
that the sins ot 
which the Law 
was formerly 
the oceasion 
overcome them 
no more. 


ren, were made dead to the Law, by [union with] the body of 
Christ; that you might be married to another, even to Him 


who was raised from the dead that we might bring 


forth fruit 


5 unto God. For when we were in the flesh, the sinful passions 
occasioned by the Law wrought in our members, leading us to 


6 bring forth fruit unto death. 


But now the Law wherein we 


were formerly held fast, lost its hold upon us when we died: 
{with Christ]: so that we are no longer in the old bondage of 


the letter, but in the new service of the spirit. 
What shall we say then? that the Law is sinful ? 
That be far from us! But yet I should not have 
known what sin was, except through the Law; thus 
I should not have known the sin of coveting, unless 
8 the Law had said Zhou shalt not covet But when 
my sin had gained by the commandment a vantage 
ground [against me], it wrought in me all manner 
of coveting ; (for where there is no law, sin is dead), 
9 And I felt * that I was alive before, when I knew no 
law ; but when the commandment came, sin rose to 
1olife, and I sank into death; and the very command- 
ment whose end is life, was found to me the cause 
11 of death; for my sin, when it had gained a vantage 


7 


. Science 


The Law has 
been above said 
to be the occa- 
sion οἵ sin. 
For when its 
precepts awa- 
ken the con- 
to a 
sense of duty, 
the sins which 
before were 
done in igno- 
rance, are now 
done in spite of 
the resistance 
of conscience, 
For the carnal 
nature of the 
natural man 
fulfils the evil, 
which his spir- 
itual nature 
condemns. Thus 
a struggle is 
produced in 
which the worse 


and it is both typified and realised when he is buried beneath the baptismal waters 
But no sooner is he thus dead with Christ, than he rises with Him; he is made par- 
taker of Christ’s resurrection ; he is united to Christ’s body ; he lives in Christ, and to 
Christ ; he is no longer “ in the flesh,’”’ but “ in the spirit.’’ 

1 ᾿Αποθανόντες is the reading of the best MSS. It is opposed to ὅτε ἦμεν ἐν. τῇ 
σαρκὶ of the preceding verse. To make it clear, this verse should be stopped thus, 
κατ. ἀπὸ τ. νόμου, ἀποθανόντες, ἐν ᾧ κατειχύμεθα. It should also be observed that 
κατηργήθημεν is the aorist, and not (as in A. V.) the present As to the sense ἴῃ 
which Christians are “dead,’’ see the preceding note. 

5 ixod. xx./17. (IuXX.) 3 Yor this meaning of ζῶ, see 1 Thess iii. 8. 


172 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


part in man ground by the commandment, deceived me to my 
triumphs over | > 

the better, the fall, and slew me by’ the [sentence of the] Law. 

aw Οἵ his flesh . . . 

over the law of Wherefore the Law indeed is holy, and its com- 14 
is min Ὡς 5 

man in esi mandments are holy, and just, and good. Dol say 18 
αὐτὸς ἐγὼ ; 

wathout the μοῖρ then that Good became tome Death?? Far be that 

0 rist’s F . 

Spirit, musteon- from me. But I say that sin wrought this; that so 


tinue the slave 


fee ee it might be made manifest as sin, in working Death 

to me through [the knowledge of] Good; that sin 

might become beyond measure ὃ sinful, by the commapdment. 
For we know that the Law is spiritual; but for me, I amy 
exurnal,’ a slave sold into the captivity of sin. What Ido, I ac-1s 

knowledge not; for I do not what I would, but what I hate. 
But if my will is against my deeds, I thereby acknowledge the 16 
goodness of the Law. And now it is no more I myself who do17 
the evil, but itis the sin which dwells in me. For I know that1s 

in me, that is, in my flesh, good abides not; for to will is 
present with me, but to do the right is absent 5 the good that 119 

would, I do not; but the evil which I would not, that I do, 
Now if my own’ will is against my deeds, it is no more I my- 20 
self who do them, but the sin which dwells in me. I find then 21 


1 See note on 1 Cor. xv. 56. 

2 Téyove. Literally, is it become: equivalent to do I say that it became? We must 
supply γέγονε θάνατος again after ἡ ἁμαρτία. 

3 This explains Rom. v. 20. In both passages, St. Paul states the object of the law 
to be to lay down, as it were, a boundary line which should mark the limits of right 
aod wrong ; so that sin, by transgressing this line, might manifest its real nature, and 
be distinctly recognised for what it is. 

4 It may be asked, how is this consistent with many passages where St. Paul speaks 
of the Law as a carnal ordinance, and opposes it (as γράμμα) to πνεῦμα! The answer 
is. that here he speaks of the law under its moral aspect, as is plain fro.n the whole 
context. 

5 Scarcely anything in this Epistle has caused more controversy than the question 
whether St. Paul, in the following description of the struggle between the flesh and 
the spirit, wherein the flesh gains the victory, meant tc describe his own actual state. 
The best answer to this question is a comparison between vi. 17 and 20 (where he tells 
the Roman Christians that they are no longer the slaves of sin), vii. 14 (where he 
says I amt CARNAL, σαρκικός, a slave sold into the captivity of sin), and viii. 4 (where 
he includes himself among those who live not the life of the flesh, σάρξ, but the life of 
the spirit, i. e. who are NOT CARNAL). It is surely clear that these descriptions cannot 
be meant to belong to the same person at the same time. The best commentary on 
the whole passage (vii. 7 to viii. 13) is to be found in the condensed expression of the same 
truths contained in Gal. v. 16-18: Walk in the spirit and YE SHALL NOT FULFIL THE 
DESIRE OF THE FLESH; for the desire of the flesh fights against the spirit, and the 
desire of the spirit fights against the flesh; and this variance between the flesh and 
the spirit would hinder you from doing that which your will prefers ; but if you be 
led by the spirit, you are not under the Law. 

6 The ἐγώ is emphatic. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 173 


this law, that though my will is to do good, yet evil is present 
22 with me; for I consent gladly to the law of God in my inner 
23man; but I behold another law in my members, warring 
against the law of my mind, and making me captive to the law 
24 οἱ sin which dwells in my members. O wretched man that 
am! who shall deliver me from this body of death! 


25 I thank God [that He has now delivered me] through Jesus 


Christ our Lord. 


So then, in myself,! though Iam subject in my mind to the 
VulLlaw of God, yet in my flesh I am subject to the Jaw of sin. 


1 Now, therefore, there is no condemnation to those 
2 who are in Christ Jesus ;” for the law of the Spirit 
of life in Christ Jesus* has freed me from the law 
3 of sin and death. For God (which was impossible 
to the Law, because through the weakness of our 
flesh it had no power), by sending His own Son in 
the likeness of sinful flesh, and on behalf of sin, 
4 overcame‘ sin in the flesh;* to the end, that the 
righteous statutes of the Law might be fulfilled in 
us, who walk not after the Flesh, but after the 


But with that 
help this sinfu. 
earthly natura 
is vanquished 


in the Christ- - 


ian, and he is 
enabled to live, 
not according 
to the carnal 
part of his na- 
ture (σὰρξ). 
but according 
to the spiritual 
part (πνεῦμα) 
God’s true 

children are 
those only who 
are thus en- 
abled by the in- 


dwelling spirit 
5 Spirit. For they who live after the flesh, mind or Ghia 

1 Αὐτὸς ἐγὼ, I in myself, i. 6. without the help of God. This expression is the key 
to the whole passage. St. Paul, from verse 14 to verse 24, has been speaking of him- 
self as he was in himself, i.e. in his natural state of helplessness, with a conscience 
enlightened, but a will enslaved ; the better self struggling vainly against the worse. 
Every man must continue in this state, unless he be redeemed from it by the Spirit of 
God. Christians are (so far as God is concerned) redeemed already from this state ; 
but in themselves, and so far as they live to themselves, they are still in bondage. 
The redemption which they (potentially, if not actually) possess, is the subject of the 
8th chapter. Leighton most beautifully expresses the contrast between these two 
states (of bondage and deliverance) in his sermon on Romans viii. 35: “1s this he 
that so lately cried out, Oh wretched man that I am! who shall deliver me? that 
now triumphs, O happy man! who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Yes, 
it is the same. Pained then with the thoughts of that miserable conjunction with a 
body of death, and so crying out, who will deliver? Now he hath found a deliverer 
to do that for him, to whom he is for ever united. So vast a difference is there betwixt a 
Christian taken in himself and in Christ.” 

3 The clause which follows, from μὴ to πρΡεῦμα, is omitted in the best MSS., having 
(it would seem) been introduced by a clerical error from verse 4. 

3 Winer wishes to join ἐν (Xp. ᾽1ησ.) with 7Aevbépwoe, because there is no τοῦ before 
the ἐν; but there are so many examples of a similar construction in St. Paul’s style, 
that we think his reasons insufficient to justify a departure from the more obvious view 

4 Literally, condemned, i. 6. put it to rebuke, worsted it. Compare κατέκρινε, 
Heb. xi. 7. ; 

5 “In the flesh,” that is to say, in the very seat of its power. 

3 The contrast between the victory thus obtained by the spirit, with the previa 


114 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ ΡΑΓῚ- 


κοῦν TU) to. fleshly things; but they who live after the Spirit 


conquer 


earthly nature. mind spiritual things; and’! the fleshly mind is 6 
death ; but the spiritual mind is life and peace. LBecause the 7 
fleshly mind is enmity against God ; for it is not subject to the 
law of God, nor by its very nature can be; and they whose ¢ 
life is in the Flesh cannot please God. But your life is not in 9 
the Flesh, but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God be 
dwelling in you; and if any man has not the Spirit of Christ 
within him, he is not Christ’s. But/if Christ be in you, though 1¢ 
your body be dead, because of sin [to which its nature tends], 
yet your spirit is life,’ because of righteousness [which dwells 
within it]; yea, if the Spirit of Him who raised Jesus from 1] 
the dead be dwelling in you, He who raised Christ from the 
dead shall endow with life also your dying bodies, by His® 
Spirit which dwells within you. Therefore, brethren, we are 12 
debtors, bound not to the Flesh, that we should live after the 
Flesh [but to the Spirit]; for if you live after the Flesh you13 
are doomed to die; but if by the Spirit you destroy the deeds 
of the body, in their death‘ you will attain to life. 


subjection of the soul to the flesh, is thus beautifully described by Tertullian :—* When 
the Soul is wedded to the Spirit, the Flesh follows—like the handmaid who follows 
her wedded mistress to her husband’s home—being thenceforward no longer the ser- 
vant of the Soul, but of the Spirit.” The whole passage forms an excellent commen- 
tary on this part of the Epistle, especially the following : “Omnis anima eousque in 
Adam censetur, donec in Christo recenseatur ; tamdiu immunda quamdiu [—donec] 
recenseatur.... Nam Nature corruptio alia natura est;.... ut tamen insit et 
bonum anime, illud principale, illud divinum et germanum, et proprie naturale. 
Quod enim a Deo est, non tam extinguitur, quam obumbratur. Potest enim obum- 
brari, quia non est Deus; extingui non potest, quia a Deo est. . . . Sic et in pessimis 
aliquid boni, et in optimis nonnihil pessimi. . . . Propterea nulla anima sine crimine, 
quia nulla cize boni semine. Proinde cum ad fidem pervenit .. . . totam lucez suam 
conspicit. Excipitur a Spiritu Sancto, sicut in pristina nativitate a Spiritu profano. 
Sequitur animam, Spiritui nubentem, caro, ut dotale mancipium, et jam non anime 
famula, sed Spiritis. O beatum connubium, si non admiserit adulterium.” Tertull 
de Anima, ec. 40, 41. 

1 Winer sneers at Tholuck’s remark, that ydp isa mere transition particle here; 
but yet what else is it, when it does not introduce a reason for a preceding proposition ? 
In these cases of successive clauses each connected with the preceding by a γώρ, they all 
appear to refer back to the first preceding clause, and therefore all but the first γώρ 
raight be represented by and. Just in the same way as δέ and sed are uscd sometimes, 
and but in English; as, for example, “‘ But ye are washed, but ye are sanctified.” 

3 Ζωὴ in St. Paul’s writings is scarcely represented adequately by life; it generully 
means more than this, viz. life triumphant over death. 

3 The MSS. of highest authority read διὰ τοῦ here, although the greater number 
read did τὸ, which Tischendorf prefers on the principle that it is the most difficull 
“eading. 

4 This translation ig necessary to represent the reference to Gavarcire. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


ἃ. For all who are led by God’s Spirit, and they 
"salone,! are the sons of God. For you have not re- 
ceived a Spirit of bondage, that you should go back 
again to the state of slavish fear, but you have re- 
ceived a Spirit of adoption wherein we cry unto 
ι6 God and say, “Our Lather.”* The Spirit itself 
joins its testimony with the witness of our own spi- 


178 


Such person, 
have an inward 
consciousness 

of child-like 

love to God 
(4GBa), and 
they anticipate 
a future and 
more perfect 
state when this 
relation to God 
will have its full 
development 


L7 rit, to prove that we are the children of God. And (none Aaa) 


if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint 
heirs with Christ; that if now we share His sufier- 
\gings, we should hereafter share His glory. For I 
reckon that the sufferings of this present time are 
nothing worth, when set against the glory which 
19shall scon? be revealed unto us. For the earnest 
longing of the whole creation looks eagerly for the 
time when [the glory of] the sons of God shall 
20 openly be brought to light. for the creation was 
made subject to corruption and decay,‘ not by its 


ing for a future 
perfection is 
shared by all 
created beings, 
whose discon- 
tent at present 
imperfection 
points to ano- 
ther state freed 
from eyil. And 
this feeling is 
(26, 27)  im- 
planted in 
Christians \ by 
the Spirit of 
God, who sug- 
gests their 
prayers and 
longings. 


210wn will, but through Him who subjected it thereto ; with 
hope that the creation itself also shall be delivered from its 
slavery to death, and shall gain the freedom of the sons of 


22 God when they are glorified.» For we know that 


the whole 


creation is groaning together, and suffering the pangs of la- 


23 bour, which ὃ have not yet brought forth the birth. 
only they, but ourselves also, who have received the 


And not 
Spirit for . 


the first fruits [of our inheritance], even we ourselves are 
groaning inwardly, longing for the adoption’? which shall ran- 


1 Οὗτοι, they and they alone, they, and not the carnal seed of Abraham. 


2 See note on Gal. iv. 6. 


3 Μέλλουσαν ἀποκαλυφθῆναι, which is about to be revealed, which shail soon be 


revealed, 


4 Ματαιύτης means the transitory nature which causes all the animated creation so 


rapidly to pass away. We join ἐπ’ ἐλπίδι with the following ὅτι. 


5 Literally, the freedom which belongs to the glorification of the sons of God. 
6 Literally, continuing to suffer the pangs of labour even until now. St. Paul 


heré suggests an argument as original as it is profound. The very struggles which all 
animated beings make against pain and death, show (he says) that pain and death are 
not a part of the proper laws of their nature, but rather a bondage imposed upon 
them from without. Thus every groan and tear is an uncorscious prophecy of libera- 
tion from the power of evil. 

7 Ὑἱοθεσίαν, adoption ; by which a slave was emancipated and made “no longer a 
slave but a son.” (Gal. iv. 7.) In one sense St. Paul taught that Christians had 
already received this adoption (compare Rom. viii. 15. Gal. iv.5. Eph. i. 5): they 
were already made the sons of God in Christ. (Rom. viii. 16. Gal. iii. 26.) But ir 


176 


som our body from its bondage. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8f. PAUL. 


For our salvation: lies in 24 


hope ; but hope possessed is not hope, since a man cannot hope 
for what he sees in his possession; but if we hope for things 25 
not seen, we stedfastly? endure the present, and long ear- 


nestly for the future. 


And, even as* we long for our redemp- 26 


tion, so the Spirit gives help to our weakness; for we know 
not what we should pray for as we ought; but the Spirit itself 
makes intercession for us, with groans [for deliverance] which 


words cannot utter. 


But’ He who searches our hearts knows 21 


(though it be unspoken] what is the desire of the Spirit, be- 
cause He intercedes for Christ’s people according to the will 


οἵ God. 


Hence in the 
midst of their 
persecutions 

Christians are 
more than con- 
querors ἢ for 
they feel that 
all works to- 
gether for their 
good, God has 
culled them to 
share ἴῃ his 
glory, and no 
human = accu- 
sers or judges, 


Moreover, we know that all things [whether 28 
sad or joyful]* work together for good to those who 
love God, who have been called according to His 
purpose. For those whom He foreknew, He also 29 
predestined to be made like* to the pattern of His 
Son, that many brethren might be joined to Him, 
the first born. And those whom He predestined to 30 
this end, them He also called; and whom Ile call- 


no earthly suf- 
ferings, no pow- 
er in the whole 
Creation, can 
separate them 
from His love- 


ed, them He also justified ; and whom He justified, 
them He also glorified. What shall we say then to 31 
these things? If God be for us, who can be against 


this passage he teaches us that this adoption is not perfect during the present life , 
there is still a higher sense, in which it is future, and the object of earnest longing te 
those who are already in the lower sense the sons of God. 

1 Literally, we were saved, i. 6. at our conversion. The A. V. “are saved” is in- 
correct. The exact translation would be, “ the salvation whereto we were called lies 
in hope.” 

2 ᾿Απεκδεχύμεθα, we long earnestly for the future; δι’ ὑπομοντῆς, with stedfast 
endurance of the present. 

3 After ὡσαύτως, in like manner, we must supply ὥσπερ ἀπεκδεχόμεθα from the 
preceding clause ; and the object of ἀπεκδεχόμεθα is τὴν ἀπολύτρωσιν (by verse 23). 

4 This passage is well explained by Archbishop Leighton, in the following beautiful 
words: ‘“‘ The work of the Spirit is in exciting the heart at times of prayer, to break 
forth in ardent desires to God, whatsoever the words be, whether new or old, yea pos- 
sibly without words; and then most powerful when it words it least, but vents in 
sighs and groans that cannot be expressed. Our Lord understands the language o 
these perfectly, and likes it best; He knows and approves the meaning of His own 
Spirit; He looks not to the outward appearance, the shell of words, as men do.” 
—Leighton’s Lxposition of Lord’s Prayer. 

ὃ We must remember that this was written in the midst of persecution, and in the 
expectation of bonds and imprisonment. See verses 17, 18, and 35, and Acts xx. 23. 

6 Συμμόρφους. Like in suffering seems meant. Compare Phil. iii. 10. Τὴν xo 
νίαν τῶν παθημάτων αὐτοῦ, συμμορφούμενος τῷ θονάτῳ αὐτοῦ. 


11| 


EPISTLE 10 THE ROMANS. 


32us? Ie that spared not His own Son, but gave Him up to 
death for us all, how shall He not with Him also freely give us 
33all things? What accuser can harm God’s chosen? it is God 
34 who justifies them. What judge can doom us? It is Christ 
who died, nay, rather, who is risen from the dead; yea, who is 
at the right hand of God, who also makes intercession for us. 
35 Who car separate us from the love of Christ? Can suffering, 
or straitness of distress, or persecution, or famine, or naked- 
ness, ar the peril of our lives, or the swords of our enemies ἢ 
36 [though we may say,] as it is written, “ Hor! thy sake we are 
killed all the day long; we are accounted as sheep for the 
37 slaughter.” Nay, in all these things we are more than conquer- 
ors through Him that loved us. For I am persuaded that 
neither death, nor life, nor all the? Principalities and Powers 
88 οὐ Angels, nor things present, nor things to come, nor things 
39 above, nor things below, nor any power in the whole creation, 
shall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in 
Christ J esus our Lord. 
IX. 
1 I speak the truth in Christ—(and my conscience 
bears me witness, with the Holy Spirit’s testimony, 


The fact that 
God has adopt- 
ed Christians as 
His peculiar 
people, and re- 


2 that I lie rot)—I have great heaviness, and unceas- 
3 ing sorrow in my heart; yea, I could wish that I 
myself were cast out from Christ as an accursed 
thing, for the sake of my brethren, my kinsmen ac- 
4 cording to the flesh; who are the seed of Israel, 
whom God adopted for His children, whose were 


jected the Jewa 
from their ex- 
clusive  privi- 
leges, is in ac 
cordance with 

His former 
dealings. For 
not all the de- 
scendants of 
Abraham, but 


ouly a selected 
portion of them 
were chosen by 
God. 


the glory οἱ the Shekinah, and the Covenants, and 

the Lawgiving, and the service of the temple, and 
5 the promises of blessing. Whose Fathers were the Patriarchg, 

and of whom (a3 to His flesh) was born the Christ who is over 
all, God blessed for ever. Amen. 
6 Yet I speak not asif the promise of God had fallen to the 
7 ground ; for not all are Israel who are of Israel, nor because all 
are the seed of Abraham, are they all the children of Abra- 
8 ham; but ἐγν5 Lsaae shall thy seed be called. That is, not the 

1. Ps,.isliv./232 + (EXE) 

3. The expressions dpyai and δυνάμεις were terms applied in the Jewish theology te 
divisions of the hierarchy of angels, and such as were familiar to St. Paul’s Jewish 
rvaders. Compare Eph. i. 21 and Col. i. 16, 

3 Gen. xxi. 12. (LXX.) Compare Gal. iv. 22. 

vou. 1.—12 


The context is, “ Let it not be 


178 THE LIFK AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


children of the flesh of Abraham are the sons of God, but his 
children of the promise are counted for his true seed. For 9 
thus spake the word of promise, saying, Ad this time will L 
come, and Sarah shall have a son‘ [so that Ishmael, although 
the son of Abraham, had no part in the promise]. And not 1¢ 
only so, but [Esau likewise was shut out; for] when Rebekah 
had conceived two sons by the same husband, our forefather 
Isaac, yea, while they were not yet born, and had done nothing 11 
either good or bad (that God’s purpose according to election 
might abide, coming not from the works of the? called, but 
from the will of The Caller,) it was declared unto her, 7161 
elder shall serve the younger ; according to that which is writ- 
ten, Jacob have 7 loved, but Lsau have I hated. 13 


The ie Ga What shall we say then? Shall we call God un-14 


right to reject Just [because He has cast off the seed of Abraham] $ 


some and select 
coerce, Lhat be far from us. For to Moses He saith, “Z*15 


since it is as- 


serted inthe Wer have mercy on whom L will have mercy, and 
own Scriptures δ . . 

in the case of 2. well have compassion on whom I will have com- 
Pharaoh. It ° ” . 5 
may be ohject- passion.” So then, the choice comes not from man’s 16 
ed that sucha ἔ 5 Ω 

τον represents Will, nor from man’s speed, but from God’s mercy. 
iod’s will as 


the arbitrary And thus the Scripture says to Pharaoh, “ Aven 5 for 11 


-cause of man’s 


actions ; the thes end have L raised thee up, that [might show my 


answer is, that 


the created be- mower in thee, and that my name night be declared 


ing cannot in- 


vestigate the throughout all the earth.” According to His will, 1g 


causes which 
may have de 


may pave “therefore, He has mercy on one, and hardens an- 


ΜῊ] οὐ σον. other, Thou wilt say to me, then,’ “ Why does God19 


grievous in thy sight, because of the lad [Ishmael] and because of thy bondwoman 
{Hagar}, for in Isaac shall thy seed be called.” 

1 Gen. xviii. 10, from LXX. not verbatim, but apparently from memory. 

* Literally, coming not from works, but from the caller. 

3 Gen. xxv. 23. (LXX.) The context is, “ Two nations are in thy womb, and 
the eldrr shall serve the younger.” 

4 Mol i 2,3. (LXX.) 5 Exod. xxxiii. 19, (LXX.) 

6 Exed. ix. 16, verbally according to LXX., except substitution of ἐξήγειρά ce for 
διετηρήϑης, and ἰσχύν for δύναμιν. 

7 'Iiesic obv.... Here comes the great question—no longer made from the stand- 
ing-point of the Jew, but proceeding from the universal feeling of justice. St. Paul 
answers the question by treating the subject as one above the comprehension of the 
human intellect, when considered in itself objectively, Ifit be once acknowledged 
that there is any difference between the character and ultimate fate of a good and a 
bad man, the intellect is logically led, step by step, to contemplate the will of the 
Creator as the cause of this difference. The question τί ye ἐποίησας οὕτως will equally 
occur and be equally perplexing in any system of religion, either natural or revealed, 
[t is in fact a difficulty springing at once from the permitted existence of evil. Scrip 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 176 


40 still blame us? for who can resist his will?’ Nay, rather, oh 
man, who art thou that disputest against God? “ Shall the 
thing formed say to him that formed it, Why hast thou made 

21 7.6 thus?” “ Hath not the potter power over the clay,”* to 
make out of the same lump one vessel for honour and one for 

22dishonour? But what if God (though willing to show forth Mis 


ture considers men under two points of view; first as created by God, and secondly, 
as free moral agents themselves. These two points of view are, to the intellect of 
man, irreconcileable ; yet both must be true, since the reason convinces us of the one, 
and the conscience of the other. St, Paul here is considering men under the first of 
these aspects, as the creatures of God, entirely dependent on God’s will. It is to be 
observed that he does not say that God’s will is arbitrary, but only that men are en- 
tirely dependent on God’s will. The reasons by which God’s will itself is determined 
are left in the inscrutable mystery which conceals God’s nature from man. 

The objection and the answer given to it, partly here and partly chap. iii. v. 6, may 
be stated as follows :— 

Objector.—If men are so entirely dependent on God’s will, how can He with justice 
blame their actions? 

Answer.—By the very constitution of thy nature thou art compelled to acknowl- 
edge the blame-worthiness of certain actions and the justice of their punishment (iii. 
6); therefore it is self-contradictory to say that a certain intellectual view of man’s 
dependence on God would make these actions innocent ; thou are forced to feel them 
guilty whether thou wilt or no, and (ix. 20) it is vain to argue against the constitution 
of thy nature, or its author. 

The metaphysical questions reiating to this subject which have divided the Christian 
world are left unsolved by Scripture, which does not attempt to reconcile the apparent 
inconsistency between the objective and subjective views of man and his actions. 
Ifence many have been led to neglect one side of the truth for the sake of making a 
consistent theory: thus the Pelagians have denied the dependence of man’s will on God, 
and the Fatalists have denied the freedom of man’s moral agency. 

We may further observe that St. Paul does not here explicitly refer to eternal hap- 
piness or to its opposite. His main subject is the national rejection of the Jews, and 
the above more general topics are only incidentally introduced. 

1 Isaiah xlv. 9. Not literally from either LXX. or Hebrew; but apparently from 
memory out of LXX. 

* Jeremiah xviii. 6, not quoted literally, but according to the sense. In this and in 
other similar quotations from the Old Testament, a few words were sufficient to recall 
the whole passage to St. Paul’s Jewish readers (compare Rom. iv. 18) ; therefore, to 
comprehend his argument, it is often necessary to refer to the context of the passage 
from which he quotes. The passage in Jeremiah referred to is as follows :—Then 1 
went down to the potter’s house, and behold he wrought a work on the wheeis. 
And the vessel that he made of clay was marred in the hands of the potter ; so he 
made it again another vessel, as seemed good to the potter to make it. O house 
of Israel, cannot I do with you as this potter, saith the Lord. Behold, as the clay 
is in the potter's hand, so are ye in my hand, O house of Israel. At what instant 
T shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to 
pull down and to destroy it ; if that nation against whom Ihave pronounced 
turn from their evil, Iwill repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. And 
at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to 
build and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it otey not my voice, tren I 
roll repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them. 


¢ 


180 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


wrath, and to make known His power) endured with much 
long-suffering vessels of wrath, fitted for destruction [and cast 
them not at once away]. And what if thus He purposed to 23 
nake known the riches of His glory bestowed upon vessels of 
mercy, which He had before prepared for glory. And such 24 
are we, whom He has called, not only from among the Jews, 
but from among the Gentiles, as it is written’ also in Hosea, 
Alsothe Jewish “ 7 well call them my people which were not my peo- 25 


Scriptures speak 


of the calling ple, and her beloved which was not beloved ;* and 2 26 
of the Gentiles 


and the rejec- shal) come to pass that in the place where wwus said 


tion of the diso- 


bedient Jews. γέρο them, Ye are not my people. there shall they be 
called the children of the living God.”*? But Esaias cries con- 27 
cerning Israel, saying, “Though+ the number of the children of 
Israel be as the sand of the sea, only the remnant shall be saved ; 
for He doth complete Ilis reckoning, and cutteth ἐέ short 28 
in righteousness ; yea, a short reckoning will the Lord make 
upon the earth.” And,as Esaias had said before, “ Except " the 29 
Lord of Sabaoth had left us a seed remaining, we had been as 
Sodom, and had been made like unto Gomorrha.” 

Tee ee ΟΣ What shall we say, then? We say that 110 30 


this rejection of 


the Jews was 5 ΞΕ 
that ‘they τὸς Gentiles, though they sought not after righteousness, 


sisted in a false 


idea of righte. ave attained to righteousness, even the righteous- 


ousness, as con- . 

sisting in out. ness of Faith; but that the house of Israel, though 31 
ward works and 5 : 

rites, and τὸ they sought a law of righteousness, have not attain- 
fused the trus 9 . 
righteousness ed thereto. And why? Because* they suught it 82 


manifested to 


them in Christ, not by Faith, but thought to gain it by the works 


who was the 


Ἢ ΩΝ lw of the Law ; for they stumbled against the stone of 


ew considers stumbling, as it is written, “ Behold’ I lay in Zion 33 


righteousness ag 


the outward a stone of stumbling, and a rock of offe ence ὁ and 


obedience to 


ments αν ὅν, whoso hath faith in Him shall be saved from confu- 
The Christian - 2. 
considers right S070. 


1 Λέγει, scilicet 7 γραφή, not ὁ Θεός (literally, τὲ says), 

3 Hosea ii. 23, (LXX. almost verbatim.) 3 Hosea i. 10. (LXX.) 

4 Tsaiah x. 22, 23. (LX X. almost verbatim.) 5 Isaiah i. 9, (LXX.) 

6 Observe that in the preceding part of the chapter God is spoken of as rejecting tha 
Jews according to His own will; whereas here a moral reason is given for their rejec- 
tion. This illustrates what was said in a previous note of the difference betweer the 
objective and subjective points of view. 

7 Isaiah xxviii, 16, apparently from LXX., but not verbatim, λίθον προσκόμματος 
kai πέτραν σκανδάλου being interpolated, and not found exactly anywhere in Isaiah, 
though in viii. 14 there is λίθου mpookduucre and πέτρας πτώματι, Corapare alge 
Matt. xxi. 44. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 181 


» Brethren, my heart’s desire and my prayer to cousressas pro 


ceeding from the 
2 God for Israel is, that they may be saved; for 1 bear sardine 


them witness that they have a zeal for God, yet not 24h, Whene 


Jew or Gentile, 


3 guided by knowledge of God ;' for because they snin'’be admit? 
knew not the righteousness of God, and sought to favour 
establish their own righteousness, therefore they have not sub- 

4 mitted themselves to the righteousness of God. For the end of 
the Law is Christ, that all may attain righteousness who have 

5 faith in Him. For Moses writes concerning the righteousness 
of the Law, saying, “ Zhe? man which doeth these things shall 

6 live therein ;” but the righteousness of Faith speaks in this wise. 
Say not in thine heart, “ Who shall ascend into heawen ?”8 that 

7 is, “ Who can bring down Christ from heaven?” nor say, 
“ Who shall descend into the abyss ?” that is, “ Who can raise 

8 up Christ from the dead?’ But how speaks it? “Zhe word is 
nigh thee, even in thy mouth and in thy heart ;”—that is, the 

9 Word of Faith which we proclaim, saying, “ If with thy mouth 
thou shalt confess Jesus for thy Lord, and shalt have faith in 
thy heart that God raised Him from the dead, thou shalt be 

losaved.” For faith unto righteousness is in the heart, and con- 

11 fession unto salvation is from the mouth. And so says the 
Scripture, “ Whosoever hath faith in Him shall be saved from 

12 confusion ;”4 for there is no distinction between Jew and Gen- 
tile, because the same [Jesus] is Lord over all, and he gives 

13 richly to all who call upon Him ; for “ Every man who shall 
call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved.” 

1 For the meaning of ἐπίγνωσις (which is not equivalent to γνῶσις), compare 
1 Cor. xiii. 12. 

? Levit. xviii. 5. (LXX.) 

3 Deut. xxx. 12. St. Paul here, though he quotes from the LXX. (verse 8 is verba- 
tim), yet sliglitly alters it, so as to adapt it better to illustrate his meaning. His main 
statement is, “the Glad-tidings of salvation is offered, and needs only to be accepted ;” 
to this he transfers the description which Moses has given of the Law, viz. “ the Word 
is nigh thee,” ἄο. ; and the rest of the passage of Deuteronomy he applies in a higher 
sense than that in which Moses had written it (according to the true Christian mode of 
using the Old Testament) not to the Mosaic Law, but to the Gospel of Christ. The 
passage in Deuteronomy is as follows :—“ This commandment which I command thee 
this day is not hidden from thee, netther is it far off. It is not in heaven that thou 
shouldest say, Who shall go up for us to heaven and bring it unto us, that we may 
hear it and doit? WNeither is it beyond the sea that thou shouldest say, Who shall 
go over the sea for us and bring it unto us, that we may hear it, and do it? Bus 
the word is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart, that thou mayest de 
ue? 

4 Tsaiah xxviii. 16. (LXX.) See ix. 33. 

5 Joel 11. 22. (LXX.) 


182 THE .IFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


n order, there- Ilow then shall they call on Him in whom they 14 
fore, tbat all x! 


may be so ad- have put no faith? And how shall they put faith in 


mitted, the in- 


ritation to be- Him of whom they never heard? And howshall they 15 


lieve mnst be- 


universally hear of Him if no man bear the tidings? And who 


th a shall bear the tidings if no messengers be sent 
some ane forth?! As it is written, “Mow? beautiful are the 
reise otiens, feet of them that bear Glad-tidings of peace, that 
Gally'as they bear Glad-tidings of good things.” Yet some haye1 
aoe ee not hearkened to the Glad-tidings, as saith Esaias, 
in eis “own “ Lord, who hath given faith to our teaching?” 
So, then, faith comes by teaching ;‘ and our teach-17 
ing comes by the Word of God. But I say, have they ποῦ 18 
heard the voice of the teachers? Yea, ‘‘Zheir sound went forth 
énto all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world.” + 
Again I say, did not Israel know [the purpose of God]? yea, 19 
it is said first by Moses, “J wall make you jealous against them 
which are no people, against a Gentile nation without un- 
derstanding will I make you wrath.” But Esaias speaks 29 
boldly, saying, “Z7 was found of them that sought me not ; 
I was made manifest unto them that asked not afier me.” 


But unto Israel He says, “All daylong have I spread forth my 2\ 


arms* unto a disobedient and gainsaying people.” ° i. 
he Jews, how: I say, then,—must we ” think that God has cast 1 
ever, are no 


all rejected; off His people?" That be far from us; for I am my- 


those who be- 


lieve in Christ gelf also an Israelite, of the seed of Abraham, of the 


have been se- 


(exlby Ged tribe of Benjamin. God has not cast off His people 


His people,and whom He foreknew. Yea, know ye not what is 2 
only the unbe- 


ar said in the Scriptures of Elias, how he intercedes 


1 This is a justification of the mission of the Apostles to the Gentiles, which was an 
offence to the Jews. See Acts xxii. 22. 

3 Isaiah lii. 7, apparently from the Hebrew. and not LXX. 

3 Isaiah liii, 1. (LXX.) 

4 There is no English word which precisely represents ἀκοή in its subjective as well as 
objective meaning. 

6 Psxix.4. (LXX.) 

6 Deut. xxxii, 21. (LXX.) 

7 Js, lxv. 1. (LXX. with transposition). 

8 The metaphor is of a mother opening her arms to call back her child to her em 
brace. 

9 Is, Ixv. 2. (LXX.) 

10 Μή, like nwm, asks a question expecting a negative answer = is it true that? 
must we think that? Also see note on μῇ γένοιτο, Gal. iii. 21. 

n Alluding to Psalm xciy. 14: “ Jehovah shall not utterly cast out his people.” 
(LXX.) No doubt St. Paul’s antagonists accused him of contradicting this prophecy 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


183 


3 with God against Israel, saying, “Lord, they have killed 
Thy prophets, and digged down Thine altars, and 1 am left 
4 alone, and they seek my life also.” But what says the answer 


of God to him ? 


“7? have yet left to myself a remnant; even 


seven thousand men, who have not bowed the knee to Baal.” 
5 So likewise at this present time there is a remnant [of the 


6 house of Israel] chosen by gift of grace. 


But if their choice be 


the gift of grace, it can no more be deemed the wage of works; 
for the gift that is earned isno gift: or ifit be gained by works, 
it is no longer the gift of grace; for work claims‘ wages and 


7 not gifts. What follows then ? 


That which Israel seeks, Israel 


8 has not won; but the chosen have won it, and the rest were 
hardened, as it is written, “ God* hath given them a spirié of 
slumber, eyes that they should not see, and ears that they should 


9 not hear, unto this day.” 


And David says, “ Let* their table 


be made a snare and a trap, and a stumbling-block and a re- 
Locompense unto them. Let their eyes be darkened that they may 


not sec, and bow down their back alway.” 

Shall we say,’ then, “they have stumbled to the 
end that they might fall?’ That be far from us; 
but rather, their stumbling has brought salvation to 
the Gentiles, “to® provoke the house of Israel to 
12 jealousy.” Now, if their stumbling enriches the 

world, and if the lessening of their gain gives wealth 
to the Gentiles, how much more would their fulness 
do! 
13 For to you who are Gentiles I say that, as Apos- 
14 tle of the Gentiles, I glorify my ministration for this 
end, if perchance I might “provoke to jealousy” my 
15 kinsmen, and save some among them. For if the 
casting of them out is the reconciliation of the 


ll 


11 Kings xix. 10. (LXX. but not verbatim.) 
* 1 Kings xix. 18, more nearly according to the Hebrew than LXX.- 


Nor is the re 
jection of the 
unbelieving 
Jews final, so 
as to exclude 
them and their 
descendants for 
ever from read- 
mission into 
God’s church. 
As the Gentile 
unbelievers had 
on their belief 
been grafted 
into the Christ- 
ian Church, 
which is the 
same original 
stock as the 
Jewish church, 
much more 
would Jewish 
unbelievers on 
their Lelief be 
grafted anew 
into that stock 


3 Κατέλιπον corresponding to the subsequent λεῖμμα, and the preceding καταλεῖμμα 


(chap. ix. 27). 


4 By ἔργον is here meant work which earns wages. Ccmpare iv. 4-5. The latter 


tlause of this verse, however, is omitted by the best MSS. 


5 This quotation seems to be compounded of Deut. xxix. 4, and Isaiah xxix. 16 


({LXX.), though it does not correspond verbatim with cither. 
6 Ps, lxix. 23, 24, (LXX. nearly verbatim), 


7 Literally, I say then, shall we conclude that, &c. See note on verse 1. 


* Deut. xxxii. 21 (LXX.), quoted above ch. x. 20. 


184 


from 
they had been 
broken off. 


which 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


world [to God], what would the gathering of them 
in be, but life from the dead ? 


Now, if the first of the dough be hallowed,’ the whole mags 14 
is thereby hallowed; and if the root be hallowed, so are also 


the branches. 


But if some of the branches were broken off, 11 


and thou being of the wild olive stock wast grafted in amongst 
them, and made to share the richness which flows from the root 
of the frnitful olive, yet boast not over the vranches; but,—1s 
if thou art boastful,—thou bearest not the root, but the root 


thee. 


I might be grafted in.” 
broken off, and by faith thou standest in their place: 
high-minded, 
take heed lest He also spare not thee. 


branches, 


Thou wiltsay then, “The branches were broken otf that 19 


It is trne,—for lack of faith tney were 20 
be not 

but fear; for if God spared not the natural 21 
Behold, 22 


therefore, the goodness and the severity of Goa; towards them 
who fell, severity, but towards thee, goodness, if thou continue 
stedfast to His goodness; for otherwise thou too shalt be eut 
off. And they also, if they’persist not in their faithlessness, 23 
shall be grafted in; for God is able to graft them in where 


they were before. 


by nature 


against nature into the fruitful olive, how much more 


Ree if thou wast cut out from that which 24 
was the stock of the wild olive, and wast grafted 
shall 


these, the natural branches, be grafted into the fruitful donk 
from whence they sprang. 


Thus God’s ob- 
ject has been 
not to reject 


mercy 
upon all man- 
kind. His pur- 
pose has been 
to make use of 
the Jewish un- 
belief to call 
the Gentiles in- 
to His Church, 
and by the ad- 
mission of the 
Gentiles to 

rouse the Jews 
to accept His 
message, that 
all might at 
leugth receive 
His mercy. 


For I would not have you ignorant, brethren, of 25 
this mystery, lest you should be wise in your own 
conceits ; that hardness of heart has fallen upon a 
part of Israel until the full body of the Gentiles shall 
have come in. And so all Israel shall be saved, as 26 
it is written, “ Out of Zion shall come the deliverer, 
and He shall turn away ungodliness from Tacob. 
And this is my covenant with them” When 721 
shall take away their sins.”* In respect of the xs 
Glad-tidings [that it might be borne to the Gentiles], 
they are God’s enemies for your sakes; but in re- 


spect of God’s choice, they are His beloved for their father’s 
sakes: for no change of purpose can annul God’s gifts and eall. 29 


1 St. Paul alludes to the Heave-offering 


prescribed Numbers xv. 20: “ Ve shal! 


offer up a cake of the first of your dough for an heave-offering.” 


3 Isaiah lix. 20. 


(LXX. almost verbatim). 


3 Tsaiah xxvii. 9. (LXX. nearly verbatim). , 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 183 


30 And as in times past you were yourselves, disobedient to God, 
31 but have now received mercy upon their disobedience; so in 
this present time they have been disobedient, that upon your 
32 obtaining mercy they likewise might obtain mercy. For God 
has shut up, together both‘ Jews and Gentiles under [the 
doom of] disobedience, that 116 might have mercy upon them 
33all. O depth of the bounty, and the wisdom, and the know- 
34 ledge of God; how unfathomable are His'judgments, and how 
unsearchable His paths! Yea, “Who hath known the mind of 
35 the Lord, or who hath been [Tis counsellor?” * Or“ Who hath 
Jirst given unto God, that he should deserve a recompense?” 6 
36 For from Him is the beginning, and by Him the life, and in 
Him the end, of all things. 
Unto Him be glory for ever. Amen. 


XII. 
11 exnorr you, therefore, brethren, as you ‘would ac- Extortations te 


the contented 


knowledge the mercies of God, to offer your bodies 24, earnest 


performance of 


a living sacrifice, holy and well-pleasing unto God, the, tuties be- 


tte to their 
1 Ἷ . 7 worch} severn Ἰδίᾳ 
2 which is your reasonable’ worship. And be not *‘ πὸ 


and to forgive- 


conformed to the fashion of this passing*® world, but térineic 


. . Also (xiii, 1- 
be transformed by the renewing of your mind, that ὡς ἀ Ὁ 


δ . ἢ th ivil - 
by an. unerring test® you may discern the will ΟΥ̓ sistrates as on 
. . dained by God. 

God, even that which is good, and acceptable, and And generally 
‘ ] } ] . f (xiii. 8-10) to 
sperfect. For through the gift of grace bestowed lve, as com: 
ἦ prenending a 

upon me [as Christ’s Apostle], I warn every man duties to” our 
neighbour. All 


among you not to think of himself more highly than thee duties 


should be per- 


he ought to think, but let each of you strive to gain fone Ge 


a sober mind, according to the measure of faith 10 expectation of 
st’s speedy 
° coming. 

' Throughout this passage in the A. V., ἀπειθεία is translated as if it were equiva- 
ent to ἀπιστία, which it isnot. Compare i. 30: γονεῦσιν ἀπειθξὶς. 

* The stopping we aacpt is ἠπείθησαν, τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ἐλέει iva καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐλεηθῶσι. 

3 Συνέκλεισεν. Compare Gal. iii. 22. 

4 This translation is justified by the article before πάντας. 

5 Isaiah xl, 13. (LX-X. nearly verbatim.) 

5. Job. xli, 11 (according to tke sense of the Hebrew, but not LXX.: 

7 Reasonable worship, as contrasted with the unreasonable worship of those whose 
faith rested only on outward forms. See note oni. 9. 

8 See note on 1 Cor. i. 20. 

9 See note on ii. 18. 

10 Mérpov πίστεως here seems (from the context of the following verses) equivalent 
to χάρισμα, as Chrysostom takes it. The particular talent given by God may be called 
a measure of faith, as being that by the use of which each man’s faith will be tried 
Compare, as to the verbal expressions, 2 Cor. x. 13.) This explanation is, perhaps 


186 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL 


which God has given him. For as we have many limbs, 4 
which all are members of the same body, though they have not 
all the same office; so we ourselves ave all! one body in ὅ 
Christ, and fellow-members one of another; but we have gifts 6 
differing according to the grace which Goi has given us.2 He 
that hath the gift of prophecy, let him exercise it* accord- 
ing to the proportion of his faith. He that has the gift of 7 
ministration, let hint minister; he that has the gift to teach, 
let him use it in teaching; he that can exhort, let nim ‘labour g 
in exhortation. He who gives, let him give in singleness of 
mind. He who rules, let him rule diligently. He who shows 
pity, let him show it gladly. Let your love be without feign- 9 
ing. Abhor that which is evil; cleave to that which is good. 
Be kindly affectioned one to another in brotherly love; in1¢ 
honour let each set his neighbour above himself. Let your 11 
diligence be free from sloth, let your spirit glow with zeal; be 
true bordsmen of your Lord. In your hope be joyful; in12 
your sufferings be stedfast; in your prayers be unwearied. Be13 
liberal to the needs of Christ’s people, and show hospitality to 
the stranger. Bless your persecutors; yea, bless, and curse 14 
not. Rejoice with them that rejoice, and weep with them that15 
weep. 6 of one mind amongst yourselves. Set not your16 
heart on high things, but suffer yourselves to be borne along ‘ 
with the lowly. Be not wise in your own conceits. Repay no17 
man evil for evil. See that your life be blameless in the sight 
of all. Itit be possible, as far as lies in yourselves, keep peace 18 
with all men. Revenge not yourselves, beloved, but give1g9 
place to the wrath [οὐ God]* for it is written, “ Vengeance és 
" 


not very satisfactory ; but to understand μέτρον as meaning amount, is still less so, for 
a double gift of prophecy did not imply a double faith. The expression is so perplex- 
ing that one is almost tempted to conjecture that the words crept into the text here by 
mistake, having been originally a marginal explanation of τὴν ἀναλογίαν τῆς πίστεως, 
just below. 

1 Of πολλοὶ. 

* The construction and the parallel both seem to require a comma after weAn, and ἃ 
fullstop after διάφορα. 

3 We think it better to tuke these elliptical clauses as all imperative (with the A. V.) 
1ather than to consider them (with Dz Wette and others) as “descriptive of the sphere 
of the gift’s operation ” up to a certain point, and then passing into the imperative. 
The participles in verses 9, 16, and 17 seem to refute De Wette’s arguments. 

4 This is the literal translation of Συναπαγόμενοι. 

3 This is the interpretation of Chrysostom, and is supported by the ablest modern 
mterpreters. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 151 


20mine ; 1 will repay, saith the Lord.”' Therefore, “270 thine 
enemy hunger, feed him ; of he thirst, give him drink ; for in 
so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head.”* Ba 
XIII. not overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good. 
1 Let every man submit himself to the authorities of govern: 
ment; for all authority comes from God, and the authorities 
2 which now are, have been set in their place by God: there- 
fore, he who sets himself against the authority, resists the or- 
dinance of God; and they who resist will bring judgment 
3 upon themselves. For the magistrate is not terrible to good 
works,’ but to evil. Wilt thou be fearless of his authority? 
4 do what is good, and thou shalt have its praise. Jor the ma- 
gistrate is God’s minister to thee for good. But if thou art an 
evil doer, be afraid; for not by chance does he bear the sword 
[of justice], being a minister of God, appointed to do ven- 
5 geance upon the guilty. Wherefore you must necds submit, 
6 not only for fear, but also for conscience sake; for this also 
is the cause why you pay tribute, because the authorities of 
government are officers of God’s will, and His service is the 
7 very end of their daily work. Pay, therefore, to all their dues; 
tribute to whom tribute is due; customs to whom customs; 
9 fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour. Owe no debt to 
any man, save the debt of love alone; for he who loves his 
9 neighbour has fulfilled the law. For the law which says, 
“+ Thou shalt not commit adultery ; Thou shalt do no murder; 
Thow shalt not steal ; Thou shalt not bear false witness ; Thou 
shalt not covet,” and whatsoever other commandment there be, 
is all contained in this one saying, “ Thow shalt love thy neigh- 
_ 10 b0ur as thyself.”> Love works no ill to his neighbour; there- 
fore Love is the fulfilment of the Law. 
11. + ‘This do, knowing the season wherein we stand, and that for 
us it is high time to awake out of sleep, for our salvation is 
12 already nearer than when we first believed. The night is far 
spent, the day is at hand; let us therefore cast off the works of 


1 Deut. xxxii. 35. (LXX. but not verbatim.) 

* Prov. xxv. 21. (LXX.) There can be little doubt that the metaphor is taken 
from the melting of metals, 

3 We must remember that this was written before the Imperial government had be 
gun to persecute Christianity. It is a testimony in favour of the gencral administra 
tion of the Roman criminal law. 

Eyad, xx. 13-17. (LXX,) 5 Levit. xix. 18. (LX-X.) 


188 THE LIFE AND EPISiLUS OF 8T. PAUL. 


darkness, and let us put on the armour of light. Let us waik 13 
(as in the light of day) in seemly guise; not in rioting and 
drunkenness, not in dalliance and wantonness, not in strife and 14 
envying. But clothe yourselves with Jesus Christ your Lord, 
and take no thought to please your fleshly lusts. KTV. 
Him who is weak in his faith receive into your | 
Gung to super- fellowship, and make no distinctions for’ opinion’s 
stitious tacoa Sake. Some have faith that they may eat all things 5 2 


tsand days 
whould be Others, who are weak,’ eat herbs alone. Let not 3 


treated with A . . A 

indulgence by him who eats despise him who abstains; nor let 
the more en- ed ᾿ = . 

lightened, and him who abstains judge him who eats, for God has 
all should treat 3 “ ents 

edoht' éther received him among* His people. Who art thou, 4 
wi charity, 


and forbear that judgest another’s servant? To his own mas- 


from condemn- 


ing one ano- ter he must stand or fall; but he shall be made to 
ther, whether 


Jews or Gen- stand, for God is able to set him up. There are 5 


tiles, since 


Christ had re- gome who esteem one day above another; and again 


ecived both into 


fhee*vour #8 there are some who esteem all days alike; let each 
rhe be fully persuaded in his own mind. He who re- ¢ 
gards the day, regards it unto the Lord; and he who regards it 
not, disregards it unto the Lord. He who eats, eats unto the 
Lord, for he gives God thanks; and he who abstains, abstains 
unto the Lord, and gives thanks to God likewise. For not 7 
unto himself does any one of us either live or die; but whe- 8 
ther we live, we live unto our Lord, or whether we die, we 
die unto our Lord; therefore, living or dying, we are the 
Lord’s. For to this end Christ died, and lived again, that He 9 
might be Lord both of the dead and of the living. But thou, 10 
why judgest thou thy brother? Or thou, why despisest thou 
thy brother? for we shall all stand before the judgment-seat of 
Christ. And so it is written, “As* 7 live, saith the Lord,i. 
every knee shall baw to me, and every tongue shall acknowledge 
God.” So, then, every one of us shall give account to God 12 
{not of his brethren, but] of himself. Let us then judge each 13 
other no more, but let this rather be your judgment, to put no 


Those Chris- 
tians who still 


1 Literally, not avting, 80 as to make distinctions which belong to disputatious 
reasonings. 

? These were probably Christians of Jewish birth, who so feared lest they should 
(without knowing it) eat meat which had been offered to idols (which might easily 
happen ip such a place as Rome), that they abstained from meat altogether. 

3 Προσελάθετο, received him unto Himself. 

4 Kai ἀνέστη is omitted by the best MSS. 

5. Isaiah xlv. 23 (LXX. not accurately, hut apparently from memury). 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 189 


t4stumbling-block or cause of falling in your biother’s way. 1 
know and am persuaded in the Lord Jesus, that nothing is in 
itself unclean; but whatever a man thinks unclcan, is unelean 

5to him. And if for meat thou grievest thy brother, thou hast 
ceased to walk by the rule of love. Destroy not him with thy 
meat for whom Christ died. 

16 [580 then, let not your good be evil spoken of. For the 

17 kingdom of God is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and 

18 peace, and joy in the Holy Spirit; and he who lives in these 
things as Christ’s bondsman is well-pleasing to God, and can- 

19not be condemned? by men. Let us therefore follow the 
things which make for peace, such as may bwild us up together 
into one. Destroy not thou the work of God for a meal of 

20meat. All things indeed [in themselves] are pure; but evil is 

21 that which causes stumbling to the eater. It is good neither 
to eat flesh, nor to drink? wine, nor to do any‘ other thing, 

22 whereby thy brother is made to stumble.* Hast thou faith 
[that nothing is unclean]? keep it for thine own comfort before 
God. Happy is he who condemns not himself by the very 

23 judgment which he pronounces. But he who doubts, is there- 

XV. by condemned if he eats, because he has not faith’ that he 

1 may eat; and every faithless deed* is sin. And we, who are 
strong,’ ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to 

2 please ourselves. Let each of us therefore please his neigh- 

3 bour for good ends, to build him up, Tor we know that 
Christ pleased not Himsesf, but in Him was fulfilled that 
1 Compare 1 Cor. x. 29. 

2 Δόκιμος, literally, is capable of standing any test to which he may be put. 

5. This does not necessarily imply that any of the weaker brethren actually did 

-seruple to drink wine ; it may be put only hypothetically. But it is possible that they 
may have feared to taste wine, part of which had been poured in libation to idols. 

4 It is strange that no critic has hitherto proposed the simple emendation of reading 
év instead of év, which avoids the extreme awkwardness of the ellipse necessitated by 
the received text. Compare οὐδὲ ἕν, Joh. i. 3. The ᾧ is governed by προσκόπτει, just 
as in ix, 32 : προσέκοψαν τῷ λίθῳ, 

5 We adopt the reading sanctioned by Tischendorf, which omits 4 σκανδαλίζεται 
ἢ ἀσθενεῖ. 

6 See note on ii. 18, 

7 Literally he eats not from faith. 

8 Literally, every deed which springs not from faith [that it is a right deed] is sin, 

9 Ἡμεῖς οἱ δυνατοὶ, literally, “We the strong.’ St. Paul here addresses the same 
party whom he so often exhorts to patience and forbearance ; those who called them: 
selves οἱ πνευματικοὶ (Gal. vi. 1. 1 Cor. iii. 1), and boasted of their “ knowledge” 


(1 Cor. viii. 1). See Vol. I. p. 444. 
10 Καὶ γὰρ ὁ Χριστὸς, The “even” of A. V. is not in the original. 


190 THE LIVE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


which is written “ Zhe} reproaches of them that reproached thee 
Fell upon me.” For our instruction is the end of all which was 4 
written of old; that by stedfast endurance [in suffering], and 
by the counsel of the Scriptures, we may hold fast our hope. 
Now may God, from whom both counsel and endurance come, 5 
grant you to be of one mind together, according to the will of 
Christ, that you may all [both strong and weak], with one ὁ 
heart and voice, give praise to Him, who is our God, and the 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. Wherefore, receive ye one ἢ 
another into fellowship, to the praise of God, even as Christ 
also received you.’ 

For? I say that Jesus Christ came to be a minister of the 8 
covenant of circumcision, to maintain the truthfulness of God, 
and confirm the promises which were made to our fathers ; and 
[he came to minister to the Gentiles also], that the Gentiles 9 
might praise God for His mercy, as it is written, “ Hor* this 
cause I will acknowledge thee among the Gentiles, and will sing 
unto thy name.” And again it is said, “ Lejotce,’ ye Gentiles, 10 
with His people ;” and again, “ Praises the Lord, all yeii 
Gentiles, and laud Him, all ye peoples ;” and again Esaias saith, 

« There’ shall come the root of Jesse, and he that shall rise to 15 
reign over the Gentiles , in him shall the Gentiles hope.” Now 13 
may the God of hope ὃ fill you with all joy and peace in believ- 
ing, that you may abound in hope, through the mighty working 
of the Holy Spirit. ΄ 

GM panl ives But I am persuaded, my brethren, both by the 14 
these exhorta- . 

tions boldly ‘to reports of others,* and by my own judgment also, 
Christians, »s that you are already full of goodness, filled with 
fle of the Gen. all knowledge, and able, without my counsel, to 


tiles. He in- 


tends soon to admonish one another. Yet I have written to you1s 
visit them on 


a τ» somewhat boldly in parts” [of this letter], to re- 

1 Ps, Ixix. 9. (LXX.) 

3 'Yud¢ (not judc) is the reading of the best MSS. 

¥ Λέγω γάρ (not δὲ) is the reading of the MSS. 

4 Ps. xviii. 49. (LXX.) 

5 Deut. xxxii. 43. (LXX.) See note on ix. 25. 

6 Ps, cxvii. 1, (LXX.) 7 Isaiah xi. 10. (LXX.) 

8 The reference of this to the preceding quotation is lost in A. V. through the trans. 
lation of é?-7rido¢ and ἐλπιοῦσιν by ‘ hope” and “ trust” respectively. 

® Observe the force of the καὶ αὐτὸς ἐγὼ. 

10 For the meaning of ἀπὸ μέρους, see 2 Cor. i. 14. 2 Cor. ii. 5. It might here be 
translated in some measure (as Neander proposes, compare vy. 24), but that this ig 
already expressed in τολμηρύτερον. The word ἀδελφοὶ is omitted in best MSS. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 191 


mind you [rather than to teach you], because of faizireaiy ex 


ecuted his 


i6 that μὴ of grace which God has given me, whereby ἀἰοῆσα ἴα ἐὰν 


mission in the 
eastern parts 


He sent me to minister for Jesus Christ, bearing ¢r the empire 

. . 1: . . so far as the 

His Glad-tidings to the Gentiles, that I might pre- ποιὰ was ‘not 
. . occupied by 

sent them to God, as a priest presents the offering other labopr- 
° . . ere. First, 

a sacrifice well pleasing unto Him, hallowed by however, he 

must go to Je- 


i7the working of the Holy Spirit. I have therefore basalt 


somewhat whereof to boast in Christ Jesus, concern- contributions 
thither, in spite 


ising the things of God ; for I will not dare [as some of the dangers 
do] to glorify myself for the labours of others,’ but I pects to meet 
will speak only of the works which Christ has 
19 wrought by me, to bring the Gentiles to obedience, by word 
and deed, with the might of signs and wonders, the might of 
the Spirit of God; so that going forth from Jerusalem, and 
round about so far as* Illyricum, I have fulfilled my task in 
20 bearing the Glad-tidings of Christ. And my ambition was to 
bear it according to this rule, [that I should go], not where the 
21name of Christ was known (lest I should be building on ano- 
ther man’s foundation), but [where it was unheard]; as it is 
written, “ Zo‘ whom He was not spoken of, they shall see ; and 
the people who have not heard shall understand.” 
22 This is the cause why I have often been hindered from 
23 coming to you. But now that I have no longer room enough 
[for my labours] in these regions, and have had a great, desire 
24 to visit you these many years, so soon as I take my journey 
into Spain I will come to you; for I hope to see you on my 
way, and to be set forward on my journey thither by you, 
after I have in some measure satisfied my desire of your com- 
aspany. But now I am going to Jerusalem, being employed® 
26in a ministration for Christ’s people. For the provinces ot 
Macedonia and Achaia have willingly undertaken to make a 
certain contribution for the poor among Christ’s people in Je- 
ztrusalem. Willingly, I say, they have done this; and indeed 
they are debtors to the Church in Jerusalem; for since the 
1 Literally, “to minister for Jesus Christ unto the Gentiles, a priest presenting 


an offering in respect of the Glad-tidings of God, that the Gentiles might be offered 


up as an offering well-pleasing unto Him.” The same thing is said under a some 
what different metaphor, 2 Cor. xi. 2. 

3 Compare 2 Cor. x. 15. 

3 See the remarks on this in the last chapter, p. 125. 

4 Isaiah liii. 15. (LXX.) 

* Διακονῶν, the present participle, not (as in A. V.) the future. 


199 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Gentiles have shared in the spiritual goods of the brethren in 
Judea, they owe it in return to minister to them of their own 
earthly goods. When, therefore, I have finished this task, and 28 
have given to them in safety the fruit of this collection, I will 
come from thence,' by you, into Spain. And 1 am sure that 29 
when I come to you, our meeting will receive the fulness of 
Christ’s? blessing. But I beseech you, brethren, by our Lord 30 
Jesus Christ, and by the love which the Spirit gives, to help 
me in my conflict with your prayers to God on my behalf, 
that I may be delivered from the disobedient in Judea, and 31 
that the service which I have undertaken for Jerusalem may 
be favourably received by Christ’s people ; that so 1 may come 32 
to you in joy, by God’s will, and may be refreshed in your 
companionship. May the God of ‘peace be with you all.33 
Amen. | 

ΧΥῚ 
eee ΤΣ I commend to you Phebe our sister, who 155 a i 
culuhines «ministering servant of the Church at Cenchres ; 


salutations to 
numerous Ro- 


man Christ. that you may receive her in the Lord, as Christ’s 2 
Te people should receive their brethren, and aid her in 
any business‘ wherein she needs your help; for she has herself 
aided many, and me also among the rest. 

Greet Priscilla and Aquila,* my fellow-labourers in the 3 
work of Christ Jesus, who, to save my life, laid down their 
own necks; who are thanked, not by me alone, but by all the 


1 Literally, 1 shall come in the fulness, &c. 

3 Τοῦ εὐαγγελίου is not in any of the best MSS. 

3 Διάώκονον. See Vol. I. p. 435, note 1. 

4 From the use of the legal terms παραστῆτε and προστάτις, it would seem that the 
business on which Phoebe was visiting Rome was connected with some trial at law. 

5 Concerning these distinguished Christians, see Vol. I. p. 887, When and where 
they risked their lives for St. Paul we know not, but may conjecture at Ephesus. We 
see here that they had returned to Rome (whence they had. been driven by the edict 
of Claudius) from Ephesus, where we left them last. It is curious to observe the wife 
mentioned first, contrary to ancient usage. Throughout this chapter we observe in- 
stances of courtesy towards women sufficient to refute the calumnies of a recent infidel] 
writer, who accuses St. Paul of speaking and feeling coarsely in reference to women ; 
we cannot but add our astonishment that the same writer should complain that the 
standard of St. Paul's ethics, in reference to the sexual relations, is not sufficiently 
elevated, white at the same time he considers the instincts of the German race to have 
first introduced into the world the true morality of these relations. One is inclined to 
ask whether the present facility of divorce in Germany is a legitimate development of 
the Teutonic instinct ; and if so, whether the law of Germany, or the law of our Sa 
viour (Mark x. 12) enforced by St. Paul (1 Cor. vii. 10), expresses the higher tone oz 
morality, and «ends the more to elevate the female sex. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 198 


4 Churches of ‘ae Gentiles. Greet likewise the Church whicb 
assembles at their house. 

5 Salute Epnetus my dearly-beloved, who is the first fruits 
of Asia‘ unto Christ. 

Salute Mary, who laboured much for me. 

Salute Andronicus and Junias, my kinsmen and fellow-pri- 
soners,? who are well known among the Apostles, and who 
were also in Christ before me. 

8 Salute Amplias, my dearly-beloved in the Lord. 
9 Salute Urbanus, my fellow-workman in Christ’s service, 


and Stachys my dearly-beloved. 
10 Salute Apelles, who has been tried and found trust-worthy 
in Christ’s work. 
Salute those who are of the household of Aristobulus.? 
11 Salute Herodion, my kinsman. 
Salute those of the household of Narcissus‘ who are in the 


Lord’s fellowship. 
12 Salute Tryphena and Tryphosa, the faithful labourers in the 


-_ 


Lord’s service. 
Salute Persis the dearly-beloved, who has laboured much in 


the Lord. 


‘1 Asia, not Achaia, is the reading of the best MSS. See Tischendorf; and compare 
Vol. I. p. 399, note 2. 

? When were they St. Paul’s fellow-prisoners? Probably in some of those imprison- 
ments not recorded in the Acts, to which he alludes 2 Cor. xi. 23. It is doubtful 
whether in calling them his “kinsmen” St. Paul means that they were really related to 
him, or only that they were Jews. (Compare Rom. ix. 3.) The latter supposition 
seems improbable, because Aquila and Priscilla, and others in this chapter, mentioned 
without the epithet of kinsmen, were certainly Jews; yet, on the other hand, it seems 
unlikely that so many of St. Paul’s relations as are here called “ kinsmen’’ (verses 
7, 11, 21) should be mentioned in a single chapter. Perhaps we may take a middie 
course, and suppose the epithet to denote that the persons mentioned were of the tribe 
of Benjamin. 

3 This Aristobulus was probably the great-grandson of Herod the Great, mentioned 
by Josephus and Tacitus, to whom Nero in .p. 55 gave the government of Lesser Ar- 
menia. ie had very likely lived previously at Rome, and may still have kept Rpt 
establishment there, or perhaps had not yet gone to his government. See Tac. Ann. 
xiii. 7, and Joseph. Ant. xx. 5. 

4 There were two eminent persons cf the name of Narcissus at Rome about thia 
tiine ; one the well-known favourite of Claudius (Suet. Claud. 28, Tac. Ann, xii. 57, 
65, xiii. 1), who was put to death by Nero, a. Ὁ, 54, soon after the death of Claudius, 
and therefore before this Epistle was written: the other was a favourite οἵ Nero’s, and 
is probably the person here named. Some of his slaves or freedmen had become 
Hhristians. This Nareissus was put to death by Galba (Dio. Ixiv. 3). 


VOL. 1:.--1 3 


194 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Salute Rufus,' the chosen in the Lord, and his mother, who 13 
is also mine. 

Salute Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Blows ἢ 14 
and the brethren who are with them. 

Salute Philologus, and Julia, Nereus and his sister, and1 
Olympas, and all Christ’s people who are with them. 


Salute one another with the kiss of holiness.* 16 
The Churches of Christ [in Achaia] salute you. ἢ 
ΠΣ δῆ T exhort you, brethren, to keep your eyes upon17 


against self-in- ΑΝ Ἂ 
terested parti. those who cause divisions, and cast stumbling-blocks 


Ba in the way of others, contrary to the teaching which 
you have learned. Shun them that are such; for the master 18 
whom they serve is not our Lord Jesus Christ, but their own 
belly ; and by their fair speaking and flattery they deceive the 
hearts of the guileless. I say this, because the tidings of your 19 
obedience have been told throughout the world. On yourown 
behalf, therefore, I rejoice: but I wish you not only to be: 
simple in respect of evil, but to be wise for good. And the 20 
God of peace shall bruise Satan under your feet speedily: 

The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. be with you. 


ἘΣ ποτε Timotheus, my fellow-labourer, and Lucius, and 21 


from acral a 


at Corinth to Jason ,? and Sosipater,‘ my kinsmen, salute you. 
those at Ron Ἢ 
‘ L cise: who have written this letter, salute 22 


you in the Lord. 
Gaius,’ who is the host, not of me alone, but also of the 22 
whole Church, salutes you. 


1 St. Mark (xv. 21) mentions Simon of Cyrene as “the father of Alexander and 
Rufus ;” the latter therefore was a Christian well known to those for whom St. Mark 
wrote, and probably is the same here mentioned. It is gratifying to think that she 
whom St Paul mentions here with such respectful affection, was the wife of that 
Simon who bore our Saviour’s cross. 

2 See note on 1 Thess. v. 25. 

3 Jason is mentioned as a Thessalonian, Acts xvii. 5; he had prebably accompanid 
St. Paul from Thessalonica to Corinth. 

4 Sosipater is mentioned as leaving Corinth with St. Paul, soon after this Epistl 
was written (Acts xx. 4). 

5 This Gaivs (or Caius) is no doubt the same mentioned (1 Cor. i. 14) as baptized at 
Corinth by St. Paul with his own hands. In Acts xx. 4 we find “ Gaius of Derbe’ 
leaving Corinth with St. Paul, soon after the writing of this Epistle, but this may 
perhaps have been a different person ; although this is not certain, considering how 
the Jews migrated from one place to another, of which Aquila aud Priscilla are an 
vbvious example. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 195 


Erastus,' the treasurer of the city, and the brothe: Quartus, 
salute you. 


24 ‘The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you Antograph com: 
all. clusion, 


2 NowI commend you? unto Him who is able to keep you 
stedfast, according to my Glad-tidings, and the preaching ® of 
Jesus Christ ———— whereby is unveiled the mystery which 

26 was hidden in silence through the ages‘ of old, but has now 
been brought to light, and made known to all the Gentiles by 
the Scriptures of the Prophets, by command of the everlasting 
God; that the Gentiles might be led to the obedience of faith 

27 ———— unto Him, the only wise God,» I commend you through 
Jesus Christ, to whom be glory for ever. Amen.° 


a oo 
Ὁ ο. 99 ϑοος 


ed 
SS “2 δ) 


CORINTHIAN COIN REPRESENTING CENCHRER.” 


1 Erastus is again mentioned (as stopping at Corinth) in 2 Tim. iv. 20. Probably 
the same Erastus who went with Timotheus from Ephesus to Macedonia, on the way 
towards Corinth. (Acts xix, 22.) 

? If we retain the ᾧ in verse 27 (with the great majority of MSS.) we must supply 
συνίστημι, oY something equivalent, here, or else leave the whole passage anacoluthical, 
Ixamples of a similar commendation to God at the conclusion of a letter or speech 
are frequent in St. Paul. Compare 1 Thess. ν. 23. 2 Thess. ii. 16, and especially the 
conclusion of the speech at Miletus. Acts xx. 32. 

_ 3 Κήρυγμα, literally, proclamation. 

4 Meaning the times of the Mosaic Dispensation, as is proved by the use of the 
same expression, Tit. i. 2. 

5 If we were (on the authority of the Codex Vaticanus) to omit the @ in this passage, 
the last three verses would become a continuous doxology. The translators of 
the A. V. have tacitly omitted this ᾧ, although professing to follow the Textus Re- 
cr ptus. 

6 Some MSS. insert the verses 25, 26, 27, after xiv. 23, instead of in this place ; but 
the greater weight of MS. authority is in favour of their present position. A good re- 
futation of the objections which have been made against the authenticity of the last 
two chapters, is given by De Wette (in 1060) and by Neander (P. und L, 451-453) ; 
put, above all, »y Paley’s Hore Pauline, inasmuch as these very chapters furnish four 
or five of the most striking undesigned coincidences there mentioned. 

7 Little has been said as yet concerning Cencbrex, and some interest is given to the 
place both by the mention of its Church in the preceding Epistle (Rom. xvi. 1), and by 
the departure of St. Paul from that port on his first visit to Achaia (Acts xviii 18% 


196 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


ENCLISH FEET. 
500 


: mo 4 : > EDS, SAREE 


POSIDONIUM AT THE ISTHMUS. 


Note on the Isthmian Stadium. 

Jn our account of Corinth (Chap. xi. xii.), we have entered into no enquiry 
concerning the topography of the scene of the Isthmian games. (See p. 415). 
Since St. Paul makes many allusions to the athletic contests of the Greeks, and 
since we are now come to the point in his life when he leaves Corinth for the last 


We have seen (Vol. I. p. 413) that it was seventy stadia, or nearly nine miles distant 
from Corinth, and (p. 422) that its position is still pointed out by the modern Kikries, 
where some remains of the ancient town are visible. The road is described by Pausa- 
nias as leading from Corinth through an avenue of pine-trees, and past many tombs, 
among which, two of the most conspicuous were those of the cynic Diogenes and the 
profligate Thais (ad cujus jacuit Grecia tota fores. Prop. ii. 2). For the coast-line, 
see the chart illustrating Thucyd. iv. 42, 44, at the end of Dr. Arnold’s second volume, 
and compare Poppo’s Prolegomena. The coin here engraved is from Millingen 
(Recueil de quelques Médailles grecques inédites: Rome, 1812), and is that to which 
allusion was made Vol. I. p. 422, π. 2. It isa colonial coin of Antoninus Pius, and 
represents the harbour of Cenchree exactly as it isdescribed by Pausanias. See Leake’s 
Morea, iii. 233-235. 


NOTE ON THE ISTHMIAN STADIUM. 197 


time, it seems right that we should state what is known on the subject. No good 
topographical delineation of the Isthmus exists. This district was omitted in the 
French Expédition de la Morée ; and the second volume of the work of Curtius on 
the Peloponnesus has not yet appeared. We have given here the plan from Col. 
Leake’s third volume, which is the most complete yet published, and which acen 
rately represents the relative positions of the stadium, the theatre, and the temple. 
The Posidonium or Sanctuary of Neptune, is at the narrowest part of the Isthmus, 
close by Schcenus, the modern Kalamaki (see p. 413, n. 5) ; and modern travellers 
may visit the ruins on their way between Kalamaki and Lutraki, from one steam. 
boat to the other. St. Paul would also pass by this spot if he went by land from 
Athens (p. 406, note). The distance from Corinth is about eight miles; and at 
Hexamili, near Uorinth, the road falls into that which leads to Cenchrez. (See 
the preceding page, and Leake, iii. 286.) The military wall, which crossed the 
Isthmus to Lechzeum, abutted on the sanctuary (p. 410 n. 7), and was for some 
space identical with the sacred enclosure. At no great distance are the traces of 
the canal which Nero left unfinished about the time of St. Paul’s death (pp. 444, 
445) ; and in many places along the shore may be seen those pine-trees, whose 
leaves wove the “fading garlands ” which the Apostle contrasts with the “ unfad 
ing crown,” the prize for which he fought. (Introd. Ὁ. xii.) 


108 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


CHAPTER XX. 


“Tgitur oram Achaix et Asia, ac leva maris pretervectus, Rhodum et Cyprum 
Insulas, inde Syriam audentioribus spatiis petebat.””—Tac. Hist. ii. 2. 


CORINTH.—ISTHMIAN GAMES.—YOYAGE FROM PHILIPPI.—SUNDAY AT TROAS.—ASSOS.— 
VOYAGE BY MITYLENE AND TROGYLLIUM TO MILETUS.—SPEECH TO THE EPHESIAN 
PRESBYTERS.—VOYAGE BY COS AND RHODES TO PATARA.—THENCE TO PHC@NICIA.— 
CHRISTIANS AT TYRE.—PTOLEMAIS.—EVENT AT C/SAREA.—ARRIVAL AT JERUSALEM 


In the Epistles which have been already set before the reader in the course 
of this biography, and again in some of those which are to succeed, St. 
Paul makes frequent allusion to a topic which engrossed the interest, and 
called forth the utmost energies, of the Greeks. The periodical games 
were to them rather a passion than an amusement ; and the Apostle often 
uses language drawn from these celebrations, when he wishes to enforce 
the zeal and the patience, with which a Christian ought to strain after his 
heavenly reward. The imagery he employs is sometimes varied. In one 
instance, when he describes the struggle of the spirit with the flesh, he 
seeks his illustration in the violent contest of the boxers (1 Cor. ix. 26). 
In another, when he would give a strong representation of the perils he 
had encountered at Ephesus, he speaks as one who had contended in that 
ferocious sport which the Romans had introduced among the Greeks, the 
fighting of gladiators with wild beasts (ib. xv. 32). But, usually, his 
reference is to the foot-race in the stadiwm, which, as it was the most 
ancient, continued to be the most esteemed among the purely Greek 
athletic contests.! If we compare the various passages where this language 
is used, we find the whole scene in the stadium brought vividly before us, 
—the “herald”? who summons the contending runners,—the course, which 
rapidly diminishes in front of them, as their footsteps advance to the 


1 See Krause’s Gymnastik and Agonistik der Hellenen (Leips. 1841), pp. 537-343. 
The victory in the stadium at Olympia was used in the formula for reckoning Olym- 
piads. The stadium was the Greek unit for the measurement of distance. With St. 
Paul’s frequent reference to it in the epistles, 1 Cor. ix. 24. Rom. ix. 16. Gal. ii. 2. 
v.7. Phil. ii. 16. 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8, should be compared:twe passages in the Acts, xx 
24, where he speaks of himself, and xiii. 25, where he speaks of John the Baptist. 

3 Κηρύξας. 1 Cor. ix. 27. For the office of the Heralds, see Hermann’s Gott. Alt. 
§ 50, 22. Plato says (Legg. viii. 833) that the herald summoned the candidates for 
the foot-race first into the stadium. 


ISTHMIAN GAMES. 199 


goal, the juage? who holds out the prize at the end of the course,—the 
prize itself, a chaplet of fading leaves, which is compared with the strongest 
emphasis of contrast to the unfading glory with which the faithful Chris. 
tian will be crowned,*—the joy and erultation of the victor, which the 
Apostle applies to his own case, when he speaks of his converts as his “joy 
and crown,” the token of his victory and the subject of his boasting.« And 
under the same image he sets forth the heavenly prize, after which his 
converts themselves should struggle with strenuous and unswerving zeal,— 
with no hesitating step (1 Cor. ix. 26),—pressing forward and never 
looking back (Phil. iii. 18, 14),—even to the disregard of life itself (Acts 
xx. 24). And the metaphor extends itse!f beyond the mere struggle in 
the arena, to the preparations which were necessary to success,—to that 
severe and continued training,® which, being so great for so small a reward, 
was a fit image of that “ training unto godliness,” which has the promise 
not only of this life, but of that which is to come,—to the strict regula- 
fions® which presided over all the details, both of the contest and the 
preliminary discipline, and are used to warn the careless Christian of the 
peril of an undisciplined life,—to the careful dzef,7 which admonishes us 


1 Τὰ μὲν ὀπίσω ἐπιλανθανόμενος, τοῖς δὲ ἔμπροσθεν ἐπεκτεινύμενος. Phil. iii. 14. 

2 2 Tim. iv. 8. 

3 Βραβεῖον. 1 Cor. ix. 24. Phil. iii. 14. It was a chaplet of green leaves; φθαρτὸς 
στέφανος. 1 Cor. ix. 25. (Cf. 2 Tim. ii. 5. iv. 8; also 1 Pet. v. 4.) The leaves 
varied with the locality where the games were celebrated. At the Isthmus they were 
those of the indigenous pine. For a time parsley was substituted for them ; but in the 
Apostle’s day the pine-leaves were used again. Plut. qu. symp. v. 3. See Boeckh’s 
Pindar, p. 193. 

4 'Αδελφοί μου, χαρὰ καὶ στεφανός pov. Phil. iv. 1. Τίς ἡμῶν χαρὰ ἢ στέφανος 
καυχήσεως, ἢ οὐχὶ καὶ ὑμεῖς. 1 Thess. ii. 19. This subject illustrates the frequent 
use of the word καύχησις by St. Paul. 

5 Τυμνάζω and γυμνασία. 1 Tim. iv. 7,8. The γυμνάσιον was an important feature 
of every Greek city. The word is not found in the New Testament, but we find it in 
1 Mae. i. 14, and 2 Mac. iy. 9, when allusion is made to places of Greek amusement 
built at Jerusalem. For the practices of the gymnasium and the palestra, see Krause, 
“vol. i. 2, vol. ii. 1. Faber’s Agonisticon, a work of the sixteenth century (in the Sth 
tol. of Gronovius), contains a mass of information, but there is great confusion in the 
arrangement. 

6 "Edy μὴ νομίμως ἀθλήσῃ. 2 Tim. ii.5. For the special vou of the foot-race, 
see Krause, vol. i. pp. 362, &c. As regards the more general νόμιμα of the athletie 
contests, the following may be enumerated from the Eliaca of Pausanias. Every can- 
didate was required to be of pure Hellenic descent. He was disqualified by certain 
moral and political offences. He was obliged to take an oath that he had been ten 
months in training, and that he would violate none of the regulations. Bribery waa 
punished by a fine. The candidate was obliged to practise again in the gymnasium 
immediately before the games, under the direction of the judges or umpires, who were 
themselves required to be instructed for ten months in the details of the games. 
Krause and Hermann. 

7 ’Avaxyogayia is the term used by Aristotle for this prescribed diet, of which we 
find an account in Galen. See Krause, p. 358, and especially pp. 642, ἄο. Compare 
Horace, A. P. 414. (Multa tulit fecitque puer, sudavit et alait; Abstinuit Venere et 


900 TIE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


that, if we would so run that we may obtain, we must be “ temperate is 
all things.” ! 

This imagery would be naturally and familiarly suggested to St. Paul 
by the scenes which he witnessed in every part of his travels. At his own 
native place on the banks of the Cydnus,’ in every city throughout Asia 
Minor,? and more especially at Ephesus,‘ the stadium, and the training for 
the stadium,® were among the chief subjects of interest to the whole popu- 
Jation. Even in Palestine, and at Jerusalem itself, these busy amusements 
were well known. But Greece was the very home, from which these 
institutions drew their origin ; and the Isthmus of Corinth was one of four 
sanctuaries, where the most celebrated games were periodically held, 
Now that we have reached the point where St. Paul is about to leave this 
city for the last time, we are naturally led to make this allusion: and an 
interesting question suggests itself here, viz, whether the Apostle was 
ever himself present during the Isthmian games. It might be argued a 
priort that this is highly probable ; for great numbers came at these 
seasons from all parts of the Mediterranean to witness or take part in the 
contests ; and the very fact that amusement and ambition brought some, 
makes it certain that gain attracted many others ; thus it is likely that the 
Apostle, just as he desired to be at Jerusalem during the Hebrew festivals, 
so would gladly preach the Gospel at a time when so vast a concourse 
met at the Isthmus,—whence, as from a centre, it might be carried to 


vino, ἅς.) Tertullian describes the self-restraint of the Athletes: “Athlete seli- 
_ guntur ad strictiorem disciplinam ; ut robori xdificando vacent, continentur a luxuria, 
a cibis lautioribus, a potu jucundiore : coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur: quanto plus 
πῃ exercitationibus laboraverint, tanto plus de victoria sperant.””? For all this training 
in its educational aspect, see Herm. Privatalt. § 35-37. 

1 The following energetic passage from St. Chrysostom (who was very familiar with 
all that related to public amusements, both at Antioch and Constantinople) is well 
worth quoting in illustration of St. Paul’s language :—“'O τρέχων οὐ πρὸς τοὺς ϑεατὰς 
(pg, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ βραβεῖον. κἂν πλούσιοι, κἀν πενητὲες Gol, κῶν σκώπτῃ τις, κἂν 
ἐπαινῇ, κῶν ὑβρίζῃ, κἄν λίθοις βάλλῃ, κἂν τὴν οἰκίαν διαρπάζῃ, κἂν παῖδας ἴδῃ, κἂν 
γυναῖκα, κἂν ὁτιοῦν, οὐδαμῶς ἐπιστρέφεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἑνὸς γίνεται μόνον τοῦ τρέχειν, τοῦ 
λαβεῖν τὸ βραβεῖον. ὁ τρέχων οὐδαμοῦ ἵσταται" ἐπεὶ κἂν μικρὸν ῥαθυμήσῃ, τὸ πᾶν 
ἀπώλεσεν. ὁ τρέχων οὐ μόνον οὐδὲν ὑφαιρεῖ πρὸ τοῦ τέλους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε μάλιστα 
ἐπιτείνει τὸν δρόμοι." Homil. vii. in Epist. ad Heb. p. 763. 

2 Jt is worth observing, that the only inscription from Tarsus published by Boeckh 
(No, 4437) relates to the restoration of the stadium. 

3 Nothing is more remarkable than the number and magnitude of the theatres am 
stadia in the ruins of the great cities.of Asia Minor. A vast number, too, of the in- 
scriptions relate to the public amusements. It is evident that these amusements must 
have been one of the chief employments of the populaticn. See the Travels of Spratt 
and Forbes. 

for the games celebrated at Ephesus, see Guhl’s Ephesiaca. 

5 See above, note on γυμνάσιον. 

6 See the reference to Herod’s theatre and amphitheatre, Vol. I. p 2. Bence the 
significance of such a passage as Heb. xii. 1, 2 to the Hebrew Christians of Palestine. 


MACEDONIA. 201 


‘ 

every shore with the dispersion of the strangers. But, further, it will be 
remembered, that on his first visit, St. Paul spent two years at Corinth 
and though there is some difficulty in determining the times at which the 
games were celebrated, yet it seems almost certain that they recurred 
every second year, at the end of spring or the beginning of summer.' Thus 
it may be confidently conciuded that he was there at one of the festivals. 
As regards the voyage undertaken from Ephesus (Vol. II. p. 26), the 
time devoted to it was short; yet that time may have coincided with the 
festive season; and it is far from inconceivable that he may have sailed 
across the Aigean in the spring, with some company of Greeks who were 
proceeding to the Isthmian meeting. On the present occasion he spent 
only three of the winter months in Achaia, and it is hardly possible that 
he could have been present during the games. It is most likely that there 
were no crowds among the pine-trces? at the Isthmus, and that the 
stadium at the Sanctuary of Neptune was silent and unoccupied, when 
St. Paul passed by it along the northern road, on his way to Macedonia.* 

His intention had been to go by sea to Syria,‘ as soon as the seasou 
of safe navigation should be come; and in that case he would have em- 
barked at Cenchrez, whence he had sailed during his second missionary 
journey, and whence the Christian Pheebe had recently gone with the 
letter to the Romans. He himself had prepared his mind for a journey to 
Rome ;° but first he was purposed to visit Jerusalem, that he might convey 
the alms which had been collected for the poorer brethren, in Macedonia 
and Achaia. He looked forward to this expedition with some misgiving ; 
for he knew what danger was to be apprehended from his Jewish and 
Judaizing enemies ; and even in his letter to the Roman Christians, he 

1 They were, in the Greek way of reckoning, a τριέτηρις. Of the four great national 
festivals, the Olympian and Pythian games took place every fourth year, the Nemean 
and Isthmian every third ; the latter in the fourth and first year of each Olympiad. 
See Hermann, ὃ 49, 14,15. The festival was held in the year 53 a.p., which is the 
first of an Olympiad ; and (as we have seen) there is good reason for believing that 
the Apostle came to Corinth in the autumn of 52, and left it in the spring of 54. 
Wilckens, in his Specimen Antiquitatum Corinthiacarum (ὃ vi—viii.), enters into the 
same inquiry, and comes to the same conclusion, though his dates are different. 

? These pine-trees supplied the wreath of the victors. See p. 199, n.3. They 
are still abundant in the neighbourhood, as any traveller may see on his way from 
Kalamaki to Lutraki. 

3 For the locality of this sanctuary, see the note at the end of the preceding Chapter. 
A full account, both of the description, as given by Pausanias, and of present appear- 
ances, may be seen in Leake. The inscription (p. 294) relating to P. Licinius Priscus 
Juventianus, who κατεσκεύασεν τὰς καταλύσεις τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐπὶ τὰ ᾿Ισθμια 
παραγενομένοις ἀθληταῖς, is interesting, as illustrative of the celebrity of the games ἴῃ 
Roman times. 

4 Acts xx. 3. 

5 For Cenchrez, see the note at the end of the preceding Chapter. A good notion 


of its position is obtained from the view of the Isthmus, Vol. I. p. 410, 
€ See the end of Ch. XV. 


209 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ. PAUL. 


‘ 


requested their prayers for his safety. And he had good reason t3 fear 
the Jews ; for ever since their discomfiture under Gallio they had been 
irritated by the progress of Christianity, and they organized a plot against 
the great preacher, when he was on the eve of departing for Syria.' We 
are not informed of the exact nature of this plot ; but it was probably a 
conspiracy against his life, like that which was formed at Damascus soon 
after his conversion (Acts ix. 23. 2 Cor. xi. 32), and at Jerusalem, both 
before and after the time of which we write (Acts ix. 19. xxiii. 12), and 
necessitated a change of route, such as that which had once saved him on 
his departure from Bercea.* 

On that occasion his flight had been from Macedonia to Achaia ; now 
it was from Achaia to Macedonia. Nor would he regret the occasion 
which brought him once more among some of his dearest converts. Again 
he saw the Churches on the north of the Ajgean, and again he went 
through the towns along the line of the Via Egnatia.? He reappeared in 
the scene of his persecution among the Jews of Thessalonica, and passed 
on by Apollonia and Amphipolis to the place where he had first landed on 
the European shore. The companions of his journey were Sopater the son, 
of Pyrrhus,‘ a native of Bercea,—Aristarchus and Secundus, both of 
Thessalonica,—with Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus,—and two Christians 
from the province of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus, whom we have men- 
tioned before (Vol. 11. p. 91), as his probable associates, when he last 
departed from Ephesus. From the order in which these disciples are 
mentioned, and the notice of the specific places to which they belonged, 
we should be inclined to conjecture that they had something to do with 
the collections which had been made at the various towns on the route. 
As St. Luke does not mention the collection,> we cannot expect to be able 
to ascertain all the facts. But since St. Paul left Corinth sooner than 
was intended, it seems likely that all the arrangements were not complete, 
and that Sopater was charged with the responsibility of gathering the 
funds from Berea, while Aristarchus and Secundus took charge of those 
from Thessalonica.? St. Luke himself was at Philippi: and the remaining 


1 Μέλλοντι ἀνάγεσθαι. 

3 “The Jews generally settled in great numbers at seaports for the sake of com- 
merce, and their occupation would give them peculiar influence over the captains and 
owners of merchant vessels, in which St. Paul must have sailed. They might, there- 
fore, form the project of seizing him or murdering him at Cenchrex with great proba- 
bility of success.” Comm. on the Acts, by Rev. F.C. Cook, 1850. 

3 For the Via Egnatia and the stages between Philippi and Bercea, see Vol. 1. pp. 
316-322, 338. 

4 Σώπατρος Πυῤῥου Βεροιαῖος. Such seems to be the correct reading. See Tischen- 
dorf. We might conjecture that the word Πυῤῥου was added to distinguish him from 
Sosipater. (Rom. xvi. 21.) 

5 Except in one casual allusicn at a later period. Acts xxiv. 17. 

© See Hemsen, pp. 467-475. 


* RUINS AT THESSALONICA. 


VOYAGE FROM PHILIPPI. 2028 


® 
four ot the party were connected with the interior or the coast of Asia 
Mivor.' 

The whole of this company did not cross together from Europe te 
Asia ; but St. Paul and St. Luke lingered at Philippi, while the others 
preceded them to Troas.2. The journey through Macedonia had beer 
rapid, and the visits to the other Churches had been short. But the 
Church at Philippi had peculiar claims on St. Paul’s attention: and the 
time of his arrival induced him to pause longer than in the earlier part of 
his journey. It was the time of the Jewish passover. And here our 
thoughts turn to the passover of the preceding year, when the Apostle 
was at Ephesus (p. 41). We remember the higher and Christian meaning 
which he gave to the Jewish festival, It was no longer an Israelitish 
ceremony, but it was the Easter of the New Dispensation. He was not 
now occupied with shadows ; for the substance was already in possession. 
Christ the Passover had been sacrificed, and the feast was to be kept with 
the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth. Such was the higher standing- 
point to which he sought to raise the Jews whom he met, in Asia or in 
Europe, at their annual celebrations. 

Thus, while his other Christian companions had preceded him to Troas, 
he remained with Luke some time longer at Philippi, and did not leave 
Macedonia till the passover moon was waning. Notwithstanding this 
delay, they were anxious, if possible, to reach Jerusalem before Pentecost.? 
And we shall presently trace the successive days through which they 
were prosperously brought to the fulfillment of their wish. Some doubt 


1 Some would read Δερβαῖος δὲ Τιμόθεος, in order to identify Gaius with the dis- 
ciple of the same name who is mentioned before along with Aristarchus (Taiov καὶ 
᾿Αρίσταρχον Makédovac, xix. 29). But it is almost certain that Timotheus was a native 
of Lystra, and not Derbe (See Vol. I. p. 264, n. 1), and Gaius [or Caius, see above, p. 
34] was so common a name, that this need cause us no difficulty. 

? It is conceivable, but not at all probable, that these companions sailed direct from 
Corinth to Troas, while Paul went through Macedonia. Some would limit οὗτοι to 
Trophimus and Tychicus; but this is quite unnatural. The expression ἄχρι τῆς ᾿Ασίας 
seems to imply that St. Paul’s companions left him at Miletus, except St. Luke (who 
continues the narrative from this point in the first person) and Trophimus (who was 
with him at Jerusalem, xxi. 29), and whoever might be the other deputies who accom- 
panied him with the alms, (2 Cor. viii. 19-21.) 

3 Acts xx. 16. 

4 It may be well to point out here the general distribution of the time spent on the 
voyage. Forty-nine days intervened between Passover and Pentecost. The days of 
unleavened bread [Mark xiv.12. Luke xxii. 7. Acts xii. 3. 1. Cor. v. 8] succeeded 
the Passover. Thus, Si. Paul stayed at least seven days at Philippi after the Passover 
(v. 6),—five days were spent on the passage to Troas (ib.),—sia days (for so we mav 
reckon them) were spent at Troas (ib.),—four were octupied on the voyage by Cos 
to Miletus (v. 13-15, see below),—two were spent at Miletus,—in three days St. Paul 
went by Cos and Rhodes to Patara (xxi. 1, see below),—two days would siffice for the 
voyage to Tyre (v. 2, 3),—six days were spent at Tyre (v. 4),—two were taken up in 
proceeding by Ptolemais to Cesarea (v. 7, 8). This calculation gives us thirty-seven 


204 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


has been thrown on the pessibility of this plan being accomplished in the 
interval ; for they did not leave Philippi till the seventh day after the 
fourteenth of Nisan was past. It will be our business to show that 
the plan was perfectly practicable, and that it was actually accomplished, 
with sume days to spare. 

The voyage seemed to begin be ee The space between Neapolis 
and Troas could easily be sailed over in two days with a fair wind: and 
this was the time occupied when the Apostle made the passage on his 
first coming to Europe.'! On this occasion the same voyage occupied five 
days. We have no means of deciding whether the ship’s progress was 
retarded by calms, or by contrary winds.? Hither of these causes of delay 


days in all; thus leaving thirteen before the festival of Pentecost, after the arrival at 
Cesarea, which is more than the conditions require. We may add, if necessary, two 
or three days more during the voyage in the cases where we have reckoned inclusively. 

The mention of the Sunday spent at Troas fixes (though not quite absolutely) the 
day of the week on which the Apostle left Philippi. It was a Tuesday or a Wednes- 
day. We might, with considerable probability, describe what was done each day of 
the week during the voyage; but we are not sure, in all cases, whether we are to 
reckon inclusively or exclusively, nor are we absolutely certain of the length of the 
stay at Miletus, 

It will be observed, that all we have here said is independent of the particular year 
in which we suppose the voyage to have been made, and of the day of the week on 
which the 14th of Nisan occurred. Mr. Greswell (Dissertation 25, in vol. iv.) hag 
made a careful calculation of the different parts of the voyage, on the hypothesis, that 
the year was ὅθ 4.p., when Passover fell on March 19, and Pentecost on May 8; and 
he has shown that the accomplishment of St. Paul’s wish, under the circumstances 
described, was quite practicable. He has even allowed, as we shall see, more time 
than was necessary, by supposing that the time from Patara to Tyre lasted from Mon- 
day to Thursday (p. 523). The same may be said of Wieseler’s estimate (pp. 99-115), 
according to which the year was 58 A.p., when the 14th of Nisan fell on March 27. 
He allows five days (p. 101) for the voyage between Patara and Tyre, adducing the 
opinion of Chrysostom as one well acquainted with those seas. Hug allows six days. 
(αὐτο. to New Testament, Eng. Transl., Vol. IL. pp. 325-327.) 

We may observe here, that many commentators write on the nautical passages of 
the Acts asif the weather were always the same and the rate of sailing uniform, or ag 
if the Apostle travelled in steamboats. His motions were dependent on the wind. 
He might be detained in harbour by contrary weather. Nothing is more natural than 
that he should be five days on one occasion, and two on another, in passing between 
Philippi and Troas; just as Cicero was once fifteen, and once thirteen, in passing be- 
tween Athens and Ephesus. So St. Paul might sail in two days from Patara to Tyre, 
though under less favourable circumstances, it might have required four or five, or 
even more. It is seldom that the same passage is twice made in exactly the same time 
by any vessel not a steamer. 

Another remark may be added, that commentators often write as though St. Panl 
bad chartered his own vessel, and had the full command of her movements. This 
would be highly unlikely for a person under the circumstances of St. Paul; and we 
shall see that it was not the case in the present voyage, during which, as at other 
times, he availed himself of the opportunities offered by merchant vessels or coasters. 

1 Acts xvi. 11. 

? The course is marked in our map with a zigzag line. If the wind was contrary, 
the vessel would have to beat. The delay might equally have been caused by calma 


TROAS. 205 


might equally be expected in the changeable weather of those seas. St 
Luke seems to notice the time in both instances, in the manner of one whe 
was familiar with the passages commonly made between Europe and 
Asia :' and something like an expression of disappointment is implied in 
the mention of the “ five days” which elapsed before the arrival at Troas 

The history of Alexandria Troas, first as a city of the Macedonian 
princes, and then as a favourite colony of the Romans,’ has been given 
before ; but little has Leen said as yet of its appearance. From the extent 
and magnitude of its present ruins (though for ages it has been a quarry 
both for Christian and Mahomedan edifices) we may infer what it was in 
its flourishing period. Among the oak-trees, which fill the vast enclosure 
of its walls, are fragments of colossal masonry. Huge columns of granite 
are seen lying in the harbour, and in the quarries on the neighbouring hills. 
A theatre, commanding a view of Tenedos and the sea, shows where the 
Greeks once assembled in crowds to witness their favourite spectacles. 
Open arches of immense size, towering from the midst of other great 
masses of ruin, betray the hand of Roman builders. ‘These last remains,— 
once doubtless belonging to 1 gymnasium or to baths, and in more ignorant 
ages, when the poetry of ΤΙ mer was better remembered than the facts of 
history, popularly called “‘The Palace of Priam,” ‘—are conspicuous from 


1 Tt has been remarked above (Vol. I. p. 312), that St. Luke’s vocation as a physi- 
cian may have caused him to reside at Philippi and Troas, and made him familiar with 
these coasts. The awtoptical style (see p. 284) is immediately resumed with the 
change of the pronoun. 

2 For the history of the foundation of the city under the successors of Alexander, 
and of the feelings of Romans towards it, see the concluding part of Ch. VIII. The 
travellers who have described it are Dr. Chandler, Dr. Hunt (in Walpole’s Memoirs, 
relating to European and Asiatic Turkey), Dr. Clarke and Sir C. Fellows (Asia Minor). 
A rude plan is given by Pococke, IT. ii. 108. 

3 Alexandria Troas, must have been, like Aberdeen, a city of granite. The hills 
which supplied this material were to the N.E.and S.E. Dr. Clarke (vol. ii. p. 149) 
mentions a stupendous column, which is concealed among some trees in the neighbour- 
hood, and which he compares to the famous column of the Egyptian Alexandria. 
Fellows (p.58) speaks of hundreds of columns, and says that many are bristling among 
the waves to a considerable distance out at sea. He saw seven columns lying with 
their chips in a quarry, which is connected by a paved road with the city. Thus 
granite seems to have been to Alexandria Troas what marble was to Athens; and we 
ere reminded of the quarries of Pentelicus. (See the account of them in Wordsworth’s 
Greece.) The granite columns of Troas have been used for making cannon-halls for 
the defense of the Dardanelles. Hunt, p. 135. 

4 See the description of these ruins in Dr. Clarke’s Travels. and the view, p. 152. 
He regards them as the remains of baths, the termination of the aqueduct of Hercder 
Atticus. Hunt (p. 135) and Chandler (p. 30) think they belonged to a gymnasium, 
perhaps of the time of the Antonines. There are also two views in vol. ii. of the 
Transactions of the Dilettanti Society. Dr. Clarke, in a subsequent passage (p. 178), 
alludes again to the appearance of these ruins from the sea:—“ Continuing our course 
[from the Dardanelles] towards the south, after passing the town of 'Tenedos, we were 
struck by the very grand appearance of the ancient Balnea, already described, among 


206 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the sea. We cannot assert that these buildings existed in the days of St 
Paul, but we may be certain that the city, both on the approach from the 
water, and to those who wandered through its streets, must have presented 
an appearance of grandeur and prosperity. Like Corinth, Ephesus, or 
Thessalonica, it was a place where the Apostle must have wished to lay 
firmly and strongly the foundations of the Gospel. On his first visit, as 
we have seen (Vol. I. pp. 281-285), he was withheld by a supernatura, 
revelation from remaining ; and on his second visit (Vol. II. pp. 90-92), 
though a doer was opened to him, and he did gather together a community 
of Christian disciples, yet his impatience tu see ‘Titus compelled him te bid 
them a hasty farewell.! Now, therefore, he would be the more anxious to 
add new converts to the Church, and to impress deeply, on those who 
were converted, the truths and the’ duties of Christianity: and he had 
valuable aid both in Luke, who accompanied him, and the other disciples 
who had preceded him. 

The labours of the early days of the week that was spent at Troas are 
not related to us ; but concerning the last day we have a narrative which 
enters into details with all the minuteness of one of the Gospel histories. 
It was the evening which succeeded the Jewish Sabbath.? On the Sunday 
morning the vessel was about to sail.2 The Christians of Troas were 
gathered together at this solemn time to celebrate that feast of love which 
the last commandment of Christ has enjoined on all His followers. The 
place was an upper room, with a recess or balcony‘ projecting over the 
street or the court. The night was dark: three weeks had not elapsed 
since the Passover,’ and the moon only appeared as a faint crescent in ths 

or 
the remains of Alexandria Troas. The three arches of the building make a conspicuous 
figure from a considerable distance at sea, like the front of a magnificent palace ; and 
this cireumstance, connected with the mistake so long prevalent concerning the city 
itself [viz. that it was the ancient Troy], gave rise to the appellation of ‘The Palace 
of Priam,’ bestowed by mariners upon these ruins.”” See Vol. I. p, 281, n. 5. 

1 2 Cor. ii. 13. 

3 Ἔν τῇ pia τῶν σαθθάτων, v.7. This is a passage of the utmost importance, as 
showing that the observance of Sunday was customary. Cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 2. See 
Vol. I. p. 440. 

3 Μέλλων ἐξίεναι τῇ ἐπαύριον, ib. See v.13. By putting all these circumstances 
together, we can almost certainly infer the day of the week on which St. Paul left 
Troas. See above. 

4 Ev τῷ ὑπερώῳ, v. 8. Ertl τῆς ϑυρίδις, v. 9. Απὸ τοῦ ~pioréyov, ib. For a good 
illustration of ϑυρίς, see the note on the Legend of Thecla, Vol. I. p. 184. It denotes 
an aperture closed by a wooden door, doubtless open in this case because of the heat. 
See the note and the woodcut in the Pietorial Bible. These upper rooms (czenacula) 
of the ancients were usually connected with the street by outside stairs (ἀναθαθμοῖ), 
such as those of which we see traces at Pompeii (Cf. Liv. xxxix. 14). An ancient 
representation of a Greek ϑυρίς, with a lady looking out, may be seen in “ Manners 
and Customs of the Greeks from Panofka,” plate xviii. (London, 1849.) See again, 


Vol. I. p. 100, for modern ϑυρίδες at Damascus. 
5. See above, p. 194, 


SUNDAY AT TRO.AS. 207 


early part of the night. Many iamps were burning in tlie room where tne 
congregation was assembled.'. The place was hot and crowded. St. 
Paul, with the feeling strongly impressed on his mind that the next das 
was the day of his departure, and that souls might be lost by delay, was 
continuing in earnest discourse, and prolonging it even to midnight ;* when 
an occurrence suddenly took place, which filled the assembly with alarm, 
though it was afterwards converted into an occasion of joy and thanks- 
giving. A young listener, whose name was Eutychus, was overcome by 
exhaustion, heat, and weariness, and sank into a deep slumber. He was 
seated or leaning in the balcony ; and, falling down in his sleep, was dashed 
upon the pavement below, and was taken up dead.* Confusion and terror 
followed, with loud lamentation.2 But Paul was enabled to imitate the 
power of that Master whose doctrine he was proclaiming. As Jesus had 
once said® of the young maiden, who was taken by death from the society 
of her friends, ‘She is not dead, but sleepeth,” so the Apostle of Jesus 
received power to restore the dead to life. He went down and fell upon 
the body like Elisha of old,? and, embracing Eutychus, said to the bystand- 
ers ; ‘Do not lament ; for his life is in him.” 

With minds solemnized and filled with thankfulness by this wonderful 
token of God’s power and love, they celebrated the Hucharistic feast. 
The act of Holy Communion was combined, as was usual in the Apostolic 
age, with a common meal: and St. Paul now took some refreshment 
after the protracted labour of the evening,’ and then continued his conver- 


1 "Hoav δὲ λαμπάδες ikavai, v. 8. Various reasons have been suggested why this 
circumstance should be mentioned. Meyer thinks it is given as the reason why the 
fate of the young man was perceived at once. But it has much more the appearance 
of having simply ‘“ proceeded from an eye-witness, who mentions the incident, not for 
the purpose of obviating a difficulty which might occur to the reader, but because the 
entire scene to which he refers stood now with such minuteness and vividness before 
his mind.” Hackett on the Acts, Boston, U.S., 1852. [See a similar instance in the 
case of the proseucha at Philippi, Acts xvi. 13, Vol. 1. p. 295.] 

 Παρέτεινεν τὸν λόγον μέχρι μεσονυκτίου, v. 7. Avadeyouévov τοῦ Παύλου ἐπὶ 
πλεῖον, ν. 9. 

3 Karagepouevog ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ, v.9. The present participle seems to denote the gra- 
dual sinking into sleep, as opposed to the sudden fall implied by the past participle in 
the next phrase. 

4 Κατενεχθεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ ὕπνου ἔπεσεν, ib. It is quite arbitrary to qualify the words 
ἦρθη νεκρός by supposing that he was only apparently dead. 

5. This is implied in Μὴ ϑορυθεῖσθε below. The word denotes a loud and violent ex- 
pression of grief, as in Matt. ix. 23. Mark v. 39. 

5 Matt. ix. 24. Mark v. 39. 

7 2 Kings iv. 34. In each case, as Prof. Hackett remarks, the act appears to have 
been the sign of a miracle. ἢ 

5 Αναδὰς καὶ κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον, γ. 11. The article appears to be used because of 
κλάσαι ἄρτον above, ν. 7. 

9. See Vol. I. p. 439. 

ἢ Τευσώμενος (¥. 11), which is to be distinguished from κλάσας τὸν ἄοτον., 


208 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sation till the dawning of the day.!. It was now time for the congregation 
to separate. The ship was about to sail, and the companions of Paul’a 
journey took their departure to go on board.’ It was arranged, however 
that the Apostle himself should join the vessel at Assos, which was only 
about twenty miles? distant by the direct road, while the voyage round 
Cape Lectum was nearly twice as far. He thus secured a few more 
precious hours with his converts at Troas: and eagerly would they profit 
by his discourse, under the feeling that he was so soon to leave them: and 
we might suppose that the impression made under such circumstances, and 
with the recollection of what they had witnessed in the night, would aever 
be effaced from the minds of any of them, did we not know, on the highest 
authority, that if men believe not the prophets of God, neither will they 
believe ‘‘ though one rose from the dead.” 

But the time came when St. Paul too must depart. The vessel might 
arrive at Assos before him ; and, whatever influence he might have with 
the seamen, he could not count on any long delay. He hastened, therefore, 
through the southern gate, past the hot springs,‘ and through the oak 


1’Ed@’ ἱκανόν τε ὁμιλήσας ἄχρι αὐγῆς (ib.) where ὁμιλήσας denotes conversation 
rather than continued discourse, and should be distinguished from διελέγετο and διαλε- 
youévov above. 

2 We might illustrate what took place at this meeting by the sailing of the Bishop 
of Calcutta from Plymouth in 1829. ‘“ He and his chaplain made impressive and pro- 
fitable addresses to us, the first part of the meeting, as they had received orders to em- 
bark the same morning. I began then to speak, and in the middle of my speech the 
captain of the frigate sent for them, and they left the mreeting.’””—Memoir of Rev. E. 
Bickersteth, vol. i. p. 445. 

3 See Vol. I. p. 280. The stages in the Antonine Itinerary from Dardanus to Adra- 
myttium are ILIO M. P. XII. TROAS ΜΝ. P. XVI, ANTANDRO M. P. XXXV., 
ADRAMYTTIO ΜΝ. P. XXXI. Wesseling, pp. 334, 335. Assos lay between Troas 
and Antandrus, considerably to the west of the latter. 

The impression derived from modern travellers through this neglected region is, 
that the distance between Assos and Troas is rather greater. Sir C. Fellows (Asia 
Minor, p. 56) reckons it at 30 miles, and he was in the saddle from half past eight to five. 
Dr. Hunt, in Walpole’s Memoirs (131-134), was part of two days on the road, leaving 
Assos in the afternoon, but he deviated to see the hot springs and salt works. Mr. 
Weston (MS. journal) left Assos at three in the afternoon and reached Troas at ten the 
next morning ; but he adds, that it was almost impossible to find the road without a 
guide. 

In a paper on “ Recent Works on Asia Minor,’ in the Bibliotheca Sacra for Oct, 
1851, it is said (p. 867) that Assos is nine miles from Troas. This must be an over 
sight. It is, however, quite possible that Mitylene might have been reached, as we 
have assumed below, on the Sunday evening. If the vessel sailed from Troas at seven 
in the morning, she would easily be round Cape Lectum before noon. If St. Paul left 
Troas at ten, he might arrive at Assos at four in the afternoon and the vessel might 
be at anchor in the roads of Mitylene at seven. Greswell supposes that they sailed 
from Assos on the Monday (p. 521). This would derange the days of the week, as we 
have given them below, but would not affect the general conclusion. 

4 See Fellows and Hunt, There are now salt-works in the neighbourhood of the 
boiling springs. 


rs 4 we ie ΧΩ 
4 ἢ 


GATEWAY AT ASSOS. 


ASSUS. 20S 


woods,'--then in full foliage,*—-which cover all that shore with greenness 
and shade, and across the wild water-cOurses on the western side of Ida. 
Such is the scenery which now surrounds the traveller on his way from 
Troas to Assos. The great difference then was, that there was a good 
Roman road,‘ which made St. Paul’s solitary journey both more safe and 
more rapid than it could have beennow. We have seldom had occasion to 
think of the Apostle in the hours of his solitude. But such hours must 
have been sought and cherished by one whose whole strength was drawn 
from communion with .God, and especially at a time when, as on this 
present journey, he was deeply conscious of his weakness, and filled with 
foreboding fears. There may have been other reasons why he lingered at 
Troas after his companions: but the desire for solitude was doubtless one 
reason among others. The discomfort of a crowded shij\ is unfavourable 
for devotion: and prayer and meditation are necessary fo. maintaining 
the religious life even of an Apostle. That Saviour to whose service he 
was devoted had often prayed in solitude on the mountain, and crossed 
the brook Kedron to kneel under the olives of Gethsemane. And strength 
and peace were surely sought and obtained by the Apostle from the 
Redeemer, as he pursued his lonely road that Sunday afternoon in spring, 
among the oak woods and the streams of Ida. 

No delay seems to have occurred at, Assos. He entered by the Sacred 
Way among the famous tombs,° and through the ancient gateway, and 
proceeded immediately to the shore. We may suppose that the vessel was 
already hove to and waiting when he arrived; or that he saw her ap- 
proaching from the west, through the channel between Lesbos and the 
main, He went on board without delay, and the Greek sailors and the 
Apostolic missionaries continued their voyage. As to the city of Assos 


1 All travellers make mention of the woods of Vallonea oaks in the neighbourhood 
of Troas. The acorns are used for dyeing, and form an important branch of trade. 
The collecting of the acorns, and shells, and gall nuts employs the people during a 
great part of the year. Fellows, p. 57. One traveller mentions an English vessel 
which he saw taking in a load of these acorns. Walpole’s MS. in Clarke, p. 157. 

* The woods were in full foliage on the 18th of March. Hunt, p. 134. 

3 For the streams of this mountain, see Vol. I. p. 279, n. 5. 

4 See note on the preceding page. 

> Compare Rom. xv. 30, 31. Acts xx. 3, with Acts xx. 22-25. xxi. 4, 13. 

6 This Street of Tombs {Via Sacra) is one of the most remarkable features of Assum 
It is described by Fellows in his excellent account of Assos (Asia Minur, p. 52). See 
aiso the earlier notices of the city by Leake in Walpole’s Travels, p. 254, and by Dr, 
Hunt in Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 130. The Street of Tombs extends to a great distance 
across the level ground to the N.W. of the city. Some of the tombs are of vast dimen- 
sions, anu formed each of one block of granite. See the engraving in Fellows, Ρ. 48. 
These remains are the more worthy of notice because the word sarcophagus was first 
applied in Roman times to this stone of Assos (Japis Assius), from the peculiar power 
it was supposed to possess of aiding the natural decay of corpses. Plin. U. N. ii 95, 
xxxvi. 17. Cf. Aug. de Civ. Dei, xviii. 5. 

VOL, 11.—14 


510 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


itself, we must conclude, if we compare the description of the ancients with 
present appearances, that its aspedt as seen from the sea was sumptuous 
aud magnificent. A terrace with a long portico was raised by a wall of 
tock above the water-line. Above this was a magnificent gate, approached 
by a flight of steps. Higher still was the theatre, which commanded a 
glorious view of Lesbos and the sea, and those various buildings which 
are now a wilderness of broken columns, triglyphs, and friezes. The whole 
was crowned by a citadel of Greek masonry on a cliff of granite. Such 
was the view which gradually faded into indistinctness as the vessel retired 
from the shore, and the summits of Ida rose in the evening sky.! 

The course of the voyagers was southwards, along the eastern shore 
of Lesbos. When Assos was lost, Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos, 
came gradually into view. The beauty of the capital of Sappho’s island 
was celebrated by the architects, poets, and philosophers of Rome.? Like 
other Greek cities which were ennobled by old recollections, it was hon- 
oured by the Romans with the privilege of freedom.? Situated on the 


COIN OF MITYLENE.! 


1 The travellers above mentioned speak in strong terms of the view from the Acro- 
polis towards Lesbos and the sea. Towards Ida and the land side the eye ranges over 
the windings of a river through a fruitful plain. Strabo (xv.) says that the Persian 
kings sent for their best grain to Assos. The coins (see Eckhel, p. 450) exhibit a 
diota, with the head of a bull, the emblem of agriculture. 

Besides the illustrations referred to above, see the view in Texier’s Asie Mineure, 
and a bas-relief in Clarac’s Musée de Sculpture. Part of a frieze and of a Cyclopean 
wall, with three of the gateways, are given by Fellows. He conceives that these re- 
mains have been preserved from the depredations committed on other towns near the 
coast, in consequence of the material being the “same grey stone as the neighbouring 
rock, and not having intrinsic value as marble.” He observed ‘‘no trace of the Ro- 
mans.” Leake says that the “hard granite of Mount Ida”’ has furnished the materials 
for many of the buildings and even the sculptures; and he adds that “ the whoie gives 
perhaps the most perfect idea of a Greek city that any where exists.” 

3 Mitylene pulchra.” Hor. Ep. xi.17. See Od.1. vii. 1: “ Et natura et descriptione 
sdificiorum et pulchritudine imprimis nobilis.” Cic.c. Rull. SeeSenec. ad Helv. 9, 9. 
Vitruvius says (i. 6) “ Magnificenter est edificatum :’ but he adds ““ positum non pru- 
denter,’”? and proceeds to describe the prevalent winds as unfavourable to health. 

3 “ Libera Mitylene, annis MD. potens.”’ Plin. v. 39. For a sketch of the history 
of Mitylene, see Cramer’s Asia Minor, vol. i. pp. 157, &c. For the appearance of this 
side of the island, we may refer to our own engraved view. A rude picture of the 
town, as it was in 1700, is given by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, vol. i. pp. 148, 149 
From his description it would appear that there were then many remains of the ancient 
city. 

4 From the British Museum. This city appears on coins as IPQTH AECBOY MY. 


MITYLENE. 211 


eouth-eastern coast of the island, it would afford a good shelter from the 
north-westerly winds, whether the vessel entered the harbour, or lay at 
anchor in the open roadstead.! It seems likely that the reason why they 
lay here for the night was, because it was the time of dark moon,* and 
they would wish for daylight to accomplish safely the intricate navigation 
between the southern part of Lesbos and the mainland of Asia Minor. 

In the course of Monday they were abreast of Chios (v. 15). The 
weather in these seas is very variable: and from the mode of expression 
employed by St. Luke it is probable that they were becalmed. An 
English traveller under similar circumstances has described himself as 
“engrossed from daylight till noon” by the beauty of the prospects with 
which he was surrounded, as his vessel floated idly on this channel between 
Scio and the Continent. On one side were the gigantic masses of the 
mainland ; on the other were the richness and fertility of the island, with 
its gardens of oranges,‘ citrons, almonds, and pomegranates, and its white 
scattered houses overshadowed by evergreens. Until the time of its recent 
disasters, Scio was the paradise of the modern Greek: and a familiar 
proverb censured the levity of its inhabitants,> like that which in the 


fIAHNH. The words € ΠῚ CTP on imperial coins seem to show that it was governed 

by a supreme magistrate called pretor. Sometimes we find ApoJlo and the lyre (as 
here), sometimes Sappho and the lyre. The phrase “ Concordia cum Adramytenis ”’ 
illustrates the connection of Mitylene with Adramyttium, in the recess of the opposite 
gulf. See Vol. I. p. 279. 

1 “The chief town of Mitylene is on the S.E. coast, and on a peninsula (once an 
island forming two small harbours: of these the northern one is sheltered by a pier to 
the north, and admits small coasters. ..... The roadstead, which is about seven 
miles N. from the 5.10. end of the island, is ἃ good summer roadstead, but the contrary 
in winter, being much exposed to the S. E. and N. E. winds, which blow with great 
violence.” Purdy’s Sailing Directory, p. 154. See the Admiralty Chart, No. 1665, 
also 1654, compared with Strabo, xiii. and Pausan, viii. It should be particularly ob- 
served that St. Paul’s ship would be sheltered here from the N.W. We shall see, as 

we proceed, increasing reason for believing that the wind blew from this quarter. 

? The moon would be about six days old (see above), and would set soon after mid- 
night. We are indebted for this suggestion to Mr. Smith (author of the “ Voyage and 
Shipwreck of St. Paul,’”’) and we take this opportunity of acknowledging our obliga- 
tions to his MS. notes, in various parts of this chapter. 

3 Dr. Clarke’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 188. See the whole description. This applies to a 
period some years before the massacre of 1822. For notices of Scio, and a description 
of the scenery in its nautical aspect, see the Sailing Directory, pp. 124-128. 

4 It must be remembered that the vegetation, and with the vegetation the scenery, 
of the shores of the Mediterranean has varied with the progress of civilization. It 
seems that the Arabians introduced the orange in the early part of the middle ages, 
Other changes are subsequent to the discovery of America. See Vol. I. p. 21, ἢ. 3 
The wines of Chios were always celebrated. Its coins display an amphora and a bunch 
of grapes. 

5 The proverb says that it is easier to find a green horse (ἄλογο πράσινο) than a 
sober-minded Sciot (Χιῶτα φρόνιμον). 


919 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Apostle’s day described the coarser faults of the natives of Crete (Tit 
i. 12). 

The same English traveller passed the island of Samos after leaving 
that of Chios. So likewise did St. Paul (v. 15). But the former sailed 
along the western side of Samos, and he describes how its towering cloud. 
capped heights are contrasted with the next low island to the west. The 
Apostle’s course lay along the eastern shore, when a much narrower 
“marine pass” intervenes between it and a long mountainous ridge of the 
mainland, from which it appears to have been separated by some violent 
convulsion of nature.” This high pron.ontory is the ridge of Mycale, well 
known in the annals of Greek victory over the Persians. At its termina 
tion, not more than a mile from Samos, is the anchorage of Trogyllium. 
Here the night of Tuesday was spent ; apparently for the same reason as 

that which caused the delay at Mitylene. The moon set early: and it 
was desirable to wait for the day, before running into the harbour of 


Miletus.® 


See the view which Dr. Clarke gives of this remarkable “ marine pass,’’ Vol. Uf. p. 
192. The summit of Samos was concealed by a thick covering of clouds, and he was told 
that its heights were rarely unveiled. See again Vol. IIL pp. 364-367. Compare 
Norie’s Sailing Directory, p. 150. ‘Samos, being mountainous, becomes visible twenty 
leagues off ; and the summit of Mount Kerki retains its snow throughout the year.” 
The strait through which Dr. Clarke sailed is called the Great Boghaz and is ten miles 
broad. (Purdy, p.118.) The island to the west is Icaria, which, with this portion of 
the Aigean, bore the name of Icarus. See Strabo, xiv. 1. παρώκειται τῇ Σάμῳ, νῆσος 
ἡ Ἰκαρία, ἀφ᾽ ἧς τὸ Ἰκαρίον πέλαγος" αὕτη δ᾽ ἐπωνυμός ἐστιν ᾿Ικάρου, παιδὸς τοῦ 
Δαιδάλου. 

? See Fellows as quoted below. This strait is the Little Boghaz (Purdy, p. 120), 
which is reckoned at about a mile in breadth both by Strabo and Chandler. ‘H 
Μυκάλη ἐπίκειται τῇ ζαμίᾳ, καὶ ποιεῖ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπέκεινα τῆς Τρωγιλίου καλουμένης 
ἄκρας, ὅσον ἑπταστάδιον πορθμόν, xiv. 1. “8 overlooked ἃ beautiful cultivated plain 
lying low beneath us, bounded by the sea and Mycale, a mountain now, as anciently, 
woody and abounding in wild beasts. The promontory, once called Trogilium, runs 
out toward the N. end of Samos, which was in view, and, meeting a promontory of the 
island, named Posidium, makes a strait only seven stadia or near a mile wide.”’? Chand- 
ler, pp. 165, 166. We shall return presently to this ridge of Mycale in its relation to 
the interior, when we refér to the journey of the Ephesian elders to Miletus. In 
another sentence Strabo speaks of Trogyllium as πούπους τις τῆς Μυκάλης. It was 
evidently a place well known to sailors, from his reckoning the distance from hence to 
Sunium in Attica, 

3 We should observe here again that Trogyllium, though on the shore of the main- 
land, is protected by Samos from the north-westerly winds. With another wind it 
might have been better to have anchored in a port to the N. E. of Samos, now called 
Port Vathy, which is said in the Sailing Directory (p. 119), to be “ protected from 
every wind but the N. W.” We may refer here to the clear description and map of 
Samos by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, 1. pp. 156, 157. But the Admiralty Charts 
(4530 and 1555) should be zonsulted for the soundings, &. An anchorage will be 
ween just to the east of the extreme point of Trogyllium, bearing the name of “ δὲ 
Paul’s Port,” 


TROGYLLIUM. 218 


The short voyage from Chios to Trogyllium had carried St, Pau through 
familiar scenery. The bay across which the vessel had been passing, was 
that into which the Cayster! flowed. The mountains on the eastern main 
were the western branches of Messogis and Tmolus,’ the ranges that enclose 
the primeval plain of “ Asia.” The city, towards which it is likely that 
some of the vessels in sight were directing their course, was Ephesus, 
where the Apostolic labours of three years had gathered a company of 
Christians in the midst of unbelievers. One whose solicitude was so great 
for his recent converts could not willingly pass by and leave them unvisited ; 
and had he had the command of the movements of the vessel, we can 
hardly believe that he would have done so. He would surely have, landed 
at Ephesus, rather than at Miletus. ‘The same wind which carried him to 
the latter harbour, would have been equally advantageous for a quick 
passage te the former. And, even had the weather been unfavourable at 
the time for landing at Ephesus, he might easily have detained the vessel 
at Trogyllium ; and a shert journey by land northward would have taken 
him to the scene of his former labours.* 

Yet every delay, whether voluntary or involuntary, might have been 
fatal to the plan he was desirous to accomplish. St. Luke informs us 
here (and the occurrence of the remark shews us how much regret was 
felt by the Apostle on passing by Ephesus), that his intention was, +f 
possible, to be in Jerusalem at Pentecost (v. 16). Even with a ship at 
his command, he could not calculate on favourable weather, if he lost his 
present opportunity : nor could he safely leave the ship which had con 
veyed him hitherto ; for he was well aware that he could not be certain 
of meeting with another that would forward his progress. He determined 
therefore to proceed in the same vessel, on her southward eourse from 
Trogyllium to Miletus. Yet the same watchful zeal which had urged 
him to employ the last precious moments of the stay at Troas in his 
Master’s cause, suggested to his prompt mind a method of re-impressing 
the lessons of eternal truth on the minds of the Christians at Ephesus, 
though unable to revisit them in person. He found that the vessel would 
be detained at Miletus‘ a sufficient time to enable him to send for the 

1 See what is said of Cayster, Vol. IT. pp. 18, 69, 70. 

* See again on these Ephesian mountains, pp. 69, 70. 

3 Trogyllium, as we have seen, is at the point where the coast projects and forms a 
narrow strait between Asia Mimor and Samos. It recedes northwards towards Ephesus, 
and southwards towards Miletus, each of these places being about equidistant from 
Trogyllium. Up to this point from Chios St. Paul had been nearly following the line 
of the Ephesian merchant vessels up what is now called the gulf of Scala Nuova. By 
comparing the Admiralty Chart with Strabo and Chandler, a very good notion is 
obtained of the coast and country between Ephesus and Miletus. 

4 Jt is surely quite a mistake to suppose, with some commentators, that St. Paul had 


‘he command of the movements of the vessel. His influence with the captain and the 
peainen might induce them to do all in their power to oblige him; and perbaps we 


914 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


presbyters of the Ephesian Church, with the hope of their meeting him 
there. The distance between the two cities was hardly thirty miles, and a 
good road connected them together.’ Thus, though the stay at Miletus 
would be short, and it might be hazardous to attempt the journey himself, 
ne could hope for one more interview,—if not with the whole Ephesian 
Church, at least with those members of it whose responsibility was the 
greatest. 

The sail from Trogyllium, with a fair wind, would require but little 
time. If the vessel weighed anchor.at daybreak on Wednesday, she would 
be in harbour long before noon.? The message was doubtless sent to 


COIN OF ILETUS? 


Ephesus immediately on her arrival: and Paul remained at Miletus 
waiting for those whom the Holy Spirit, by his hands, had made “ over- 
seers” over the flock of Christ (v. 28). The city where we find the 
Christian Apostle now waiting, while those who had the care of the vessel 
were occupied with the business that detained them, has already been 
referred to as more ancient than Ephesus,‘ though in the age of St. Paul 
inferior to it in political and mercantile eminence. Even in Homer,’ the 


may trace some such feeling in the arrangements at Assos, just as afterwards at Sidon 
(Acts xxvii. 3), when on his voyageto Rome. But he must necessarily have been 
coutent to take advantage of such opportunities as were consistent with the business 
on which the vessel sailed. She evidently put in for business to Troas, Miletus, and 
Patara. At the other places she seems to have touched merely for convenience, in 
consequence of the state of the weather or the darkness. 

1 Pliny says that Magnesia is fifteen miles from Ephesus (“ Magnesia abest ab Epheso 
XV. ΜΝ. P.,” v. 31), and Magnesia was about equidistant from Ephesus, Tralfles, and 
Miletus. See Leake’s map, with this road marked from the Peut. Table. It does not 
go beyond Magnesia in the direction of Miletus, but follows the great eastern road 
towards Iconium, which we have so often mentioned. There is, however, a shorter 
road from Ephesus to Miletus in the Peut. Table, passing through Panionium and 
Priene, and close behind the ridge of Mycale. This seems to have been the road 
which Sir C. Fellows took (pp. 266-274). Some of the wanderings of Dr. Chandler 
(ch. xl. xli. xlvi. xlvii. xlviii. xlix. lii. liii.) were more in the direction of the longer 
route by Magnesia. See also for the part between Ephesus and Magnesia, Pococke’s 
Travels, Π. ii. 54. 

2 The distance is about seventeen nautical miles and a half. If the vessel sailed at 
six in the morning from Trogyllium, she would easily be in harbour at nine. 

3 From the British Museum. The common type of the coins of Miletus, a lion look: 
ing back on a star, is an astrological emblem, like the ram on those of Antioch. 

4 See above, in this volume, p. 18. Compare p. 70. Thus the imperial coins ot 
Miletus are rare, and the autonomous coins begin very early. 

ὁ Lom. Il. ii. 868. Herodotus (i. 142) speaks of it as the chief city in Ionia 


MILETUS. 215 


*Carian Miletus” appears asa place of renown. WHighty colonies went 
forth from the banks of the Mander, and some of them were spread eves 
to the eastern shores of the Black Sea, and beyond the pillars of Hercules 
to the west.! It received its first blow in the Persian war, when its 
inhabitants, like the Jews, had experience of a Babylonian captivity.* It 
suffered once more in Alexander’s great campaign :* and after his time 
it gradually began to sink towards its present condition of ruin and decay, 
from the influence, as it would.seem, of mere natural causes,—the increase 
of alluvial soil in the delta having the effect of removing the city gradually 
further and further from the sea. Even in the Apostle’s time, there was 
between the city and the shore a considerable space of level ground, through 
which the ancient river meandered in new windings, like the Forth at 
Stirling. Few events connect the history of Miletus with the transactions 
of the Roman empire. When St. Paul was there, it was simply one of 
the second-rate sea-ports on this populous coast, ranking, perhaps, with 
Adramyttium or Patara, but hardly with Ephesus or Smyrna.* 

The excitement and joy must have been great among the Christians 
of Ephesus, when they heard that their honoured friend and teacher, to 
whom they had listened so often in the school of Tyrannus, was in the 
harbour ® of Miletus, within the distance of a few miles. The presbyters 
must have gathered together in all haste to obey the summons, and gone 
with eager steps out of the southern gate, which leads to Miletus. By 
those who travel on such an errand, a journey of twenty or thirty miles is 
not regarded long and tedious, nor is much regard paid to the difference 


1 Strabo. Plin. Senec. ad Helv. 6. In an inscription given by Chandler, Miletus 
boasts itself as ‘primam in Ionia fundatam et matrem multarum et magnarum urbium 
in Ponto et Agypto et undique per orbem.” 

3 Herod. v. 30, vi. 18. 3 Arrian. Anab. i. 19, 20. 

4 This is the comparison of Sir C. Fellows. The Meander was proverbial among 
the ancients, both for the sinuosities of its course, and the great quantity of alluvial 
soil brought down by the stream. Pliny tells us that islands near Miletus had been 
joined to the continent (ii. 91. See v. 31), and Strabo relates that Priene, once a sea- 
port, was in his time forty stadia from the sea. Fellows (p. 264) says that Miletus 
was once a headland in a bay, which is now a “dead flat” ten miles in breadth. 
Chandler (p. 202), on looking down from Priene on the “bare and marshy plain” 
says, “ How different its aspect, when the mountains were boundaries of a gulf, and 
Miletus, Myus, and Priene maritime cities,”—and again (p. 207) he looks forward to 
the time when Samos and other islands will unite with the shore, and the present pro- 
montories will be seen inland. See Kieppert’s Hellas, for a representation of the coast 
as it was in the early Greek times ; and for a true delineation of its present state, sea 
the Admiralty Chart, No. 1555, 

5 For Smyina, see again pp. 18, 70. 

6 Strabo says that Miletus had four harbours, one of which was for vessels of war, 
No trace of them is to be seen now: and, indeed, there seems to be some doubt wheter 
the remains called Pa/latsha, and generally supposed to be those of Miletus, are nod 

eally those of Myes. See Forbiger, pp. 213, 214, and the notes. 


910 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


between day and night.!| The presbyters of Ephesus might easily reack 
Miletus on the day after that on which the summons was received.” And 
though they might be weary when they arrived, their fatigue would soon 
be forgotten at the sight of their friend and instructor ; and God, also, 
“who comforts them that are cast down” (2 Cor. vii. 6), comforted him 
by the sight of his disciples. They were gathered together—probably in 
some solitary spot upon the shore—to listen to his address. This little 
company formed a singular contrast with the crowds which used to assem- 
ble at the times of public amusement in the theatre of Miletus.? But that 
vast theatre is now a silent ruin,—while the words spoken by a careworn 
traveller to a few despised strangers are still living as they were that day, 
to teach lessons for all time, and to make known eternal truths to all who 
will hear them,—while. they reveal to us, as though they were merely 
human words, all the tenderness and the affection of Paul, the individual 
speaker.‘ 

Fiotpteene Brethren,? ye know yourselves,® from the first 
pact ou ὑϑὴ day that I came into Asia after what manner I 
among have been with you throughout all the time; serv- 


1 For a notion of the scenery of this journey of the presbyters over or round the 
ridge of Mycale, and by the windings of the Meander (Μαιάνδρου te ῥοὰς, Μυκάλης τ’ 
αἰπεινὰ κάρηνα. Hom. 1]. ii. 869), the reader may consult Chandler and Fellows. 
The latter says, “The ride of fifteen miles from Sansin [Priene] to Chanly, probably 
the ancient Neapolis [more probably Panioniwm], standing not far beyond the pro- 
montory of Trogyllium, is up the steepest track I ever rode over. From the summit 
of the main range, of which Trogyllium forms the termination (although Samos is geo- 
logically a continuation of it), is seen on either side a perfect and beautiful map, on 
one side extending to the mountains forming the Dorian Gulf, and on the other to 
those of Chios and Smyrna” (p. 272). Dr. Chandler describes the ascent on the 
northern side (p. 180). He was travelling, like these presbyters, in April; and “the 
weather was unsettled: the sky was blue and the sun shone, but a wet wintry north 
wind swept the clouds along the top of the range of Mycale” (p. 184). 

? We may remark here, in answer to those who think that the ἐπίσκοποι mentioned 
in this passage were the bishops of various places in the province of Asia, that there 
was evidently no time to summon them. On the convertibility of ἐπίσκοπος and 
πρέσθύτερος, see below. 

3 Compare a view in the first volume of the Transactions of the Ditettanti Society, 
and a vignette in the second volume, which shows the great size of the theatre. There 
are three German monographs on Miletus, by Rambach (Hal. 1790), Schroder (Stral- 
sund, 1827), Soldan (Darmstadt, 1829). 

4 For a very instructive practical commentary on this speech, see the concluding 
sections of Mencken’s Blicke in das Leben des Ap. P. For the points of resemblance 
between the expressions used by the Apostle here and in his Epistles, we have used a 
valuable essay by Tholuck in Studien u. Kritiken. 

5 ᾿Αδελφοὶ is found here in the Uncial Manuscript p and in some early versions; and 
we have adopted it, because it is nearly certain that St. Paul would not have begun 
his address abruptly without some such word. Compare all his other recorded speeches 
in the Acts. 

6 ‘Yeic, emphatic 


SPEECH TO THE EPHESIAN PRESBYTERS, Q17 


ung the Lord Jesus’ with all? lowliness of mind, and in many 
tears* and trials which befel me through the plotting* of the 
Jews. And how I kept* back none of those things which are 
profitable for you, but declared them to you, and taught you 
both publicly and from house® to house; testifying both to 
Jews and Gentiles their? need of repentance towards God, and 
faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. And now as for me,! behold 
I go to Jerusalem,’ in spirit foredoomed to chains; yet I 
know not the things which shall befal me there, save that in 
every city ® the Holy Spirit gives the same testimony, that 
bonds and afflictions abide me. But none of these things move 
me," neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might 
finish my course with joy,” and the ministry which I received 
from the Lord Jesus, to testify the Glad-tidings of the grace of 
God. 

His farewell And now, behold I know that ye all,® among whom 
roa I have gone from city to city, proclaiming the king- 
dom of God, shall see my face no more. Wherefore I take you 


1T6 Κυρίῳ. With this self-commendation Tholuck compares 1 Thess. 11..10, and 2 
Cor. vi. 3, 4. See note on verse 33, below. “ Felix,” says Bengel, “ qui sic exordiri 
potest conscientiam auditorum testando.” 

“All.” Tholuck remarks on the characteristic use of πᾶς in St. Paul’s Epistles, 

“ Tears.’ Compare 2 Cor. ii. 4, and Phil. iii. 18. 

“ Plotting of Jews.” Compare 1 Cor. xv. 31. 

“Κορὲ back nothing.” Compare 2 Cor. iv. 2, and 1 Thess, ii. 4. 

“ House to house.” Compare 1 Thess. ii. 11. 

Observe the article τήν, 8 Ghserve the ἐγώ, 

Δεδεμένος ἐγώ is the true reading. St. Paul was δεδεμένος, ti. e. a prisoner in 
chains, but as yet only in the Spirit, τῷ πνεύματι, not in body. Τὸ πνεύμα here is not 
the Holy Spirit, from which it is distinguished by the addition of ἅγεον in the verse 
below. This explanation of the passage (which agrees with that of Grotius and Chry- 
‘sostom) seems the natural one, in spite of the objectionsof De Wette and others. 

10 We have two examples of this afterwards, namely at Tyre (Acts xxi. 4) and at 
Ceesarea (Acts xxi. 10, 11). And from the present passage we learn that such warn 
ings had been given in many places during this journey. St. Paul’s own anticipations 

of danger appear Rom. xv. 31. 

1 The reading adopted by Tischendorf here, though shorter, is the same in sense. 

12 Compare 2 Tim. iv. 7, and Phil. ii. 17. See the remarks which have been made 
in the early part cf this Chapter on this favourite metaphor of St. Paul, especial! yp 
198, n. 1. 

8 This “all” includes not only the Milesian presbyters but also the brethren from 
Macedon (See Acts xx. 4). Observe also the διελθών. With regard to the expecta- 
tion expressed by St. Paul, it must be regarded as a human inference, from the danger 
which he knew to be before him. If (as we think) he was liberated after his first im: 
prisonment at Rome, he did see some of his present audience again. Tholuck com 
pares Phil. i. 20, i. 25, and ii. 24. 


» 


ox’ oOo un kh 


218 THE LIFE AND ἘΡΙΒΤΙΙΕΒ OF ST. PAUL. 


to witness this day, that Iam clear from the blood! of al. For 
I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God. 
Take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock in 
which the Holy Spirit has made you overseers,’ to feed the 
Church of God? which He has purchased with His own blood. 
For this I know, that after my departure grievous wolves shall 
enter in among you, who will not spate the flock. And from 
your own selves will men arise speaking perverted words, that 
they may draw away the disciples after themselves.‘ Therefore, 
be watchful, and remember that for the space of three years* I 
ceased not to warn every one of you, night and day, with tears.* 


Final commen- And? now, brethren, I commend you to God, and 
dation to God 


and exhorta- to the word of His grace; even to H’m who is able to 


tion to disin- 


terested exer- Duild you up and to give you an inheritance among all 

them that are sanctified. When I was with you, I 
coveted no man’s silver or gold, or raiment. Yea, ye know 
yourselves,’ that these hands ministered to my necessities, and to 
those who were with me. And all this I did for your example; 
to teach you that so labouring we ought to support the helpless,» 


1 See xviii. 6. “ Your blood be upon your own heads: I am clean.” 

3 "Επισκόπους. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that in the New Testament the 
words ἐπίσκοπος and πρεσβύτερος ‘are convertible. Compare verse 17 and Tit. i. 5, 7, 
and see Vol. I. p. 434. Tholuck remarks, that this reference to the Holy Spirit as the 
author of church government is in exact accordance with 1 Cor. xii. 8, 11 and 28. 

3 We have retained the T. R. here, since the MSS. and fathers are divided between 
the readings Ofov and Κυρίου. At the same time, we must acknowledge that the 
balance of authority is rather in favour of Κυρίου. A very candid and able outline of 
the evidence on each side of the question is given by Mr. Humphry. ‘The sentiment 
exactly agrees with 1 Cor. vi. 20. 

4 We read ἑαυτῶν with Lachmann on the authority of some of the best MSS. 

5 This space of three years.may either be used (in the Jewish mode of reckoning) 
for the two years and upwards which St. Paul spent at Ephesus; or, if we suppose 
him to speak to the Macedonians and Corinthians also (who were present), it may 
refer to ithe whole time (about three years and a half), since he came to reside at 
Ephesus in the autumn of 54 a.p. 

6 See p. 217, n. ὃ. We have much satisfaction in referring here to the second of A. 
Monod’s recently published sermons. (Saint Paul, Cinq. Discours. Paris, 1851.) 

7 This conclusion reminds us of that of the letter to the Romans so recently written. 
Compare Rom. xvi. 25. 

8 This is the force of the aorist, unless we prefer to suppose it used (as often by St 
Paul) for a perfect. 

9 This way of appealing to the recollection of his converts in proor of his disinter- 
estedness is highly characteristic of St. Paul. Compare 1 Thess, ii. 5-11. 2 Thess. iii 
4-9. ‘WCor. ix. 4-15. 2'Cor, ΣΙ. 2)Cor. xu. 14, &e. 

10 ᾿Ασθενούντων, i.e. the poor. This interpretation is defended by Chrysostom, and 
confirmed by Aristophanes (Pax. 636), quoted by Wetstein. The interpretaticn of 


DEPARTURE FROM MILETUS. 219 


and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how He said “ Ir 
ΙΒ MORE BLESSED TO GIVE THAN TO RECEIVE.” 


The close of this speech was followed by a solemn act of united sup 
plication (Acts xx. 36). St. Paul knelt down on the shore with all? 
those who had listened to him, and offered up a prayer to that God whe 
was founding His Church in the midst of difficulties apparently insuperable ; 
and then followed an outbreak of natural grief, which even Christian faith 
and resignation were not able to restrain. They fell on the Apostle’s neck 
and clung to him, and kissed him again and again,’ sorrowing most because 
of his own foreboding announcement, that they should never behold that 
countenance again, on which they had often gazed* with reverence and 
love (ib. 37, 38). But no long time could be devoted to the grief of 
separation. The wind was fair,‘ and the véssel must depart. They 
accompanied the Apostle to the edge of the water (ib. 38). The Christ- 
ian brethren were torn from the embrace of their friends ;* and the ship 
sailed out into the open sea, while the presbyters prepared for their weary 
and melancholy journey to Ephesus. 

The narrative of the voyage is now resumed in detail. It is quite 
clear, from St. Luke’s mode of expression, that the vessel sailed from 
Miletus on the day of the interview. With a fair wind she would easily 
run down to Cos in the course of the same afternoon. The distance is 
about forty nautical miles ; the direction is due south. The phrase used 
implies a straight course and a fair wind ;° and we conclude, from the 
well-known phenomena of the Levant, that the wind was north-westerly, 
which is the prevalent direction in those seas.?7_ With this wind the vessel 
would make her passage from Miletus to Cos in six hours, passing the 
shores of Caria, with the high summits of Mount Latmus on the left, and 
with groups of small islands (among which Patmos (Rev. i. 9) would be 
seen at times®) studding the sea on the right. Cos is an island about 
twenty-three miles in length, extending from south-west to north-east, and 


Calvin (who takes it as the weak in faith), which is supported by Neander and others, 
seems hardly consistent with the context. 

1 Θεὶς τὰ γόνατα αὐτοῦ σὺν πᾶσιν αὐτοῖς προσηύξατο, Vv. 36. 

5. Κατεφίλουν, ν. 37. Observe the imperfect. 

3 Τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ ϑεωρεῖν, ν. 38. Observe ϑεωρεῖν, and contrast it with the 
word ὄψεσθε, used by St. Paul himself above, v. 25. Meyer says justly of the wncle 
scene: “ Welche einfach schéne und ergreifende Schilderung.”’ 

4 See below. 5 Observe ὠποσπασθέντας, xxi. 1. 

8 ᾿Ευθυδρομήσαντες, xxi. 1. See what has been said before on this nautical phrase 
Vol. I. p. 285. 

7 For what relates to this prevalent wind. see below. 

8 Dr. Clarke describes a magnificent evening. with the sun setting behind Patmos 
wich he saw on the voyage from Samos to Cos. Travels, ii. 194. 


ὡ THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


separated by a narrow channel from the mainland.'' But we should rather 
sonceive the town to be referred to, which lay at the eastern extremity of 
the island. It is described by the ancients as a beautiful and well-built 
city ;? and it was surrounded with fortifications erected by Alcibiades 
towards the close of the Peloponnesian war? Its symmetry had been 
injured by an earthquake, and the restoration had not yet been effected ;4 
but the productiveness of the island to which it belonged, and its position 
in the Levant, made the city a place of no little consequence. The wine 
and the textile fabrics of Cos were well known among the imports of Italy. 
Even now no harbour is more frequented by the merchant vessels of the 
Levant.’ The roadstead is sheltered by nature from all winds except the 
north-east, and the inner harbour was not then, as it is now, an unhealthy 
lagoon.?’ Moreover, Claudius had recently bestowed peculiar privileges on 
the city. Another circumstance made it the resort of many strangers, 
and gave it additional renown. It was the seat of the medical school 
traditionally connected with Aisculapius ; and the temple of the god of 
healing was crowded with votive models, so as to become in effect a 
museum of anatomy and pathology.2 The Christian physician St. Luke, 


10 


COIN OF COS. 


1 This is to be distinguished from the channel mentioned below, between the southern 
tide of Cos and Cape Crio. 

? Strabo and Diodorus, 3 Thue. viii. 100. 

4 The city was restored after the earthquake by Antoninus Pius. Pausan. viii. 43. 

5 Amphore Coz, Plin. xxv. 12, 46. Cow Vestes, Hor. Od. iv. 13. 

6 “ No place in the Archipelago is more frequented by merchant vessels than this 
port.” Purdy, p. 115. 

7 See the description of the town and anchorage in Purdy :—“ The town is sheltered 
from westerly winds by very high mountains,” p. 114. ‘The road is good in all 
winds except the E.N.E.,” p.115. A view of the modern city of Cos from the anchor- 
age, as well as the present sourdings, amd the traces of the ancient port, is given in 
the Admiralty Chart, No. 1550. 

8 Tac. Ann. xii. 61. 

9 See Forbiger’s Alte Geographie, p. 240. The medical clan of the Asclepiade be- 
longed to this island. [See Vol. I. p. 313, n. 2.1] Perhaps the fullest account of Cos 
is that given by Dr. Clarke, vol. ii. pp. 196-213, and again after his return from Egypt, 
vol. iii. 321-329. He describes the celebrated plane-tree, and from this island he 
brought the altar which is now in the Public Library at Cambridge. We may refer 
also to a paper on Cos by Col. Leake in the second vol. of the Transactions of the 
Royal Society of Literature. There isa monograph on the subject by Kuster (de Ce 
Insula. Hal. 1833). 

10 From the British Museum. It is a coin of Augustus, exhibiting a club and a ser- 
pent, the emblems of Hercules and Aisculapius. The earliest type on the cc'ns of Cos 
is ἃ crah; after this, a crab with the bow of Hercules. 


COS AND RHODES. 221 


wha knew these coasts so well, could hardly be ignorant of the scient#ie 
and religious celebrity of Cos. We can imagine the thankfulness with 
which he would reflect—as the vessel Jay at anchor off the city of Hippo 
crates—that he had been emancipated from the bonds of superstition, 
without becoming a vietim to that scepticism which often succeeds it, 
especially in minds familiar with the science of physical phenomena.' 

On leaving the anchorage of Cos, the vessel would have to procee 
through the channel which lies between the southern shore of the island and 
that tongue of the mainland which terminates in the Point of Cuidus. If 
the wind continued in the north-west, the vessel would be able to hold a 
straight course from Cos to Cape Crio (for such is the modern name of the 
promontory of Triopium, on which Cnidus was built), and after rounding 
the point she would run clear before the wind all the way to Rhodes.’ 
Another of St. Paul’s voyages will lead us to make mention of Cnidus.3 
We shall, therefore, only say, that the extremity of the promontory 
descends with a perpendicular precipice to the sea, and that this high rock 
is separated by a level space from the main, so that, at a distance, it 
appears like one of the numerous islands on the coast.‘ Its history, ag 


1 Ifweattached any importance to the tradition which represents St. Luke asa painter, 
we might add that Cos was the birth-place of Apelles as well as of Hippocrates. 

* We shall return again to the subject of the north-westerly winds which prevail 
during the fine season in the Archipelago, and especially in the neighbourhood of 
Rhodes. For the present the following authorities may suffice. Speaking’ of Rhodes, 
Dr. Clarke says (vol. ii. Ὁ. 223), “The winds are liable to little variation ; they are 
N. or N. W. during almost every month, but these winds blow with great violence :”? 
and again, p. 230, “ A N. wind has prevailed from the time of our leaving the Darda- 
nelles.” Again (vol. iii. p. 378), in the same seas he speaks of a gale from the N. W.: 
—‘ Τὸ is surprising for what a length of time, and how often, the N. W. rages in the 
Archipelago. It prevails almost unceasingly through the greater part of the year,” 
380. And ina note he adds, “ Mr. Spencer Smith, brother of Sir Sidney Smith, in- 
formed the author that he was an entire month employed in endeavouring to effect 
a passage from Rhodes to Stanchio [Cos]: the N. W. wind prevailed all the time 
with such force, that the vessel in which he sailed could not double Cape Crio.” 

We find the following in Norie’s Sailing Directory, p. 127 :—“The Etesian winds, 
which blow from the N. E. and N. W. quarters, are the monsoons of the Levant, which 
blow constantly during the summer, and give to the climate of Greece so advantageous 
a temperature. At this season the greatest part of the Mediterranean, but particularly 
the eastern half, including the Adriatic and Archipelago, are subject to N. W. winds. 
. - » When the sun, on advancing from the North, has begun to rarefy the atmosphere 
of southern Europe, the Etesians of spring commence in the Mediterranean Sea. These 
blow in Italy during March and April.” In Purdy’s Sailing Directory, p. 122, of the 
neighbourhood of Smyrna and Ephesus: “ The northerly winds hereabous continue all 
the summer, and sometimes blow with unremitting violence for several weeke.” Sea 
again what Admiral Beaufort says of the N. W. wind at Patara. 

3 See Acts xxvii. 7. 

4 In the Admiralty Chart of the gulf of Cos, &c. (Nv. 1604), a very good view οἱ 
Cape Crio is given. We shall speak of Cnidus more fully hereafter. Meantime wa 
may refer to a view in Laborde, which gives an admirable representation of the passage 
between Cos and Cape Crio. 


$93 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


well as its appearance, was well impressed on the mind of the Greek navi 
gatcr of old; for it was the scene of Conon’s victory ; and the memory 
of their great admiral made the south-western corner of the Asiatic 
peninsula to the Athenians, what the south-western corner of Spain is to 
us, through the memories of St. Vincent and Trafalgar. 

We have supposed St. Paul’s vessel to have rounded Cape Crio, to 
have left the western shore of Asia Minor, and to be proceeding along 
the southern shore. The current between Rhodes and the main runs 
strongly to the westward ;’ but the north-westerly wind? would soon 
carry the vessel through the space of fifty miles to the northern extremity 
of the island, where its famous and beautiful city was built. 

Until the building of its metropolis, the name of this island was com- 
paratively unknown. But from the time when the inhabitants of the 
earlier towns were brought to one centre,? and the new city, built by 
Hippodamus (the same architect who planned the streets of the Pirzus), 
rose in the midst of its perfumed gardens and its amphitheatre of hills, 
with unity so symmetrical, that it appeared like one house,;—Rhodes has 
held an illustrious place among the islands of the Mediterranean. From 
the very effect of its situation, lying as it did on the verge of two of the 
basins of that sea, it became the intermediate point of the eastern and 
western trade. Even now it is the harbour at which most vessels touch 
on their progress to and from the Archipelago.’ It was the point from 
which the Greek geographers reckoned their meridians of latitude and 
longitude. And we may assert, that no place has been so long renowned 
for ship-building, if we may refer to the “benches, and masts, and ship- 
boards” of “‘Dodanim and Chittim,” with the feeble constructions of the 
modern Turkish dockyard, as the earliest and latest efforts of that Rhodian 


1 Purdy. ? See above. 

3 Herodotus simply mentions Rhodes as forming part of the Dorian confederacy 
with Cos and Cnidus (i. 144, 11. 178). It was about the time of the Peloponnesian 
war that the three earlier cities of Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus were centralised in 
the new ciéy of Rhodes. (Diod. xiii. 75. Strabo, xiv.) “We find the Rhodian navy 
rising in strength and consequence towards the time of Demosthenes ;”’ and, after 
this period, it “‘ makes nearly as great a figure in history as Venice does in the annals 
ef Modern Europe.””—Cramer’s Asia Minor, ii. 229, 230. 

4 Diod. Sic. xiii. 75. 

> An interesting illustration of the trade of Rhodes will be found in vol. iii. of the 
frans. of the Royal Society of Literature, in a paper on some inscribed handles of 
wine-vessels found at Alexandria. We shall refer to this paper again when we come 
to speak of Cnidus. . 

6 “ Vessels bound to the ports of Karamania, as well as to those of Syria and Egypt 
generally touch here for pilots or for intelligence.” Beaufort. “The southern hap 
bour is generally full of merchant-vessels.” Purdy, p. 232. ‘The chief source of 
what little opulence it still enjoys is in the number of vessels which touch here ou 
their passage from the Archipelago to the eastward.” Ib, 


e 


RHODES. 22a 


skill, which. was celebrated by Pliny in the time of St Paul To the 
copious supplies of ship timber were added many other physical advantages. 
It was a proverb, that the sun shone every day in Rhodes ;* and het 
inhabitants revelled in the luxuriance of the vegetation which surroundec 
them. We find this beauty and this brilliant atmosphere typified in her 
coins, on one side of which is the head of Apollo radiated like the sun, 
while the other exhibits the rose-flower, the conventional emblem which 
bore the name of the island. But the interest of what is merely outward 


COIN OF RHODES.? 


fades before the moral interest associated with its history. If we rapidly 
*run over its annals, we find something in every period, with which elevated 
thoughts are connected. The Greek period is the first,—famous not 
merely for the great Temple of the Sun,‘ and the Colossus, which, like 
the statue of Borromeo at Arona, seemed to stand over the city to protect 
it,*—but far more for the supremacy of the seas, which was employed to 
put down piracy, for the code of mercantile law, by which the commerce of 
later times was regulated, and for the legislative enactments, framed almost 
in the spirit of Christianity, for the protection of the poor.’ This is fol- 
lowed by the Roman period, when the faithful ally, which had aided by 
her naval power in subduing the East, was honoured by the Senate and 


1 Plin, 3 Plin. See Forbiger, p. 244. 

3 From the British Museum. There was a notion that the island had emerged from 
the sea under the influence of the sun. (See Pindar. Olymp. vii.) The flower on most 
of the Rhodian coins (as here) was like a tulip; and Spanheim thought that it was 
that of the Malu: punicum, which was used for dyeing ; but there is no doubt that 
it was the rose conventially represented : and sometimes it appears in a form exactly 
similar to the heraldic roses in our own Tudor architecture. There are Rhodian coins 
of Nero’s reign in which the emperor is himself represented as the sun, with the inscrip- 
tion KAIZAP AYTOKPATQP ΝΈΡΩΝ, and the device of a Victory on the rostrum 
of a ship, with a rose-flower in the field. See Eckhel, p. 605. 

4 Forbiger, 245. 

5. The Colossus was in ruins even in Strabo’s time (xiv.). It had been overthrown 
by an earthquake according to Polybius (v. 88,1). 170 seems to be a popular mistake 
that this immense statue stood across the entrance of one of the harbours. The only 
parallel in modern times is the statue of San Carlo Borromeo [which has been alluded 
to before in reference to Athens, Vol. 1. p. 376]; and in height they were nearly iden- 
tical, the latter being 106 feet, the former 105 (70 cubits). Sce the paper referred to, 
p. 222, n. 5. 

* Strabo xiv. See Potyb.v. Cic. de Rep. and Sallust. Compare Miuller’s Doriana 


32; THE Lik AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


the Emperors with the name and privileges of freedom :’ and this by the 
Byzantine, during which Christianity was established in the Levant, and 
the city of the Rhodians, as the metropolis of a province of islands, if no 
longer holding the Empire of the Mediterranean, was at least recognised 
as the Queen of the ANgean.* During the earlier portion of the middle 
ages, while mosques were gradually taking the place of Byzantine churches, 
Rhodes was the last Christian city to make a stand against the advancing 
Saracens ; and again during their later portion, she reappears as a city 
ennobled by the deeds of Christian chivalry ; so that, ever since the suc- 
cessful stege of Solyman the Magnificent,* her fortifications and her stately 
harbour, and the houses in her streets, continue to be the memorials of the 
knights of St. John. Yet no point of Rhodian history ought to move our 
spirits with so much exultation as that day, when the vessel that conveyed 
St. Paul came round the low northern point‘ of the island to her moor- 
ings before the city. We do not know that he landed, like other great 
conquerors who have visited Rhodes. It would not be necessary even to 
enter the harbour: for a safe anchorage would be found for the night in 
the openroadstead*® ‘The kingdom of God cometh not with observation ;” 
and the vessel which was seen by the people of the’ city to weigh anchor in 
the morning, was probably undistinguished from the other coasting craft 
with which they were daily familiar. 

No view in the Levant is more celebrated than that from Rhodes 
towards the opposite shore of Asia Minor. The last ranges of Mount 
Taurus ® come down in magnificent forms to the sea; and a long line of 
snowy summits is seen along the Lycian coast, while the sea between is 


1 After the defeat of Antiochus, Rhodes received from the Roman senate some 
valuable possessions on the mainland, including part of Caria and the whole of Lycia. 
Liv. xxxviii. 89. Polyb. xxii. 7, 7, 27, 8. [See what has been said on the province 
of Asia, Vol. I. pp. 239, 240, comparing p. 243.] These continental possessions were 
afterwards withdrawn; but the Rhodians were still regarded as among the allies of 
Rome. Liv. xlv. xlvi. They rendered valuable aid in the war against Mithridates, 
and were not reduced to the form of a province til the reign of Vespasian. Sueton. 
Vesp.c. 8. Tac. Ann. xii. 58. n.this interval, the island was plundered by Cassius 
(App. B. C. iv. 72), and Tiberius resided here during part of the reign of Augustus 
(Tac. Ann. i. 4, iv. 15). 

* It appears as the metropolis of the Provincia Imsularum in Hierocles, pp. 685, 686. 

3 For a curious account of this siege, see Fontani, Libri tres de Bello Rhodio, 
Reme, 1524. 

4 Compare Purdy’s Sailing Directory with the Admiralty Chart (No. 1639), attached 
to which is an excellent view of Rhodes. 

5. See Purdy, p. 231. Von Hammer gives a plan of the harbour of Rhodes as it waa 
In the siege of Solyman. Topogr. Ansichten, Vienna, 1811. 

8 Compare Vol. I. p. 20. For the appearance of this magnificent ccast on a nearer 
epproach, see Dr. Clarke. For a description of these south-western mountains of Asia 
Minor the travels of Spratt and Forbes may be consulted, 


PATARA. 245 


often an unruffled expanse of water under a blue and brilliant sky. 
Across this expanse, and towards a harbour near the further edge of these 
Lycian mountains, the Apostle’s course was now directed (Acts xxi. 1). 
To the eastward of Mount Cragus,—the steep sea-front of which is known 
to the pilots of the Levant by the name of the “Seven Capes,” *—the 
river Xanthus winds through a rich and magnificent valley, and past the 
ruins of an ancient city, the monuments of which, after a long concealment, 
have lately been made familiar to the British public. The harbour of the 
city of Xanthus was situated a short distance from the left bank of the 
river. Pataia was to Xanthus what the Pireus was to Athens ;‘ and, 
though this comparison might seem to convey the idea of an importance 
which never belonged to the Lycian sea-port, yet ruins still remain to show 
that it was once a place of some magnitude and splendour. ‘The bay, into 
which the river Xanthus flowed, is now a ‘desert of moving sand,” which 
is blown by the westerly wind into ridges along the shore, and is gradually 
hiding the remains of the ancient city ;° but a triple archway and a vast 
theatre have been described by travellers. Some have even thought tuat 


1 See the description in Von Hammer. 

2 “These capes (called in Italian, the usual language of the pilots, sette capi) are 
the extremities of high and rugged mountains, occupying a space of ten miles.” Pur- 
dy, p. 236. 

3 The allusion is of course to the Xanthian room in the British Museum. 

4 Thus Appian speaks of Patara as the port of Xanthus: Βροῦτος ἐς Ildrapa ἀπὸ 
Ξανθου κατήει, πόλιν ἐοικυῖαν ἐπινείῳ Ξανθίων. B.C.iv. 81. In the following chap- 
ter he says that Andriace had the same relation to Myra. (Acts xxvii. 5.) 

5 Admiral Beaufort was the first to describe Patara. Karamania, chap.i. It wag 
also visited by the Dilettanti Society. (See two views in vol. ii. of the Ionian Anti- 
quities.) It is described by Sir C. Fellows both in his “ Lycia’’ and his “ Asia Minor.” 
See especially the former work, pp. 222-224. In the travels of Spratt and Forbes the 
destruction of the harbour and the great increase of sand are attributed to the rising 
of the coast, 1. 32, m. 189, 196. The following passage is transcribed at length from 
this work. 1, 30 :—“ A day was devoted to an excursion to Patara, whicu iies on the 
coast at some distance from the left bank of the river, about ten miles from Xanthus, 

‘We rode along the river side to the sand-hills, passing large straw-thatched villages 
of gipsies on the way, and then crossed the sand-hills to the sea-side. ... At Patara 
is the triple arch which formed the gate of the city, the baths, and the theatre, ad- 
mirably described long ago by Captain Beaufort. The latter is scooped out of the 
side of a hill, and is remarkable for the completeness of the proscenium and the steep- 
ness and narrowness of the marble seats. Above it is the singular pit excavated cn 
the summit of the same hill, with its central square column, conjectured, with pro- 
bability, by Captain Beaufort, to have been the seat of the oracle of Apollo Patareus. 
The stones of which the column is built are displaced from each other in a singular 
manner, as if by the revolving motion of an earthquake. A fine group of palm trees 
rises among the ruins, and the aspect of the city when it was flourishing must have 
been very beautiful. Now its port isan inland marsh, generating poisonous malaria; 
and the mariner sailing along the coast would never guess that the sand-hills before 
bim blocked up the harbour into which St. Paul sailed of old.” 

* A drawing of the gateway is given by Beaufort, p. 1. Views of the theatre, de 


vor. 1.—15 


226 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §T. PAUL. 


they have discovered the seat of the oracle of Apolla, who was worshipped 
here as his sister Diana was worshipped at Ephesus or Perga ;' and the 


COM OF PATARA.® 


city walls can be traced among the sand-hills, with the castle* that com- 
manded the harbour. In’ the war against Antiochus, this harbour was 
protected by a sudden storm from the Roman fleet, when Livius sailed 
from Rhodes. Now we find the Apostie Paul entering it with a fair 
wind, after a short sail from the same island. 

t seems that the vessel in which St. Paul had been hitherto sailing 
either finished its voyage at Patara, or was proceeding further eastward 
‘along the southern coast of Asia Minor, and not to the ports of Phcenicia. 
St. Paul could not know in advance whether it would be “possible” for 
him to arrive in Palestine in time for Pentecost (xx. 16) ; but an oppor- 
tunity presented itself unexpectedly at Patara. Providential circumstances 
conspired with his own convictions to forward his journey, notwithstanding 
the discouragement which the fears of others had thrown across his path. In 
the harbour of Patara they found a vessel which was on the point of 


of Patara will be found in the first volume of the Ionian Antiquities, published by the 
Dilettanti Society. 

1 See Vol. 1. pp. 161, 162, and Vol. II. p. 74, &e. 

2 From the British Museum. For the oracle of the Patarean Apollo, see Herod, i. 
182. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 4, 64. Sir C. Fellows says (Asia Minor, pp. 179-183) that the 
coins of all the district show the ascendancy of Apollo. 

3 Beaufort. p. 3. 

4 The Roman fleet had followed nearly the same course as the Apostle from the 
neighbourhood of Ephesus. “ Civitates, quas preetervectus est, Miletus. . . . Cnidus, 
Cous. Rhodum ut est ventum.. .navigat Patara. Primo secundus ventus ad ip- 
sam urbem ferebat eos: postquam, circumagente se vento, fluctibus dubiis volvi ccep- 
tum est mare, pervicerunt quidem remis, ut tenerent terram; sed neque circa urbem 
tuta statio erat, nec ante hostium portus in salo stare poterant, aspero mari, et nocte 
imminente.”? Liv. xxxvii. 16. We may add another illustration from Roman history, 
in Pompey’s voyage, whete the same places are mentioned in a similar order. After 
describing his departure from .Witylene, and his passing by Asta and Chios, Lucan 
proceeds : 

Ephesonque relinquens 
Radit saxa Sami: Spirat de littore Coe 
Aura fluens: Cnidon inde fugit, claramque relinquit 
Sole Rhodon.—Phars. viii. 


~ 


VOYAGE TO PHCNICIA. 227 


trossing the open sea to Phoenicia (xxi. 2). They went on board without 
a moment’s delay ; and it seems evident, from the mode of expression, that 
they saiied the very day of their arrival. Since the voyage lay across 
the open sea,” with no shoals or rocks to be dreaded, and since the north- 
westerly winds often blow steadily for several days in the Levant during 
spring,’ there could be no reason why the vessel should not weigh anchor 
in the evening, and sail through the night. 

We have now to think of St. Paul as no longer passing through nar- 
row channels, or coasting along in the shadow of great mountains, but as 
sailing continuously through the midnight hours, with a prosperous breeze 
filling the canvass, and the waves curling and sounding round the bows. of 
the vessel. There is a peculiar freshness and cheerfulness in the prosecu- 
tion of a prosperous voyage with a fair wind by night. The sailors on the 
watch, and the passengers also, feel it, and the feeling is often expressed 
in songs or in long-continued conversation. Such cheerfulness might be 
felt by the Apostle and his companions, not without thankfulness to that 
God “who giveth songs in the night” (Job xxxv. 10), and who: 
hearkeneth to those who fear Him, and speak often to one another, and 
think upon His name (Mal. iii, 16). If we remember, too, that a month 
had now elapsed since the moon was shining on the snows of Hwmus,‘ and 
that the full moonlight would now be resting on the great sail® of the 
ship, we are not without an expressive imagery, which we may allowably 
throw round the Apostle’s progress over the waters between Patara and 
Tyre. . 

The distance between these two points is three hundred and forty ἢ 
geographical miles ; and if we bear in mind that the north-westerly winds 
in April often blow like monsoons in the Levant,® and that the rig of 
ancient sailing-vessels was peculiarly favourable to a quick run before the 
wind,’ we come at once to the conclusion that the voyage might&easily be 
accomplished in forty-eight hours. Hverything in St. Luke’s account 


1 This is shown not only by the participle ἐπιβάντες, but by the omission of any 
such phrase as τῇ ἐπιούσῃ, τῇ ἑτερᾳ, or τῇ ἐχομένῃ. Compare xx. 15. 
? Observe the word διαπερῶν. ἡ 


3 See above. 4 See above, p. 203. 
° See Smith’s “ Voyage and Shipwreck,” p. 151. 
6 See above. 7 Smith, p. 180. 


5. ἃ. ε. the rate would be rather more than seven knots an hour. The writer once 
asked the captain of a vessel engaged in the Mediterranean trade, how long it would 
take to sail with a fair wind from the Seven Capes to Tyre; and the answer was, 
“About thirty hours, or perhaps it would be safer to say forty-eight.” Now, vessels 
rigged like those of the ancients, with one large main-sail, would run before the wind 
more quickly than our own merchantmen. Those who have sailed before the mon- 
s0ons in the China seas have seen junks (which are rigged in this respect like Greek 


and Roman merchantmen) behind them in the horizon in the morbing, and before 
them in the horizon in the evening. 


928 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 851. PAUL. 


gives a strong impression that the weather was in the highest degree 
favourable ; and there is one picturesque phrase employed by the narrator, 
which sets vividly before us“some of the phenomena of a rapid voyage. 
That which is said in the English version concerning the “ discovering” of 
Cyprus, and “leaving it on the left hand,” is, in the original, a nautical 
expression, implying that the land appeared to rise quickly,’ as they 
sailed past it to the southward.? It would be in the course of the second 
day (probably in the evening) that “the high blue eastern land appeared.” 
The highest mountain of Cyprus is a rounded summit, and there would 
be snow upon it at that season of the year. After the second night, the 
first land in sight would be the high range of Lebanon ® in Syria (xxi. 3), 
and they would easily arrive at Tyre before the evening. 

So much has been written concerning the past history and present 
condition of Tyre, that these subjects are familiar to every reader, and it is 
unnecessary to dwell upon them here.6 When St. Paul came to this city, 
it was neither in the glorious state described in the prophecies of Ezekiel 
and Isaiah,? when “its merchants were princes, and its traffickers the 
honourable of the earth,” nor in the abject desolation in which it now 
fulfils those prophecies, being ‘‘a place to spread nets upon,” and showing 
only the traces of its maritime supremacy in its ruined mole, and a port 
hardly deep enough for boats.’ It was in the condition in which it had 


1 ’"Avagavévtec τὴν Κύπρον καὶ καταλιπόντες αὐτὴν εὐώνυμον. The word ἀναφαίνε:ν, 
in reference to sea voyages, means “ to see land, to bring land into view,” by a similar 
figure of speech to that in which our sailors speak of “making land.” The correspond- 
ing word for losing sight of land is ἀποκρύπτειν. See the commentators on Plat. Protag. 
xxiv., and Thucyd. vy. 65. The terms in Latin are aperire and abscondere.” Virg. 
fin. iii. 205, 275, 291. Heyne says “Terra aperit montes, dum in conspectum eos 
admovet.’’? (Compare the use of the verb “open’’ by our own sailors.) As to the 
construction, De Wet# compares πεπίστευμαι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ; but the cases are not 
quite parallel. Confusions of grammar are common in the language of sailors. Thus 
an English seaman speaks of “rising the land,” which is exactly what is meant here 
by dvagavévtec, One of the Byzantine writers uses the same phrase in reference to 
an expedition in the same sea. ᾿Ελθόντες ἑως τὰ Mipa οἱ στρατηγοὶ εἰσῆλθον ἐπὶ τὸν 
κόλπον τῆς Ατταλεΐας" οἱ δὲ "Αραθες κινήσαντες ἀπὸ τῆς Κυπρου, καὶ εὐδίας αὐτοὺς 
καταλαθούσης, περιεφέροντο ἐν τῷ πελάγει" ἀναφανέντων δὲ αὐτῶν τὴν γῆν, εἶδον 
αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατηγοί. Theophanes, i. p. 721., Ed. Bonn. 

2 Mr. Smith says in a MS. note: “The term ἀναφανέντες indicates both the rapid 
approach to land, and that it was seen at a distance by daylight.” 

3 We shall hereafter point out the contrast between this voyage and that which 
mentioned afterwards in Acts xxvii. 4. 

4 The island is traversed by two chains, running nearly east and west: and they 
are covered with snow in winter. Norie, p. 144. See the map of Cyprus in Vol. L 
The writer has been informed by Captain Graves, R. N., that the highest part is of a 
rounded form. 

5 Compare Vol. I. pp. 20, 52. 

6 One of the fullest accounts of Tyre will be found in Dr. Robinson’s third volume 

7 Ezek. xxvi. xxvii. Isa, xxiii. 8 Suiling Directory, p. 259. 


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TYRE. 929 


been left ,by the successors of Alexander,—the island, which ounce held 
the city, being joined to the mainland by a causeway,—with a harbout 
gn the north, and another on the south.! In honour of its ancient great- 
ness, the Romans gave it the name of a free city ;? and it still commanded 
some commerce, for its manufactures of glass and purple were not yet 
decayed,’ and the narrow belt of the Pheenician coast between the moun- 
tains and the sea required that the food for its population should be 
partly brought from without.‘ It is allowable to conjecture that the ship, 
which we have just seen crossing from Patara, may have brought grain 
from the Black Sea, or wine from the Archipelago,,—with the purpose οἱ 
taking on from Tyre a cargo of Phcenician manufactures. We know that, 
whatever were the goods she brought, they were unladed at Tyre (vy. 3) ; 
and that the vessel was afterwards to proceed*® to Ptolemais (v. 1). For 
this purpose some days would be required. She would be taken into the 
inner dock ;7 and St. Paul had thus some time at his disposal, which he 
could spend in the active service of his Master. He and his companions 
Jost no time in “seeking out the disciples.” It is probable that the 
Christians at Tyre were not numerous ;* but a Church had existed there 
vever since the dispersion consequent upon the death of Stephen (Vol. I. 
pp. 81, 117), and St. Paul had himself visited it, if not on his mission of 
charity from Antioch to Jerusalem (ib. p. 127), yet doubtless on his way 


1 Strabo, xvi. Old Tyre (IlaAa:tupoc) was destroyed. WVew Tyre was built on a 
small island, separated by a very narrow channel from the mainland (See Diod. Sic 
xvii. 60, Plin. v. 19, 17, Q. Curt. iv. 2), with which it was united by a dam in Alexan 
der’s siege: aud thenceforward Tyre was on a peninsula. 

3 Strabo, l.c. The Emperor Severus made it a Roman colonia with the Jus Itali 
cum. (See Vol. 1. p, 282, n. 2.) For the general notion of a free city (libera civitas) 
under the empire, see p. 333. Tyre seems to have been honoured, like Athens, for the 
sake of the past. 

3 For the manufactures of Tyre at a much later period, see Vol. I. p. 212, n. 3. 

4 The dependence of Pheenicia on other countries -for grain is alluded to in Acts, 
xii. 206. (See Vol. I. p. 128, note.) 

5 For the wine trade of the Archipelago, see what has been said in reference to 
Rhodes, We need not suppose that the vessel bound for Pheenicia sailed in the first 
instance from Patara. St. Paul afterwards found a westward-bound Alexandrian ship 
in one of the harbours of Lycia. Acts xxvii. 5. 

6 We infer that St. Paul proceeded in the same vessel to Ptolemais, partly from the 
phrase τὸ πλοῖον (v. 6), and partly because it is not said that the vessel was bound 
for Tyre, but simply that she was to unlade there (ἐκεῖσε ἦν τὸ πλοῖον ἀποφορτιζόμενον 
τὸν youov, v. 3). With regard to ἐκεῖσε, it seems best to consider it simply to mean 
“she was to go thither and unlade there.’ The explanation of De Wette and Meyer, 
who distinguish between the harbour and the town, is too elaborate. 

7 Scylax, p. 24, mentions a harbour within the walls. 

8 Observe the article in τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς. The word ἀνευρόντες implies that some 
search was required before the Christians were found. Perhaps the first enquiries 
would be made at the synagogue. [See Vol. I. p. 407.] For anotice of the Jews af 
Tyve in later times, we may again refer to p. 212, n. 3. 


230 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


to the Council (ib. p. 212). There were not only disciples at Tyre, bat 
prophets. Some of those who had the prophetical power foresaw the 
danger which was hanging over St. Paul, and endeavoured to persuade 
aim to desist from his purpose of going to Jerusalem.’ We see that dif- 
ferent views of duty might be taken by those who had the same spiritual 
knowledge, though that knowledge were supernatural. St. Paul looked 
on the coming danger from a higher point. What to others was an over- 
whelming darkness, to him appeared only as a passing storm. And he 
resolved to face it, in the faith that He who had protected him hitherto, 
would still give him shelter and safety. 

The time spent at Tyre in unlading the vessel, and probably taking in 
a new cargo, and possibly, also, waiting for a fair wind,* was “seven _ 
days,” including a Sunday. St. Paul “broke bread” with the disciples, 
and discoursed as he had done at Troas (p. 206) ; and the week days, 
too, would afford many precious opportunities of confirming those who 
were already Christians, and in making the Gospel known to others, both 
Jews and Gentiles. When the time came for the ship to sail, a scene was 
witnessed on the Pheenician shore, like that which had made the Apostle’s 
departure from Miletus so impressive and affecting.‘ There attended him | 
through the city gate,> as he and his companions went out to join the 
vessel now ready to receive them, all the Christians of Tyre, and even 
their “wives and children.” And there they knelt down and prayed 
together on the level shore. We are not to imagine here any Jewish 
place of worship, like the proseucha at Philippi ;7 but simply that they 
were on their way to the ship. The last few moments were precious, and 
could not be so well employed as in praying to Him, who alone can give 
true comfort and protection. The time spent in this prayer was soon 
passed. And then they tore themselves from each others’ embrace ;° the 


1T6 Παύλῳ ἔλεγον διὰ τοῦ Πνεύματος μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, v. 4. 

3 These suppositions, however, are not necessary ; for the work of taking the cargo 
from the hold of a merchant-vessel might easily occupy six or seven days. 

3 Ἡμέρας ἕπτα, ν. 4. We may observe, however, that this need not mean more 
than “six days.” 45 to the phrase ἐξαρτίσα: τὰς ἡμέρας, Meyer and Olshausen take it 
to mean “employed the time in making ready for the journey,” comparing 2 Tim. iii 
17. [See on v. 15.] 

4 See above, p. 219. 

5 Observe ἐξελθόντες and ἕως ἔξω τῆς πόζεως. There is a dramatic force, too, tn 
the imperfect ἐπορευόμεθα. 

6 "Ἐπὶ rey αἰγιαλόν, the word used in Acts xxvii. 39, 40, and denoting a sandy or 
pebbly beach, as opposed to ἄκτη. 

7 Hammond supposes that there was a proseucha near the place of embarkation. 
But we need not suppose any reference to a Jewish place of worship either here or at 
Miletus, though it is interesting to bear in mind the orationes littorales of the Jews 
See Vol. I. p. 294. 

8 The MSS. vary here. Lachmann and Tischendorf have προσευξάμενοι ἀπησπασώ- 
μεθα instead of the common reading, ποοσηυξάμεθα καὶ doracdumm, See v. 1, * 


PTOLEMAIS. 23) 


strangers went on board,! and the Tyrian believers retuned home sorrow 
1ul and anxious, while the ship sailed southwards on her way to Ptolemais. 

There is a singular contrast in tlie history of those three cities on the 
Pheenician shore, which are mentioned in close sucression in the conclud- 
ing part of the narrative of this apostolic journey. Tyre, the city from 
which St. Paul had just sailed, had been the seaport whose destiny formed 
the burden of the sublimest prophecies in the last days of the Hebrew 
monarchy. Cesarea, the city to which he was ultimately bound, was the 
work of the family of Herod, and rose with the rise of Christianity. 
Both are fallen now into utter decay. Ptolemais, which was the interme- 
diate stage between them, is an older city than either, and has outlived 
them both. It has never been withdrawn from the field of history ; and 
its interest has seemed to increase (at least in the eyes of Englishmen) 
with the progress of centuries. Under the ancient name of Acco it appears 
in the Book of Judges (i. 31) as one of the towns of the tribe of Assher. 
It was the pivot of the contests between Persia and Hgypt.? Not un- 
known in the Macedonian and Roman periods, it reappears with brilliant 
distinction in the middle ages, when the Crusaders called it St. Jean d’ Acre. 
It is needless to allude to the events which have fixed on this sea-fortress, 
more than once, the attention of our own generation. At the particular 
time when the Apostle Paul visited this place, it bore the name of Ptole- 
mais,i—most probably given to it by Ptolemy Lagi, who was long in pos- 
session of this part of Syria,°—and it had recently been made a Roman 
colony by the emperor Claudius.’ It shared with Tyre and Sidon,’ Aunti- 
och and Cxsarea, the trade of the eastern coast of the Mediterranean 
Sea. With a fair wind, a short day’s voyage separates it from Tyre. To 
speak in the language of our own sailors, there are thirteen miles from 
Tyre to Cape Blanco, and fifteen from thence to Cape Carmel; and Acre— 
the Ancient Ptolemais—is situated on the further extremity of that bay, 
which sweeps with a wide curvature of sand to the northwards, from the 
headland of Carmel.’ It is evident that St. Paul’s company sailed from 
Tyre to Ptolemais within the day.2 At the latter city, as at the former, 

1 See on τὸ πλοῖον, above. ? Forbiger, 672. 

3 The events at the close of the last century and others still more recent. It ia 
surely well that we should be able to associate this place with the Apostle of the Gen- 
tiles as much as with Sir Sidney Smith and Sir Charles Napier. 

4 So it is called in 1 Mae. v. 15, x. i., &e. 

5 See his life in Smith’s Dictionary of Biography. 

6 Pliny, v.19, 17. 

7 In the Acts of the Apostles, we find Tyre mentioned in connection with the 
voyages of merchantmen, xxi. 3, and Sidon, xxvii. 3. 

8 For a nautical delineation of this bay, with the anchorage Kaifa, &c., see the Ad- 


miralty Chart. The travellers who have described the Bib of this bay from Carme] 
are so numerous, that they need rot be specified. 


* VY 7 Instead of the words οἱ περὶ τὸν Παῦλον, the best MSS. have simply ἡμεῖς. 


932 THE LIFE AND EPIPTLES OF ST. PAUL 


there were Christian disciples,! who had probably been converted at the 
same time, and under the same circumstances, as those of Tyre. Another 
opportunity was afforded for the salutations* and encouragement of bro 
therly love ; but the missionary party staid here only one day. Though 
they had accomplished the voyage in abundant time to reach Jerusalem at 
Pentecost, they hastened onwards, that they might linger some days at 
Ceesarea.4 

One day’s travelling by land*® was sufficient for this part of their jour- 
ney. The distance is between thirty and forty miles. At Caesarea there 
was a Christian family, already known to us in the earlier passages of the 
Acts of the Apostles, with whom they were sure of receiving a welcome. 
The last time we made mention of Philip the Evangelist (Vol. I. p. 80), 
was when he was engaged in making the Gospel known on the road which 
leads southwards by Gaza towards Egypt, about the time when St. Paul 
himself was converted on the northern road, when travelling to Damascus. 
Now, after many years, the Apostle and the Evangelist are brought to- 
gether under one roof. On the former occasion, we saw that Czsarea 
was the place where the labours of Philip on that journey ended.’ 
Thenceforward it’ became his residence if his life was stationary, or it 
was the centre from which he made other missionary circuits through Ju- 
dea. He is found, at least, residing in this city by the sea, when St. Paul 
arrives in the year 58 from Achaia and Macedonia. His family consisted 
of four daughters, who were an example of the fulfilment of that predic- 
tion of Joel, quoted by St. Peter, which said that at the opening of the 
new dispensation, God’s spirit should come on His “ handmaidens” as well 
as His bondsmen, and that the ‘‘ daughters,” as well as the sons, should 


which seems to have been altered into the longer phrase, as being the opening of a 
separate section for reading in churches. The meaning of τὸν πλοῦν διανύσαντες 
seems to be “‘ thus accomplishing our voyage.” The rest of the journey was by land 

1 Tove ἀδελφοὺς, with the article as above, v. 4. 

2 "Ασπασάμενοι. 3 ᾿Ἐμείναμεν ἡμέραν μίαν. 

4 See ἐπιμενόντων ἡμέρας πλείους below, v. 10. 

5 Τῇ ἐπαύοιον ἤλθ. εἰς K., v. 8. We may observe, that the word ἐξελθόντες is far 
more suitable to a departure by land than by sea. 

6 The Jerusalem Itinerary gives the distance as thirty-one miles, and the stages 
from “ Civitas Ptolemaida” as follows :—Mutatio Calamon. M. xu.; Mansio Sica- 
menos, M. ut. (ἰδὲ est mons Carmelus, ἰδὲ Helias sacrificium faciebat) ; Mutatio 
certa, M. vu. (fines Syria et Palestine) ; Civitas Cesarea Palestina, M. vi. The 
Antonine Itinerary makes the distance greater, viz. twenty-four miles to Sycamina, 
and twenty from thence to Cesarea. See Wess. pp. 149, 584, Compare our itinerary 
map of Palcstine in the first volume, p. 84. 

7 Acts viii. 40. See Vol. I. p. 80, n. 5. 

8. The term “ Evangelist” seems to have been almost synonymous with our word 
“Missionary.” It is applied to Philip and to Timothy. See Vol. 1. Ρ. 426; alse 
p. 435. ἢ, 2. 


EVENTS AT OASAREA. 283 
prophesy.! The prophetic power was granted to these four women at 
Cxsarea, who seem to have been living that life of single devotedness 
which is commended by St. Paul in his letter to the Corinthians (1 
Cor. vii.), and to have exercised their gift in concert for the benefit of the 
Church. 

It is not improbable that these inspired women gave St. Paul some 
intimation of the sorrows which were hanging over him.3 But soon a 
more explicit voice declared the very nature of the trial he was to expect. 
The stay of the Apostle at Cxsarea lasted some days (v.10). 116 had 
arrived in Juda in good time before the festival, and haste was now un- 
necessary. Thus news reached Jerusalem of his arrival ; and a prophet 
named Agabus—whom we have seen before (Vol. I. p. 127) coming from 
the same place on a similar errand—went down to Cesarea, and commun 
cated to St. Paul and the company of Christians by whom he was sur- 
rounded, a clear knowledge of the impending danger. His revelation was 
made.in that dramatic form which impresses the mind with a stronger 
sense of reality than mere words can do, and which was made familiar to 
the Jews of old by the practice of the Hebrew prophets. As Isaiah (ch. 
xx.) loosed the sackcloth from his loins, and put off his shoes from his 
feet, to declare how the Egyptian captives should be led away into Assy- 
ria naked and barefoot,-—or as the girdle of Jeremiah (ch. xiii.), in its 
strength and its decay, was made a type of the people of Israel in their 
privilege and their fall,—Agabus, in like manner using the imagery of ac- 
tion,‘ took the girdle of St. Paul, and fastened it round his own? hands 
and feet, and said, ‘‘ Thus saith the Holy Ghost: so shall the Jews at Je 
rusalem bind the man to whom this girdle belongs, and they shall deliver 
him into the hands of the Gentiles.” 

The effect of this emphatic prophecy, both on Luke, Aristarchus, and 
Trophimus,® the companions of St. Paul’s journey, and those Christians of 
Cxsarea,’? who, though they had not travelled with him, had learnt to love 
i Joel ii. 28, 29. Acts ii. 17,18. Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 34. 1 Tim. ii. 12; and see 
Vol. I. p. 431. 

? Meyer sees only in v. 9 “eine gelegentliche Reminiscenz fur den Leser an eine 
damals bekanute merkwurdige Erscheinung in jener Familie.” But it is difficult not 
% see more emphasis in παρθένοι. See Matt. xix. 12. 

3 Perhaps the force of προφητεύουσαι (v. 9) is to be found in the fact, that they did 
foretell what was to come. The word, however, has not necessarily any relation to 
the future. See Vol. I. p. 429. 

4 Sce another striking instance in Ezek. iv. Compare what has been said before in 
reference to the gestures of Paul and Barnabas when they departed frora Antioch in 
Pisidia, Vol. 1. p. 181. 

5 It would be a mistake to suppose that Agabus bound Paul’s hanes and fxt The 
correct reading is ἑαυτοῦ. Besides, Agabus says, not “the man whom I bind,’’ bua 

the man whose girdle this is.” 


For the companions of St. Paul at this moment, see p. 202 with p. 203, n. 2. 
“Ἡμεῖς te καὶ οἱ ἐντόπιοι, ν. 12 


984 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 851. PAUL. 


him, was very great. They wept,' and implored him not to go to Jerusw 
‘em.? But the Apostle himself could not so interpret the supernatural in 
timation. He was placed in a position of peculiar trial. A voice of 
authentic prophecy had been so uttered, that, had he been timid and 
wavering, it might easily have been construed into a warning to deter him, 
Nor was that temptation unfelt which arises from the sympathetic grief of 
loving friends. His affectionate heart was almost broken? when he heard 
their earnest supplications, and saw the sorrow that was caused by the 
prospect of his danger. But the mind of the Spirit had been so revealed 
to him in his own inward convictions, that he could see the Divine counsel 
through apparent hindrances. His resolution was “no wavering between 
yea and nay, but was yea in Jesus Christ.”4 His deliberate purpose did 
not falter for a moment. He declared that he was “ready not only to be 
bound, but to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.” And 
then they desisted from their entreaties. Their respect for the Apostle 
made them silent.6 They recognised the will of God in the steady purpose 
of his servant ; and gave their acquiescence in those words in which Chris- 
tian resignation is best expressed : “‘ Z'he will of the Lord be done.” 

The time was now come for the completion of the journey. The festi- 
val was close at hand. Having made the arrangements that were neces- 
sary with regard to their luggage,’7—and such notices in Holy Scripture ὃ 
should receive their due attention, for they help to set before us all the 
reality of the Apostle’s journeys,—he and the companions who had attend- 
ed him from Macedonia proceeded to the Holy City. Some of the Chris- 
tians of Cesarea went along with them, not merely, as it would seem, to 


1 Τί ποιεῖτε κλαίοντες, v. 13. ἜΝ lio: 
3 Συνθρύπτοντές pov τὴν καρδίαν, ν. 13. 

42 Cor. i. See above, p. 99. 

5 Observe how this is implied in the present tense (μὴ πειθομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ, ν. 14). 

8 ‘Hovydcauev. Ib. . 

7 'Αποσκευασώμενοι. “Sublatis sarcinis.”’ Erasmus. ‘“ Preeparati.”’? Vulg. “ We 
weran made redi.””? Wiclif. , “We made oure selfes redy.” Tyndale. “ We toke up 
oure burthens.” Cranmer. ** We trussed up our fardeles.” Geneva. ‘“ Being pre 
pared.” Rheims. The word “carriage” in the authorised version is used as in Judg. 
xviii, 21, 1 Sam. xvii. 22. The correct reading, however, is probably ἐπισκευασάμενοι 
(Tisch.). So Chrys. ἐπισκευασώμενοι" τούτεστι, τὰ πρὸς τὴν ὀδοιπορίαν λαβόντες. 
“Qui profiscuntur, non deponunt sarcinas, sed instruunt se necessariis ad iter.’ Ro 
kenmuller. The former word would mean, “ Having stowed away our luggage, 
‘weggepackt,’ sarcinis, impedimentis quippe itineris, depositis :”’ the latter, “ Having 
packed up our luggage, ‘ aufgepackt,’ quum accepissemus res ad iter necessarias.” 
In answer to Olshausen, who retains d7oox., and supposes the bulk of the luggage to 
have been left at Caesarea in order to lighten the land-journey,—it must be remarked, 
that, in that case, it would have been left at Ptolemais. But we may very well sup- 
pose that St. Paul hoped to stay only a short time in Jerusalem, and to sail soon from 
Caesarea to Rome. Greswell sees, in the allusion to the baggage, some indication of 
baste; but the contrary seems rather implied. 

% See for instance 2 Tim. iv, 1s. 


JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. 938 


show their respect and sympathy for the Apostolic company,' but to 
secure their comfort on arriving, by taking him to the house of Muason, a 
native of Cyprus, who had been long ago converted to Christianity,*— 
possibly during the life of our Lord Himself,,—and who may have been 
one of those Cyprian Jews who first made the Gospel known to the Greeks 
at Antioch (see Vol. 1. p. 116). 

Thus we have accompanied St. Paul on his last recorded journey to 
Jerusalem. It was a journey full of incident; and it is related more 
minutely than any other portion of his travels. We know all the places 
by which he passed, or at which he stayed ; and we are able to connect 
them all with familiar recollections of history. We know, too, all the 
uspect of the scenery. He sailed along those coasts of Western Asia, and 
among those famous islands, the beauty of which is proverbial. The very 
time of the year is known to us. It was when the advancing season was 
clothing every low shore, and the edge of every broken cliff, with a beau- 
tiful and refreshing verdure; when the winter storms had ceased to be 
dangerous, and the small vessels could ply safely in shade and sunshine 
between neighbouring ports. Even the state of the weather and the direc- 
tion of the wind are known. We can point to the places on the map 
where the vessel anchored for the night ;+ and trace across the chart the 
track that was followed, when the moon was full.6 Yet more than this, 
We are made fully aware of the state of the Apostle’s mind, and of the 
burdened feeling under which this journey was accomplished, The expres- 
sion of this feeling strikes us the more, from its contrast with all the out- 
ward circumstances of the voyage. He sailed in the finest season, by the 
brightest coasts, and in the fairest weather ; and yet his mind was occu- 
pied with forebodings of evil from first to last ;—so that a peculiar shade 
of sadness is thrown over the whole narration. If this be true, we should 
expect to find some indications of this pervading sadness in the letters 
written about this time ; for we know how the deeper tones of feeling 
make themselves known in the correspondence of any man with his friends. 
Accordingly, we do find in The Epistle writien to the Romans shortly before 
leaving Corinth, a remarkable indication of discouragement, and almost 

1 The frequent use of the word προπέμπειν in the accounts of the movements of the 
Apostles and their companions, is worthy of observation. See Acts xv. 3. xx. 38. 
Rom. xv. 24, &e. 

3 "Αρχαίῳ μαθῃτῇ. Compare ἐν ἀρχῇ. Acts xi. 15. 

3 He can hardly have been converted by St. Paul during his journey through 
Cyprus, or St. Paul would have been acquainted with him, which does not appear to 
have been the case. He may have been converted by Barnabas. (See Acts xy. 39.) 
But he was most probably one of the earliest disciples of Christ. With regard to the 
words ἄγοντες παρ᾽ ᾧ ξενισθῶμεν Μνάσωνι, we may remark, that the Envlish versien 
introduces a new difficulty without overcoming that which relates to the grammatical 


construction. [See Vol. I. p. 117, and Chap. V.) 
See pp. 217, 218. 5 See p. 227. 


236 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΚΤ. PAUL. 


despondency, when he asked the Christians at Rome to pray that, on [8 
arrival in Jerusalem, he might be delivered from the Jews who hated him, 
and be well received by those Christians who disregarded his authority.: 
The depressing anxiety with which he thus looked forward to the journey 
would not be diminished, when the very moment of his departure from 
Corinth was beset by a Jewish plot against his life? And we find the 
cloud of gloom, which thus gathered at the first, increasing and becoming 
darker as we advance. At Philippi and at Troas, indeed, no direct inti- 
matior is given of coming calamities ; but it is surely no fancy which sees 
a foreboding shadow thrown over that midnight meeting, where death so 
suddenly appeared among those that were assembled there with many 
lights in the upper chamber, while the Apostle seemed unable to intermit 
his discourse, as ‘ready to depart on the morrow.” For indeed at Miletus 
he said, that already “in every coty”® the Spirit had admonished him that 
bonds and imprisonment were before him. At Miletus it is clear that the 
heaviness of spirit, under which he started, had become a confirmed antici- 
pation of evil. When he wrote to Rome, he hoped to be delivered from 
the danger he had too much reason to fear. Now his fear predominates 
over hope ;‘ and he looks forward, sadly but calmly, to some imprison- 
ment not far distant. At Tyre, the first sounds that he hears on landing 
are the echo of his own thoughts. He is met by the same voice of warn- 
ing, and the same bitter trial for himself and his friends. At Cesarea his 
vague forebodings of captivity are finally made decisive and distinct, and 
he has a last struggle with the .remonstrances of those whom he loved 
Never had he gone to Jerusalem without a heart full of emotion,—neither 
in those carly years, when he came an enthusiastic boy from Tarsus to the 
school of Gamaliel,—nor on his return from Damascus, after the greatest 
change that could have passed over an inquisitor’s mind,—nor when he 
went with Barnabas from Antioch to the council, which was to decide an 
anxious controversy. Now he had much new experience of the insidious 
progress of error, and of the sinfulness even of the converted. Yet his 
trust in God did not depend on the faithfulness of man ; and he went to 
Jerusalem calmly and resolutely, though doubtful of his reception among 
the Christian brethren, and not knowing what would happen on the 
morrow. 


1 Rom. xv. 31. We should remember that he had two causes of apprehension,—one 
arising from the Jews, who persecuted him everywhere,—the other from the J udaising 
Christians, who sought to depreciate his apostolic authority. 

3 See p. 202. 

3 See p. 217. 

4 Acts xx. 23 should be closely compared with Rom. xv. 30, 31. See also the note 
above on deSeuevog τῷ πνεύματι. St. Paul seems to have suffered extremely loth 
from the anticipation and the experience of imprisonment 


RECEPTION AT JERUSALEM. rBye 


CHAPTER ΧΣΙ. 


Τὸν ἄνδρα δήσουσιν εἰς Ἱερουσαλὴμ οἱ ’lovdaios kai παραδώσουσιν εἰς χεῖρας ἐθνῶν --- 
Acts xxi. 11. 


RECEPTION AT JERUSALEM.—ASSEMBLING OF THE PRESBYTERS.—ADVICE GIVEN TO ST 
PAUL.—THE FOUR NAZARITES.—ST. PAUL SEIZED AT THE FESTIVAL.—THE TEMPLE AND 
THE GARRISON.—HEBREW SPEECH ON THE STAIRS.—THE CENTURION AND THE CHIEF 
CAPTAIN.—ST. PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN.—THE PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.—VISION 
IN THE CASTLE.—CONSPIRACY.—ST. PAUL’S NEPHEW.—LETTER OF CLAUDIUS LYSIAS TO 
FELIX.—NIGHT JOURNEY TO ANTIPATRIS.—CHSAREA. 


“Wuen we were come to Jerusalem, the Brethren received us gladly.” 
Such is St. Luke’s description of the welcome which met the Apostle of 
the Gentiles on his arrival in the metropolis of Judaism. So we shall find 
afterwards ' “ the brethren” hailing his approach to Rome, and ‘ coming 
to meet him as far as Appii Forum.” ‘Thus, wherever he went, or what- 
ever might be the strength of hostility and persecution which dogged his - 
footsteps, he found some Christian hearts who loved the Glad-tidings 
which he preached, and loved himself as the messenger of the Grace of 
God. 

The Apostle’s spirit, which was much depressed, as we have seen,” by 
anticipations of coldness and distrust on the part of the Church at Jerusa- 
lem, must have been lightened by his kind reception. He seems to have 
spent the evening of his arrival with these sympathising brethren ; but on 
the morrow, a more formidable ordeal awaited him. He must encounter 
the assembled Presbyters of the Church; and he might well doubt 
‘whether even the substantial proof of loving interest in their welfare, of 
which he was the bearer, would overcome the antipathy with which (as 
he was fully aware) too many of them regarded him. The experiment, 
however, must be tried ; for this was the very end of his coming to Jeru- 
salem at all, at a time when his heart called him to Rome.? His purpose 
was to endeavour to set himself right with the Church of Jerusalem, to 
overcome the hostile prejudices which had already so much impeded his 
jabours, and to endeavour, by the force of Christian love and forbearance, 

1 Οἱ ἀδελφοί (Acts xxviii. 15), the same expression in both cases. This is sufficient 
to refute the cavils which have been made, as though this verse (xxi. 17) implied 8 
unanimous cordiality on the part of the Church at Jerusalem. 


* See the preceding chapter. 
* See Acts xix. 21. Rom. i. 10-15. xv, 22-29. 


| 


238 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


to win the hearts of those whom he regarded, in spite of all their weak 
nesses and errors, as brethren in Christ Jesus. Accordingly, when the 
morning came,' the Presbyters or Elders of the Church were called 
together by James,” (who, as we have before mentioned, presided ovet the 
Church of Jerusalem), to receive Paul and his fellow-travellers, the mes 
sengers of the Gentile Churches. We have already seen how carefully St 
Paul had guarded himself from the possibility of suspicion in the adminis- 
tration of his trust, by causing deputies to be elected by the several 
Churches whose alms he bore, as joint trustees with himself of the fund 
collected, ‘These deputies now entered together with him® inio the 
assembly of the Elders, and the offering was presented,—a proof of love 
from the Churches of the Gentiles to the mother Church, whence their 
spiritual blessings had been derived. 

The travellers were received with that touching symbol of brotherhood, 
the kiss of peace,* which was exchanged between the Christians of those 
days on every occasion of public as well as private meeting. There the 
main business of the assembly was commenced by an address from St. Paul. 
This was not the first occasion on which he had been called to take a 
similar part, in the same city, and before the same audience. Our thoughts 
are naturally carried back. to the days of the Apostolic Council, when he 
. first declared to the Church of Jerusalem the Gospel which he preached 
among the Gentiles, and the great things which God had wrought there- 
by.» The majority of the Church had then, under the influence of the 
Spirit of God, been brought over to his side, and had ratified his views by 
their decree. But the battle was not yet won ; he had still to contend 
against the same foes with the same weapons. 

We are told that he now gave a detailed account ® of all that “ God 
had wrought among the Gentiles by his ministry ” since he last parted from 
Jerusalem four years before.7 The foundation of the great and flourishing 
Church of Ephesus doubtless furnished the main interest of his narrative ; 
but he would also dwell on the progress of the several Churches in Phrygia, 
Galatia, and other parts of Asia Minor, and likewise those in Macedonia 
and Achaia, from whence he was just returned. In such a discourse, he 
eould scarcely avoid touching on subjects which would excite painful 
feclings, and rouse bitter prejudice in many of his audience. He could 
hardly speak of Galatia without mentioning the attempted perversion of 


1 Τῇ ἐπιούσῃ, v. 18. 2 See Vol. I. p. 215. 

3 9 Παῦλος σὺν ἡμῖν. ib. 

4 So we understand ἀσπασάμενος αὐτούς, v.19. See 1 Thess. v. 26, and /he note 
Vol. 1. p. 397. 

5 See Vol. I. p. 214, &e. 6 Καθ᾿ ἕν ἕκαστον, v. 19. 

" He had then endeavoured to reach Jerusalem by the feast of Pentecost 
21, and see Wieseler), as on the'present occasion. 


ADVICE GIVEN TO ST. PAUL. 935 


his converts there. He could not enter into the sta.e of Corinth without 
alluding to the emissaries from Palestine, who had introduced confusion 
and strife among the Christians of that city. Yet we cannot doubt that 
St. Paul, with that graceful courtesy which distinguished both his writings 
and his speeches, softened all that was disagreeable, and avoided what was 
personally offensive to his audience, and dwelt, as far as se could, on topics 
in which all present would agree. Accordingly, we find that the majority 
of the assembled Elders were favourably impressed by his address, and by 
the tidings which he brought of the progress of the Gospel. The first 
act of the assembly was to glorify God for the wonders He had wrought.' 
They joined in solemn thanksgiving with one accord ; and the Amen (1Cor. 
xiv. 16), which followed the utterance of thanks and praise from apostolic 
lips, was swelled by many voices. 

Thus the hope expressed by St. Paul on a former occasion,’ concerning 
the result of this visit to Jerusalem, was in a measure fulfilled. But 
beneath this superficial show of harmony there lurked elements of discord, 
which threatened to disturb it too soon. We have already had occasion 
to remark upon the peculiar composition of the Church at Jerusalem, and 
we have seen that a Pharasaic faction was sheltered in its bosom, which 
continually strove to turn Christianity into a sect of Judaism. We have 
seen that this faction had recently sent emissaries into the Gentile Churches, 
and had endeavovred to alienate the minds of St. Paul’s converts from 
their converter. These men were restless agitators, animated by the 
bitterest sectarian spirit, and although they were numerically a small 
party, yet we know the power of a turbulent minority. But besides these 
Judaizing zealots, there was a large proportion of the Christians at Jeru- 
salem, whose Christianity, though more sincere than that of those just 
mentioned, was yet very weak and imperfect. The ‘many thousands of 
Jews which believed,” had by no means all attained to the fulness of Chris- 
tian faith, Many of them still knew only a Christ after the flesh,—a 
Saviour of Israel,—a Jewish Messiah. Their minds were in a state of 
transition between the Law and the Gospel, and it was of great consequence 
not to shock their prejudices too rudely, lest they should be tempted to 
make shipwreck of their faith, and renounce their Christianity altogether. ἡ 
Their prejudices were most wisely consulted in things indifferent by St. 
James ; who accommodated himself in all points to the strict requirements 
of the law, and thus disarmed the hostility of the Judaizing bigots. He 
was, indeed, divinely ordained to be the Apostle of this transition- Church. 
Had its councils been less wisely guided, had the Gospel of St. Paul been 
really repudiated by the Church of Jerusalem, it is difficult to estimate the 
evil which might have resulted. This class of Christians was naturally 


1 Ol δὲ ἀκουσαντες ἐδοξαζον τὸν" Θεύν, v. 20. 5.2 Cor. ix. 12. 


240 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 501. PAUL. 


very much influenced by the declamation of the more violent pariizans of 
Judaism. Their feelings would be easily excited by an appeal to their 
Jewish patriotism. They might without difficulty be roused to fury 
against one whom they were taught to regard as a despiser of the Law, 
and a reviler of the customs of their forefathers. Against St. Paul their 
dislike had been long and artfully fostered ; and they would from the first 
have looked on him perhaps with some suspicion, as not being, like them- 
selves, a Hebrew of the Holy City, but only a Hellenist of the Dispersion. 

Such being the composition of the great body of the Church, we 
cannot doubt that the same elements were to be found amongst the Elders 
also. And this will explain the resolution to which the assembly came, at 
the close of their discussion on the matters brought before them. They 
began by calling St. Paul’s attention to the strength of the Judaical party 
among the Christians of Jerusalem. They told him thai the majority even 
of the Christian Church had been taught to hate his very name, and to 
believe that he went about the world “teaching the Jews to forsake 
Moses, saying that they ought not to circumcise their children, neither to 
walk after the customs.” They further observed that it was impossible 
his arrival should remain unknown; his renown was too great to allow 
him to be concealed: his public appearance in the streets of Jerusalem 
would attract a crowd’ of curious spectators, most of whom would be 
violently hostile. It was therefore of importance that he should do 
something to disarm this hostility, and to refute the calumnies which had 
been circulated concerning him. The plan they recommended was, that 
he should take charge of four Jewish Christians,? who were under a Naza- 
ritic vow, accompany them to the Temple, and pay for them the neces- 
sary expenses attending the termination of their vow. Agrippa 1., not 
long before, had given the same public expression of his sympathy with the 
Jews, on his arrival from Rome to take possession of his throne? And 
what the King had done for popularity, it was felt that the Apostle might 
do for the sake of truth and peace. His friends thought that he would thus. 
in the most public manner, exhibit himself as an observer of the Mosaic 
ceremonies, and refute the accusations of his enemies. They added that, 
by so doing, he would not countenance the errors of those who sought to 
impose the Law upon Gentile converts; because it had been already 
decided by the church of Jerusalem, that the ceremonial observances of the 
Law were not obligatory on the Gentiles. 

1 Πλῆθος, v. 22. Not “ the multitude,” nor the laity of the Church, as some have 
imagined. Were such the meaning, we should have had τὸ πλῆθος. There seems to 
be some doubt about the genuineness of the clause. See Tischendorf. 

2 That these Nazarites were Christians is evident from the words εἰσὶν ἡμῖν. 

3 Ἐς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἐλθὼν χαριστηρίους ἐξεπλήρωσε ϑυσίας, οὐδὲν τῶν κατὰ νόμον 
παραλιπών" διὸ καὶ Ναζιραίΐων ξυρᾶσθαι διέταξε μάλα συχνούς. Joseph. Ant. xix. 6, 1 

4 y. 25, comparing xv. 28. 


THE FOUR NAZARITES. 241 


It is remarkable that this conclusion is attributed expressly, in the 
Scriptural narrative, not to James (who presided over the meeting), but 
to the assembly itself. The lurking shade of distrust implied in the terms 
of the admonition, was certainly not shared by that great Apostle, whe 
kad long ago given to St. Paul the right hand of fellowship. We have 
already scen indications that, however strict might be the Judaical obser- 
vances of St. James, they did not satisfy the Judaizing party at Jerusalem, 
who attempted, under the sanction of his name,! to teach doctrines and 
enforce practices of which he disapproved. ‘The partizans of this faction, 
indeed, are called by St. Paul (while anticipating this very visit to Jerusa- 
lem), “the disobedient party.”* It would seem that their influence was not 
unfelt in the discussion which terminated in the resolution recorded. And 
though St. James acquiesced (as did St. Paul) in the advice given, it 
appears not to have originated with himself. 

The counsel, however, though it may have been suggested by suspicious 
prejudice, or even by designing enmity, was not in itself unwise. St. 
Paul’s great object (as we have seen) in this visit to’ Jerusalem, was to 
zonciliate the Church of Palestine. If he could win over that Church to 
the truth, or even could avert its open hostility to himself, he would be doing 
more for the diffusion of Christianity than even by the conversion of 
Ephesus. Every lawful means for such an end he was ready gladly to 
adopt. His own principles, stated by himself in his Epistles, required this 
of him. He had recently declared that every compliance in ceremonial 
observances should be made, rather than cast a stumbling-block in a 
brother’s way. He had laid it down as his principle of action, to become 
a Jew to Jews that he might gain the Jews; as willingly as he became a 
Gentile to Gentiles, that he might gain the Gentiles* He had given it as 
a rule, that no man should change his external observances because he 
became a Christian ; that the Jew should remain a Jew in things outward. 
Nay more, he himself observed the Jewish festivals, had previously counte- 
nanced his friends in the practice of Nazaritic vows,° and had circumcised 
Timothy the son of a Jewess. So false was the charge that he had for- 
bidden the Jews to circumcise their children.’ In fact, the great doctrine 


1 Actsxy. See Gal. ii. 12. 7 Rom. xv. 81. τῶν ἀπειθούντων. 

3 Rom. xiv. 

4 1 Cor. vii. 17-19. Such passages are the best refutation of Baur, who endeavours 
to represent the conduct here assigned to St. Paul as inconsistent with his teaching, , 

5 See the discussion in Vol. I. pp. 267-269. 

® Acts xviii. 18, which we conceive to refer to Aquila. (See Vol. I. p. 422.) But 
many interpreters of the passage think that St. Paul himself made the vow. We 
cannot possibly assent to Mr. Lewin’s view, that St. Paul was still, on his arrival at 
Jerusalem, under the obligation of a vow taken in consequence of his escape at 
Ephesus, 

7 Baur argues that this charge was true, because the logical inference from St. Paul’a 


949 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of St. Paul concerning the worthlessness of ceremonial observances, 
rendered him equally ready to practise as to forsake them. A mind so 
truly Catholic as his, was necessarily free from any repugnance to mere 
outward observances ; a repugnance equally superstitious with the formalism 
which clings to ritual. In his view, circumcision was nothing, and uneir 
cumcision was nothing ; but faith, which worketh by love. And this love 
rendered him willing to adopt the most burdensome ceremonies, if by so 
doing he could save a brother from stumbling. Hence he willingly com: 
plied with the advice of the assembly, and thereby, while he removed the 
prejudices of its more ingenuous members, doubtless exasperated the factious 
partizans who had hoped for his refusal. 

Thus the meeting ended amicably, with no open manifestation of that 
hostile feeling towards St. Paul which lurked in the bosoms of some who 
were present. On the next day, which was the great feast of Pentecost,! 
St. Paul proceeded with the four Christian Nazarites to the temple. It 
is necessary here to explain the nature of their vow, and of the office 
which he was to perform for them. It was customary among the Jews 
for those who had received deliverance from any great peril, or who from 
other causes desired publicly to testify their dedication to God, to take 
upon themselves the vow of a Nazarite, the regulations of which are pre- 
scribed in the sixth chapter of the book of Numbers.’ In that book no 
rule is laid down as to the time during which this life of ascetic rigour was 
to continue :* but we learn from the Talmud‘ and Josephus that thirty 
doctrines was the uselessness of circumcision. But he might as well say that the 
logical inference from the decree of the council of Jerusalem was the uselessness of 
circumcision, The continued observance of the law was of course only transitional. 

1 Τῇ ἐχομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ, ν. 26. We here adopt Wieseler’s view of the vexata questio 
concerning the ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι (Vv. 27). His arguments will be found in his Cirronologic, 
pp. 99-113. This view entirely removes the difficulty arising out of the “ twelve days,” 
of which St. Paul speaks (xxiv. 11) in his speech before Felix. Yetit cannot be denied 
that, on reading consecutively the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh verses of the 
twenty-first chapter, it is difficult (whether or not we identify τῶν ἡμέρων τοῦ dyvisuov 
with ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι) to believe that the same day is referred to in each verse. And 
when we come to xxiv, 11 we shall see that other modes of reckoning the time are 
admissible. 

2 « When either man or woman shall separate themselves to vow a vow of a Nazariie, 
to separate themselves unto the Lord; he shall separate himself from wine and strong 
ΠΡΙΠΙ All the days of the vow of his separation there shall no razor come upon 
his head: until the days be fulfilled, in the which he separateth himself unto the Lord, 
he shall be holy and shall jet the locks of the hair of his head grow.” Numb. vi. 2-5. 

3 Sometimes the obligation was for life, as in the cases of Sampson, Samuel, and 
John the Baptist. That “seven days” in the instance before us was the whole dura- 
tion of the vow, seems impossible, for this simple reason, that so short a time could 
produce no perceptible effect on the hair. Hemsen makes a mistake here in referring 
to the “seven days” in Numb. vi. 6, which contempiates only the exceptional case of 
defilement in the course of the vow. 

4 Tract. Nazir, (Vol iii pp. 148, 149 of the translation of the Mischna by Suren- 
husius,) 


THE FOUR NAZARITES. 244 


days was at least a customary period.’ During this time the Nuzarite was 
bound to abstain from wine, and to suffer his hair to grow uncut. At 
the termination of the period, he was bound to present himself in the 
temple, with certain offerings, and his hair was then cut off and burnt 
upon the altar. The offerings required * were beyond the means of the 
very poor, and consequently it wag thought an act of piety for a rich 
man* to pay the necessary expenses, and thus enable his poorer country- 
men to complete their vow. St. Paul was far from rich ; he gained his 
daily bread by the work of his own hands ; and we may therefore natu- 
rally ask how he was able to take upon himself the expenses of these four 
Nazarites. The answer probably is, that the assembled Elders had 
requested him to apply to this purpose a portion of the fund which he had 
placed at their disposal. However this may be, he now made himsclf 
responsible for these expenses, and accompanied the Nazarites to the 
temple, after having first performed the necessary purifications together 
with them. On entering the temple, he announced to the priests tha‘ 
the period of the Nazaritic vow which his friends had taken was accom 
plished, and he waited® within the sacred enclosure till the necessary 


1 After mentioning Berenice’s vow (B. J. ii. 15, 1) Josephus continues, Τοὺς γὰρ ἢ 
νόσῳ καταπονουμένους ἤ τισιν ἄλλαις ἀνάγκαις ἔθος εὔχεσθαι πρὸ τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν 
ἧς ἀποδώσειν μέλλοιεν ϑυσίας οἴνου τε ἀφέξεσθαι καὶ ξυρήσεσθαι τὰς κόμας. 

2 « And this is the law of the Nazarite, when the days of his separation are fulfilled : 
he shall be brought unto the door of the tabernacle of the congregation ; and he shall 
offer his offering unto the Lord, one he lamb of the first year without blemish for a 
burnt offering, and one ewe lamb of the first year without blemish for a sin offering, 
and one ram without blemish for peace offerings, and a basket of unleavened bread, 
cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, and wafers of unleavened bread anointed with oil, 
and theiremeat offering, and their drink offerings. And the priest shall bring them 
before the Lord, and shall offer his sin offering and his burnt offering: and he shall’ 
ofier the ram for a sacrifice of peace offerings unto the Lord, with the basket of un- 
leavened bread: the priest shall offer also his meat offering, and his drink offering. 

_And the Nazarite shall shave the head of his separation at the door of the tabernacle 
of the congregation, and shall take the hair of the head of his separation, and put it in 
the fire which is under the sacrifice of the peace offerings.”? Numb. yi. 13-18. 

3 Compare the case of Agrippa mentioned above. 

4 'Αγνίσθητι σὺν αὐτοῖς (24), ἁγνισθεὶς εἰσήει (26), εὖρόν με ἡγνισμένον (xxiv. 18). 
We do not agree with those commentators who interpret the expression ἁγνίσθητι te 
mean “dedicate thyself as a Nazarite along with them.”” We doubt whether it could 
bear this meaning. At all events the other is by far the most natural and obvious. 
Compare the use of ἁγνέίζομαι in Numbers xix. 12, (LXX.) 

> The obvious translation of v. 26 seems to be “He entered into the temple, giving 
public notice that the days of purification were fulfilled, [and staid there] till the 
offering for each one of the Nazarites was brought.”” The emphatic force of évd, 
ἑκάστον should be noticed. Publicity is implied in διαγγέλλων. The persons to whom 
notice was given were the priests. 

This interpretation harmonises with Wiescler’s view of the whole subject. If we 
believe that several days were yet-to elapse before the expiration of the Nazaritic cere 
monies, we must translate with Mr. Humphrey -“‘making it known that the days of 


244 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


offerings were made for each of them, and their hair cut off and burnt in 
the sacred fire. 

He might well have hoped, by thus complying with the legal ceremo 
nial, to conciliate those, at least, who were only hostile to him because 
they believed him hostile to their national worship. And, so far as the 
great body of the Church at Jerusalem was concerned, he probably suc- 
ceeded. But the celebration of the festival had attracted multitudes to 
the Holy City, and the temple was thronged with worshippers from every 
land ; and amongst these were some of those Asiatic Jews who had been 
defeated by his arguments in the Synagogue of Ephesus, and irritated 
against him during the last few years daily more and more, by the con- 
tinual growth of a Christian Church in that city, formed in great part of 
converts from among the Jewish proselytes. These men, whom a zealous 
feeling of nationality had attracted from their distant home to the metro- 
polis of their faith, now beheld, where they least expected to find him, the 
apostate Israelite, who had opposed their teaching and seduced their con- 
verts. An opportunity of revenge which they could not have hoped for 
in the Gentile city where they dwelt, had suddenly presented itself. They 
sprang upon their enemy, and shouted while they held him fast, ‘‘ Men of 
Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men every where against 
the People and the Law, and this Place.’! . Then as the crowd rushed 
tumuituously towards the spot, they excited them yet further by accusing 
Paul of introducing Greeks into the Holy Place, which was profaned by 
the presence of a Gentile. The vast multitude which was assembled on 
the spot, and in the immediate neighbourhood, was excited to madness by 
these tidings, which spread rapidly through the crowd. The pilgrims who 
flocked at such seasons to Jerusalem were of course the most zealous of 
their nation; very Hebrews of the Hebrews. We may imagine the 
horror and indignation which would fill their minds when they heard that 
an apostate from the faith of Israel had been seized in the very act of 
profaning the Temple at this holy season. A furious multitude rushed 
upon the Apostle ; and it was only their reverence for the holy place 
which preserved him from being torn to pieces on the spot. They hurried 
him out of the sacred enclosure, and assailed him with violent blows.” 


separation which must be fulfilled before the offering should be made, were in the 
course of completion.” So it is taken by De Wette, who acknowledges the solecism in 
προσηνέχθη. : 

1“ This place,”—tov τόπου τούτου, v. 28. “'This holy place,”—rov ἅγιον τῦπον 
τοῦτον, ib. We should compare here the accusation against Stephen, vi. 13. Οὐ 
παύεται ῥήματα λαλῶν κατὰ Tod τόπου τοῦ ἁγίου. The two cases are in many respects 
parallel. We cannot but believe that Paul must have remembered Stephen, and felt 
as though this attack on himself were a retribution. See belew cn xxii. 20. Cf. Vol 
I. p. 69, also p. 196. 

2 See Acts xxi. 31, 32. 


THE TEMPLE-AREA. Q45 


Their next course might have been to stone him or to hurl him over the 
precipice into the valley below. They were already in the Court of the 
Gentiles, and the heavy gates! which separated the inner from the outer 
enclosure were shut by the Levites,—when an unexpected interruption 
prevented the murderous purpose. 

It becomes desirable here to give a more particular description than 
we have yet done of the Temple-area and the sanctuary which it enclosed 
Some reference has been made to this subject in the account of St. 
_ Stephen’s martyrdom (Vol. I. p. 69), especially to that “Stone Chamber” 
—the Hall Gazith—where the Sanhedrin held their solemn conclave. 
Soon we shall see St. Paul himself summoned before this tribunal, and 
hear his voice in that hall where he had listened to the eloquence of the 
first martyr. But meantime other events came in rapid succession : for 
the better understanding of which it is well to form to ourselves a clear 
notion of the localities in which they occurred. 

The position of the Temple on the eastern side of Jerusalem, the rela 
tion of Mount Moriah to the other eminences on which the city was built, 
the valley which separated it from the higher summit of Mount Zion, and 
the deeper ravine which formed a chasm between the whole city and the 
Mount of Olives,—these facts of general topography are too well known 
to require elucidation.” On the other hand, when we turn to the descrip- 
tion of the Temple-area itself and that which it contained, we are met with 
considerable difficulties. It does not, however, belong to our present task 
to reconcile the statements in Josephus* and the Talmud‘ with each other 
and with present appearances. Nor shall we attempt to trace the archi- 
tectural changes by which the scene has been modified, in the long inter- 
val between the time when the Patriarch built the altar on Moriah for his 
mysterious sacrifice,® and our own day, when the same spot® is the “ wail- 


1 For an account of these gates see below. 

2 Jn our account of the Temple, we have used Dr. Robinson’s Researches (vol. i.), 
the Memoir of Jerusalem, with the plan of the Ordnance Survey, by Mr. Williams, pub- 
lished separately, 1849. (We have not had th¢ opportunity of consulting the Second 
Edition of “ The Holy City,” of which this Memoir properly forms a-part.) Schulz’s 
“ Jerusalem,” with Kiepert’s Map, Berlin, 1845 (from which Map our own is taken, 
Vol. I. p. 74. Compare the notes, pp. 138, 140); also the Articles on the Temple in 
Winer’s Realworterbuch and Kitto’s Cyclopedia, with Lightfoot’s treatise on the 
subject. 

3 The two places in Josephus were Herod’s temple is described at length are Ant. 
xv. 11, and B. J. v. 5. See also Ant. xx. 9, 7. 

4 The tract Middoth (Measures) in the Mischna treats entirely of this subject. It 
will be found in the fifth volume of the Latin translation by Surenhusius. It was also 
published with notes by L’Empereur (small quarto, Leyden, 1630). This work is re- 
ferred to below. When we quote the tract itself, the references are to the pages in 
Surenhusius. 

5 (yen. xxii. 

* The situation of the place is marked (17° on the Map. Sce Robinson, 1. 350. “It 


246 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


ing-place” of those who are his children after the flesh, but not yet the 
heirs of his faith, Keeping aloof from all difficult details, and withdraw- 
ing ourselves from the consideration of those events which have invested 
this hill with an interest unknown to any other spot on the earth, we con- 
fine ourselves to the simple task of depicting the Temple of Herod, as it 
was when St. Paul was arrested by the infuriated Jews. 

That rocky summit, which was wide enough for the threshing-floor of 
Araunah,' was levelled after David’s death, and enlarged by means of las 
borious substructions, till it presented the appearance of one broad uniform 
area. On this level space the temples of Solomon and Zerubbabel 
were successively built: and in the time of the Apostles there were 
remains of the former work in the vast stones which formed the support- 
ing wall on the side of the valley of Jehosaphat,’ and of the latter in the 
eastern gate, which in its name and its appearance continued to be a mon- 
ument of the Persian power.t The architectural arrangements of Herod’s 
temple were, in their general form, similar to the two which had preceded 
it. When we think of the Jewish sanctuary, whether in its earlier or later 
periods, our impulse is to imagine to ourselves some building like a syna- 
gogue or achurch : but the first effort of our imagination should be to real- 
ize the appearance of that wide open space, which is spoken of by the 
prophets as the “ Outward Court” or the “ Court of the Lord’s House ;”* 
and is named by Josephus the ‘‘ Outer Temple,” and both in the Apocry- 
pha and the Talmud, the “Mountain of the House.”* That which was 
the ‘“‘ House” itself, or the temple, properly so called,’ was erected on the 
highest of a series of successive terraces, which rose in an isolated mass 


is the nearest point in which the Jews can venture to approach their ancient temple ; 
and, fortunately for them, it is sheltered from observation by the narrowness of the 
lane and the dead walls around.’ It seems that the custom is mentioned even by 
Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century. 

1 1 Chron. xxi. 18. 2 Chron. iii. 1. 

2 See the description of this work in Josephus, B. J. v.5.1. Ant, xv. 11. ὃ. 

3 The lower courses of these immense stones still remain, and are described by all 
travellers. . 

4 The Shushan Gate, which had a sculptured representation of the city of Susa, and 
was preserved from the time of Zerubbabel. Middoth, p. 326. That which is now 
called the Golden Gate, “a highly ornamental double gateway of Roman construc- 
tion,” is doubtless on the same spot. See the Map. 

& Ezek. xiv. 17. Jer. xix. 12. xxvi.2. In 2 Chron. iv. 9, it is called the Great 
Court. 

6 The term with which we are most familiar,—the Court of the Gentiles,—is never 
applied to this space by Jewish writers. 

7 In the LXX. we find oiko¢ and ναὸς sed for that which was properly the Temple, 
The expression τὸ ἱερὸν, in the N.T., is a general term, inclusive of the whole series of 
courts. So it is used by Josephus, wie speaks of the outer court as τὸ ποῶτον ἱερὸν 
τὸ ἔξωθεν ἱερόν, while he uses ναὸς for the Temple itself. 


THE TEMPLE-ARBA. Q47 


from the centre of the Court, or rather nearer to its north-western 
corner." 

In form the Outer Court was a square ; a strong wall enclosed it ; the 
kides corresponded to the four quarters of the heavens, and each was a 
stadium or a furlong in length.’ Its pavement of stone was of various 
colours :* and it was surrounded by a covered colonnade, the roof of 
which was of costly cedar, and was supported on lofty and massive columns 
of the Corinthian order, and of the whitest marble.4 On three sides there 
were two rows of columns: but on the southern side the cloister deep- 
ened into a fourfold colonnade, the innermost supports of the roof being 
pilasters in the enclosing wall. About the south-eastern angle, where the 
valley was most depressed below the plateau of the Temple, we are to 
look for that ‘‘ Porch of Solomon” (John x. 3, Acts iii. 11) which is familiar 
to us in the New Testament : ὅ and under the colonnades, or on the open 
area in the midst, were the “tables of the money-changers and the seats 
of them who sold doves,” which turned that which was intended for a 
house of prayer into a “house of merchandise” (John ii. 16), and “ἃ den 
of thieves” (Matt. xxi. 13). Free access was afforded into this wide en- 
closure by gates ® on each of the four sides, one of which on the east was 
the Royal Gate, and was perhaps identical with the ‘ Beautiful Gate” of 
Sacred History,?7 while another on the west was connected with the 
crowded streets of Mount Zion by a bridge over the intervening valley.® 

Nearer (as we have seen) to the north-western corner than the centre 
of the square, arose that series of enclosed terraces on the summit of 
which was the sanctuary. These more sacred limits were fenced off by a 


1 In Middoth it is distinctly said that the space from the east and south is greater 
than that from the west and north. “Mons dis erat quadratus, ita ut singula latera 
essent cubitorum quingentorum. Maximum spatium erat ab austro; proximum ei ab 
oriente ; tertium ab aquilone ; minumum vero ab occidente. Lo loco, ubi majus erat 
spatium, major erat ejus usus,’”’ p. 334. It appears that Hirt (whose work on the 
Temple we have not been able to consult) erroneously places the Temple in the centre. 

3 We do not venture to touch the difficulties connected with the dimensions of the 
Temple. Josephus is inconsistent both with the Talmud and himself. In one of his 
estimates of the size of the whole area, the ground on which Antonia stood is included. 

3 Τὸ δὲ ὕπαιθρον ἅπαν πεποίκιλτο παντοδαπῶν λίθων κατεστρωμένον. B. J. v. 5, 2. 

4 Διπλαὶ μὲν αἱ στοαὶ πᾶσαι, κιόνες δ᾽ αὐταῖς μονόλιθοι λευκοτάτης μαρμάρου, KEdpé- 
νοις δὲ φατνώμασιν ὠρόφωντο. Ibid. Κιονοκράνων αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν Κορίνθιον τρόπο» 
ἐπεξειργασμένων γλυφαῖς, ἔμπληξιν ἐμποιούσαις διὰ τὴν τοῦ παντὸς μεγαλουργίαν 
Ant. xv. 11,5. He adds that the height of the columns was 25 cubits (2), and their 
number 162, while each column was so wide that it required three men with out 
stretched arms to embrace it. 

5 See Jos. Ant. xx. 9, 7. 

6 The statements of Josephus and Middoth with regard to the gates into the otter 
court are absolutely irreconcileable. 

7 The Shushan Gate, mentioned above. 

§ The supposed remains of this bridge, with some of the different theories respecting 
them, have been alluded to before, See Vol. I. pp. 27, 28, and the engraving. 


948 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


low balustrade of stone, with columns at intervals, on which inscriptions 
in Greek and Latin warned all Gentiles against advancing beyond them 
on pain of death,t’ It was within this boundary that St. Paul was accused 
of having brought his Heathen companions. Besides this balustrade, a 
separation was formed by a flight of fourteen steps leading up to the first 
platform,” which in its western portion was a narrow terrace of fifteen 
feet wide round the walls of the innermost sanctuary,—while the eastern 
portion expanded into a second court, called the Court of the Women. 
By this term we are not to understand that it was exclusively devoted to 
that sex, but that no women were allowed to advance beyond it. This 
court seems to have contained the Treasury‘ (Mark xii, 41, Luke xxi. 1) 
and various chambers, of which that at the south-eastern corner should be 
mentioned here, for there the Nazarites performed their vows ;* and the 
whole Court was surrounded by a wall of its own, with gates on each 
side,—the easternmost of which was of Corinthian brass, with folding- 
doors and strong bolts and bars, requiring the force of twenty men to 


1 Δρύφακτος περιβέβλητο AiOivoc, τρίπηχυς μὲν ὕψος, πάνυ δὲ χαριέντως διειργασ- 
μένος " ἐν αὐτῷ δ᾽ εἱστήκεσαν ἐξ ἴσου διαστήματος στῆλαι, τὸν τῆς ἁγνείας προσημαίνου- 
σαι νόμον, αἱ pev “Ἑλληνικοῖς, αἱ δὲ Ῥωμαικοῖς γράμμασι, μὴ δεῖν ἀλλόφυλον ἐντὸς 
τοῦ ἁγίου παριέναι" τὸ γὰρ δεύτερον ἱερὸν, ἅγιον ἐκαλεῖτο. Joseph. B. J. ν. ὅ, 2. In 
the Antiquities (xv. 11,7) he does not say that the inscription was in different lan- 
guages, but he adds that it announced death as the penalty of transgression. [Tov 
δεύτερον περίβολον) περιεῖχε ἑρκίον λιθίνον δρυφάκτον, γραφῇ κώλυον εἰσιέναι τὸν 
ἀλλοεθνῇ, θανατικῆς ἀπειλουμένης τῆς ζημίας. A similar statement occurs in Philo de 
γι. Θάνατος ἀπαραΐτητος ὥρισται κατὰ τῶν εἰς τοὺς ἐντὸς περιβόλους παρελθόντων 
(δέχονται γὰρ εἰς τοὺς ἐξωτέρω τοὺς πανταχόθεν πάντας) τῶν οὐχ ὁμοεθνῶν. Vol. II. 
p. 577. Ed. Mangey. This fence is mentioned again by Josephus in a striking pas- 
sage, where Titus says to the Jews: "Ap’ οὐχ ὑμεῖς, ὦ μιαρώτατοι, τὸν δρύφακτον τοῦτον 
προὐβάλεσθε τῶν ἁγίων; οὐχ ὑμεῖς δὲ τὰς ἐν αὐτῷ στήλας διεστήσατε γράμμασιν ‘EAAn- 
νικοῖς καὶ ἡμετέροις κεχαραγμένας, ἃ μηδένα τὸ γείσιον ὑπερβαίνειν παραγγέλλει; οὐχ 
ἡμεὶς δὲ τοὺς ὑπερύάντας ὑμῖν ἀναιρεῖν ἐπετρέψαμεν, κἂν Ῥωμαίων τις ἡ ; Β. J. vi. 2, 
4, From this it appears that the Jews had full permission from the Romans to kill 
even a Roman, if he went beyond the boundary. [These inscriptions have been 
alluded to before in this work, Vol. §. p. 3.] 

? With this platform begins what is called τὸ δεύτερον ἱερὸν by Josephus. Kai 
τεσπαρεσκαίδεκα μὲν βαθμοῖς ἣν ἀναβατὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου" μετὰ δὲ τοὺς δεκατέσσαρας 
βαθμοὺς τὸ μέχρι τοῦ τείχους διάστημα πηχῶν ἦν δέκα, πᾶν ἱσάπεδον. Β. 4. ν. 5,2. 
In Middoth we find the following: “ Ab interiori parte erat cancellata sepes, altitu- 
dine decem palmarum, cui inerant effracture tredecim quas effregerunt reges Gracia. 
.... Citra illam erat intermurale decem cubitorum latitudine, ubi duodecim gradus,” 
$35. Leaving aside the discordance as to numbers, we may remark that we are left 
in doubt as to whether the balustrade was above or below the steps. 

3 Ἢ γυναικωνῖτις. B.J.v. 5,2. See Ant. xv. 11, 5. 

4 In Joseph. B. J. v. 5, 2, we find γαζοφυλάκια in the plural. Compare vi. 5. 2. 
L’Empereur (p. 47) places the treasury, or treasuries, in the wall of the Court of the 
Women, but facing the Outer Court. 

5 “Ad ortum brumalem erat atrium Nazyreorum: quod ibi Nazyrei coquerent 
eucharistica sua, et detonderent capillos suos, eosque oll submitterent.”? Middoth 
p. 341. 


THE TEMPLE. ἘΞ) 


efose them for the night.! We conceive that it was the closing of these 
doors by the Levites, which is so pointedly mentioned by Luke (Acts xxi 
30): and we must suppose that St. Paul had been first seized within them, 
and was then dragged down the flight of steps into the Outer Court. 

The interest, then, of this particular moment is to be associated with 
the eastern entrance of the Inner from the Outer Temple. But to com- 
plete our description, we must now cross the Court of the Women to its 
western gate. The Holy Place and the Holy of Holies were still within 
and above the spaces we have mentioned. Two courts yet intervened be 
tween the court last described and the Holy House itself. The first was 
the Court of Israel, the ascent to which was by a flight of fifteen semi- 
circular steps ;7 the second, the Court of the Priests, separated from the 
former by alow balustrade. Where these spaces bordered on each other, 
to the south, was the hall Gazith,* the meeting-place of the Sanhedrin 
partly in one court, and partly in the other. <A little further towards the 
north were ail those arrangements which we are hardly able to associate 
with the thought of worship, but which daily reiterated in the sight of the 
Israelites that awful truth that “‘ without shedding of blood there is no 
remission,”—the rings at which the victims were slaughtered,-_the beams 
and hooks from which they were suspended when dead,—and the marble 
tables at which the entrails were washed :*—here, above all, was the 
Altar, the very place of which has been now identified by the bore in the 


1 We can hardly doubt that this is the gate mentioned by Josephus, B. J. vi. 5, 3: 
Ἡ ἀνατολικὴ πύλη τοῦ ἐνδοτέρω, χαλκῆ μὲν οὖσα καὶ στιβαρωτάτη, κλειομένη δὲ περὶ 
δείλην μόλις ὑπ’ ἀνδρῶν εἴκοσι, καὶ μοχλοῖς μὲν ἐπερειδομένη σιδηροδέτοις, καταπῆγας 
δ᾽ ἔχουσα βαθυτάτους εἰς τὸν οὐδὸν ὄντα διηνεκοῦς λίθου καθιεμένους. And this, we 
think, must be identical with that of B. J. ν. 8,3. Μία ἡ ἔξωθεν τοῦ νεὼ Κορινθίου 
χαλκοῦ. This again is determined to be the gate by which the Court of the Women 
was entered fron the east, by Ant. xv. 11; Εἶχεν ὁ ἐντὸς περίβολος κατὰ ἡλίου βολὰς 
ἕνα τὸν μέγαν, δι' οὗ παρήειμεν ἁγνοὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν. Such is the position assigned to 
the gate of Corinthian brass by L’Empereur and Winer. Others (Lightfoot, De Wette, 
Williams) make it the western gate of the Court of the Women. 

“ἢ Βαθμοὶ δεκαπέντε πρὸς τὴν μείζονα πύλην ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν γυναικῶν διατειχίσματος 
ἀνῆγον. B.J.v.5,3. “Quindecim gradus ascendebant ex ejus medio in atrium 
Israélis, respondentes quindecim gradibus qui in Psalmis oceurrunt : in quibus Levita 
eanebant. Non erant gradus recti, sed gyrati instar dimidii rotundie arex.’? Mid- 
doth, p. 342. 

’? The information which Josephus gives concerning these two courts (or rather twa 
parts of one court) is scanty. Under the Court of Israel were rooms for the musical 
instruments of the priests. Middoth, p. 344. 

4 “Tn conclavi casi lapidis consessus magnus Israélis sedebat, &c.”? Middoth, p. 378 
See L’Empereur, p. 183. “ Partim in atrio, partim in loco communi sive intermurali.?! 
Reference has been made before to this hall, in the narrative of Stephen’s trial. VoL L 
p. 70, n. 1. See below, p. 260. Rabbinical authorities say that the boundary line of 
Judah and Benjamin passed between Gazith and the Holy Place. 

° Middoth, pp. 358, 359. The position of these rings, &c. was on the north side of 


the altar of burnt offering.—to which the ascent -vas by a gradual slope on the south 
aidg 


950 .HE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


zacred rock of the Moslems, which corresponds exactly with the descrip 
tion given in the Mischna of the drain and cesspool which communicated 
with the sewer that ran off into the Kedron.! 

The House itself remains to be described. It was divided into three 
parts, the Vestibule, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holes, From the 
Altar and the Court of the Priests to the Vestibule was another flight of 
twelve steps,” the last of the successive approaches by which the Temple 
was ascended from the east. The Vestibule was wider? than the rest of 
the Ilouse : its front was adorned with a golden vine of colossal propor- 
tions :* and it was separated by a richly-embroidered curtain or veil from 
the Holy Place, which contained the Table of Shew-bread, the Candle- 
stick, and the Altar of Incense. After this was the ‘second veil” (Heb 
ix. 3) closing the access to the innermost-shrine, which in the days of the 
Tabernacle had contained the golden censer and the ark of the covenant, 
but which in Herod’s Temple was entirely empty, though still regarded as 
the “ Holiest of All” (Ib.) The interior height of the Holy Place and 
the Holy of Holies was comparatively small : but above them and on each 
side were chambers so arranged that the general exterior effect was that of 
a clerestory ὃ rising above the aisles: and the whole was surmounted with 
gilded spikes,® to prevent the birds from settling on the sacred roof. 

Such is a bare outline of the general plan of the Jewish Temple. 
Such was the arrangement of its parts, which could be traced, as in a 
map, by these who looked down from the summit of the Mount of Olives, 
as the modern traveller looks now from the same place upon the mosque 
of Omar and its surrounding court. As seen from this eminence,—when 
the gilded front of the vestibule flashed back the rays of the sun, and all 
the courts glittered (to use the comparison of Josephus) with the white- 
ness of snow 7—while the column of smoke rose over all, as a perpetual 


1 This identification is due to Prof. Willis. See Williams’ Memoir, p. 95. 

ἢ Αὐτὸς ὁ ναὸς δώδεκα βαθμοῖς ἣν ἀναβατός. 

3 Josephus says that there were shoulders on each side (ἔμπροσθεν ὥσπερ ὦμοι rap! 
ἑκάτερον). Hence the Rabbis explained the use of the word Ariel or Lion in Isaiah 
xxix. 1, inasmuch as a lion is broader in front than behind. Middoth, p. 373. 

4 “Vitis aurea expandebatur super portam templi.”” Middoth, p. 362. Τὰς χρυσᾶς 
ἀμπέλους, ap’ ὧν βότρυες ἀνδρομήκεις κατεκρέμαντος. Ant. xv. 11, 3. Θαῦμα καὶ 
τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς τέχνης τοῖς ἰδοῦσιν. B.J.v.5,4. “Vitis aurea Templo re- 
perta.” Tac. Hist. v. 5. 

5 Williams, p. 97 

ὁ Κατὰ κορυφὴν δὲ χρυσέους ὀβελοὺς ἀνεῖχε τεθηγμένους, ὡς μή τινι προσκαθεζομένῳ 
μολύνοιτο τῶν ὀρνέων. B. J. ν. 5, 6. From the word κορυφή we may conclude 
(as De Wette remarks, in his Archaologie) that the roof, like that 01 Greek and Roman 
temples, was tectum fastigiatum. Lightfoot (Ch. xi.) thinks that the roof had pinna- 
cles, “as King’s Colledge Chappelle in Cambridge is decked in like manner, to its 
great beauty :”’ and he adds that the roof was not flat, but rising in the middle, “as 
King’s Colledge Chappelle may be herein a parallel 8150." 

7 Τοῖς εἰσαφικνουμένοις ξένοις πόῤῥωθεν ὅμοιος ὄρει χιόνος πλήρει κατεφαίνειυ" 
καὶ γὰο καθὰ μὴ κεχρύσωτο λευκότατος ἣν. Ib 


THE FORTRESS ANTONIA. 951 


<oken of acceptable sacrifice,—and worshippers were closely crowded on 
the eastern steps and terraces in front of the Holy House, and pilgrims 
from all countries under heaven were moving through the outer court ana 
flocking to the same point from all streets in the city,—the Temple at the 
time of the festival must have been a proud spectacle to the religious Jew. 
It must have been with sad and incredulous wonder that the four Disciples 
heard from Him who wept over Jerusalem, that all this magnificence was 
presently to pass away.! None but a Jew can understand the passionate 
enthusiasm inspired by the recollections and the glorious appearance of 
the national Sanctuary. And none but a Jew can understand the bitter 
grief and deep hatred which grew out of the degradation in which his 
cation was sunk at that particular time. This ancient glory was now 
ander the shadow of an alien power. The Sanctuary was all but trodden 
under foot by. the Gentiles. The very worship was conducted under the 
surveillance of Roman soldiers. We cannot conclude this account of the 
Temple without describing the fortress which was contiguous, and almost 
a part of it. 

If we were to remount to the earlier history of the Temple, we might 
perhaps identify the tower of Antonia with the “palace” of which we 
read in the book of Nehemiah (ii. 8. vii. 2). It was certainly the build- 
ing which the Asmonean princes erected for their own residence under the 
name of Baris.? Afterwards rebuilt with greater strength and splen- 
dour by the first Herod, it was named by him, after his Romanising 
fashion, in honour of Mark Antony.’ Its situation is most distinctly 
marked out by Josephus, who tells us that it was at the north-western‘ 
cgrner of the Temple-area, with the cloisters of which it communicated by 
means of staircases (Acts xxi. 35, 40).5 It is difficult, however, to define 
the exact extent of ground which it covered in its renewed form during 
the time of the Herods. There is good reason for believing that it ex- 
tended along the whole northern side of the great Temple court, from the 
north-western corner where it abutted on the city, to the north-eastern 
where it was suddenly stopped by the precipice which fronted the valley ; 
and that the tank, which is now popularly called the Pool of Bethesda, 

1 Mat. xxiv. 2,3. Mark xiii. 2,3. Luke xxi. 6. 

* Joseph. Ant. xv. 11, 4. 

3 Josephus says of it :--πάλαι μὲν Βᾶρις ὀνομαζόμενον, αὖθις δὲ ταύτης τυχὸν της 
προσηγορίας, ἐπικρατήσαντος ’AvTwviov, καθάπερ ἀπό τε τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ᾿Αγρίππα 
Σεϑαστὴ καὶ Aypimmide πόλεις ἕτεραι μετωνομάσθησαν. B.J.i.5,4. See Vol. 1. pp. 
21, 28. 

4 Ἢ d8’A-twvia κατὰ γωνὶαν δύο στοῶν ἔκειτο τοῦ πρώτου ἱεροῦ, τῆς πρὸς ἑσπέραν 
καὶ τῆς πρὸ; ἄρκτον. B.J.v.5,8. Elsewhere we find: κατὰ τὴν βόρειον πλευράν͵ 
Ant. xv. 11, 4. Τῷ βορεΐῳ κλίματι τοῦ ἱεροῦ. Β. 4.1. δ, 4. Τὸ βόρειον ἐπ’ αὐτῷ 
φρούριον. i. 21,1. Compare also ν. 4, 2. 


5 See the next note but two for the clear description which Josephus gives of this 
communication between the fortress and the cloisters, 


252 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


was part of the fosse which protected it on the north.'’ Though the 
ground on which the tower of Antonia stood was lower than that of the 
Temple itself, yet it was raised to such a height, that at least the south 
eastern of its four turrets? commanded a view of all that went on within 
the Temple, and thus both in position. and in elevation it was in ancient 
Jerusalem what the Turkish governor’s house is now,—whence the best 
view is obtained over the enclosure of the mosque of Omar. But this is 
an inadequate comparison. If we wish to realise the influence of this 
fortress in reference to political and religious interests, we must turn 
rather to that which is the most humiliating spectacle in Christendom, the 
presence of the Turkish troops at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, 
where they are stationed to control the fury of the Greeks and Latins at 
the most solemn festival of the Christian year. Such was the office of the 
Roman troops that were quartered at the Jewish festivals in the fortress 
of Antonia. Within its walls there were barracks for at least a thousand 
soldiers. Not that we are to suppose that all the garrison in Jerusalem 
was always posted there. It is probable that the usual quarters of the 
“whole cohort” (Mat. xxvii. 27), or the greater part of it, were towards 
the western quarter of the city, in that ‘‘praetorium” (John xviii, 28) or 
official residence® where Jesus was mocked by the sceldiers, and on the 
tessellated pavement in front of which Pilate sat, and condemned the 
Saviour of the world. But at the time of the greater festivals, when a 
vast concourse of people, full of religious fanaticism and embittered by 


1 This view is ably advocated by Dr. Robinson, in his account of Antonia (Res. 1. pp. 
431-436), and as Mr. Williams remarks (Memoir, p. 100), this reservoir (the Birket 
Israel) may still be the Bethesda of the Gospel. See a confirmation of Dr. Robinson/s 
hypothesis, from the observations of Mr, Walcott, Bib. Sac. τ. p. 29. Compare Traill’s 
Josephus, xlii. and Taylor’s Continuation, lxxxviii. Pompey found a trench on the 
northern side of the Temple (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 4, 2. B.J.i.7, 3.) Compare the ac- 
count of the occupation of Antonia by Titus. B. J. vi. 

2 It had four smaller towers rising from its angles, like the Tower of London, save 
that that on the S. E. was higher than the others. Πυργοειδὴς οὖσα τὸ πᾶν σχῆμα 
κατὰ γώνιαν τέσσαρσιν ἑτέροις διείληπτο πύργοις " ὧν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πεντήκοντα τὸ ὕψος 
ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ μεσημβρινῇ καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνατολὴν γωνίᾳ ἑβδομήκοντα πηχῶν ἦν, ὡς καθορᾶν 
ὅλον ax’ αὐτοῦ τὸ ἱερόν. B.J.v.5, 8. 

3 Kaa δὲ συνῆπτο ταῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοαῖς, εἰς ἀμφοτέρας εἶχε καταβάσεις" δι’ ὧν 
κατιύντες οἱ φοουροὶ (καθῆστο γὰρ ἀεὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς τάγμα Ῥωμαΐων) καὶ διϊστάμενοι πεῤὲ 
τὰς στοὰς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων, ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς, τὸν δῆμον ὡς μή τι νεωτερισθεΐη παρεῴυλα 
tov. Ib. 

4 See below, p. 265, note on σπεῖρα. 

5 This Preetorium seems to have been the old palace of Herod, connected with thee 
tower called Hippicus, which is identified by existing remains. It was on the western 
side of the city, and is one of our fixed points in tracing the course of the ancient 
walls. See the Map. 

6 ᾿Βκάθισεν ἐπὶ βήματος εἰς τύπον λεγόμενον Λιθόστοωτον, Ἑ βραϊστὶ δὲ Ταββαθᾶ. 

Jolin xix. 13s Something has been said before (Vol. I. p. 419, n. 11, on the βῆμα on 
tribunal as the symbol of Roman power in the prcvinces. 


THE ¥ORTRESS ANTONIA. 953 


hatred of their rulers, flocked into the Temple courts, it was found neces 
sary to order a strong military force into Antonia, and to keep them under 
«rms, so that they might act immediately and promptly in the case of any 
outbreak. . 

A striking illustration of the connection between the Fortress and the 
Temple is afforded by the history of those quarrels, which arose in refer: 
ence to the pontifical vestments. These robes were kept in Antonia 
during the time of Herod the Great. When he died, they came under 
the superintendence of the Roman procurator. Agrippa L, during his 
short reign, exercised the right which had belonged to his grandfather. 
At his death the command that the Procurator Cuspius Fadus should 
take the vestments under his care raised a ferment among the whole 
Jewish people ; and they were only kept from an outbreak by the presence 
of an overwhelming force under Longinus, the Governor of Syria. An 
embassy to Rome, with the aid of the younger Agrippa, who was then at 
the imperial court, obtained the desired relaxation : and the letter is stil] 
extant in which Claudius assigned to Herod, King of Chalcis, the privi- 
lege which had belonged to his brother.!. But under the succeeding Pro- 
curators the relation between the fortress Antonia and the religious cere- 
monies in the Temple became more significant and ominous. The hatred 
petween the embittered Jews and those soldiers who were soon to take 
part in their destruction, grew deeper and more implacable. Under Ven 
tidius Cumanns,* a frightful loss of life had taken place on one occasion at 
the passover, in consequence of an insult perpetrated by one of the 
military. When Felix succeeded him, assassination became frequent in 
Jerusalem: the high priest Jonathan was murdered, like Becket, in the 
Temple itself, with the connivance of the Procurator:4 and at the very 
moment of which we write, both the soldiers,and the populace were in 
great excitement in consequence of the recent “uproar” caused by an 
Egyptian impostor (Acts xxi. 38), who had led out a vast number of 
fanatic followers “into the wilderness” to be slain or captured by the 
troops of Felix. 

This imperfect description of the Temple-area and of the relations Βα} 
sisting between it aud the contiguous fortress, is sufficient to set the scene 


* Joseph. Ant. xx. 1, 2. The letter is quoted in the fifteenth chapter of Mr. Lewin's 
work on the Life and Epistles of St. Paul, a chapter which contains much miscellaneous 
-nformation concerning Jerusalem and the Jews at this time. 

* Tiberius Alexander, a renegade Jew, intervened between Fadus and Cumanus 
We shall recur to the series of procurators in the beginning of the next chapter. 

> Joseph. Ant. xx 5,2. Β. 7. 11. 12,1. In this narrative the tower of Antonia and 
its guards are particularly mentioned. 

SBeS. 51.9.9; 

5. The passages in Josephus, which relate to this Egyptian, are Ant. xx. 8,6. B.d 
9.13 ὃ. 


251 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


‘vefore us, on which the events we are now to relate occurred in rapid 
succession. We left St. Paul at the moment when the Levites had closed 
the gates, lest the Holy Place should be polluted by murder,—and when 
the infuriated mob were violently beating the Apostle, with the full inten- 
tion of putting him to death. The beginning and rapid progress of the 
commotion must have been seen by the sentries on the cloisters and the 
tower : and news was sent up! immediately to Claudius Lysias, the com- 
mandant of the garrisor, that “all Jerusalem was in an uproar” (vy. 31). 
The spark had fallen on materials the most inflammable, and not a mo- 
ment was to be lost, if a conflagration was to be averted. Liysias himself 
rushed down instantly, with some of his subordinate officers, and a strong 
body of men,” into the Temple court. At the sight of fhe flashing arms 
and disciplined movements of the Imperial soldiers, the Jewish mob 
desisted from their murderous violence. ‘ They left off beating of Paul.” 
They had for a moment forgotten that the eyes of the sentries were upon 
them : but this sudden invasion by their hatred and dreaded tyrants, re- 
minded them that they were “in danger to be called in question for that 
day’s uproar.” (Acts xix. 40.) 

Claudius Lysias proceeded with the soldiers promptly and directly to 
St. Paul,? whom he perceived to be the central object of all the excite- 
ment in the Temple court : and in the first place he ordered him to be 
chained by each hand to a soldier: for he suspected that he might be 
the Egyptian rebel,? who had himself baffled the pursuit of the Roman 
force, though his followers were dispersed. This being done, he proceeded 
to question the bystanders, who were watching this summary proceeding, 
half in disappointed rage at the loss of their victim, and haif in satisfac- 
tion that they saw him at least in captivity. But “when Lysias de- 
manded who he was and what he had done, some cried one thing, and 
some another, among the multitude” (v. 33, 34) ; and when he found 
that he could obtain no certain information in consequence of the tumult, 
he gave orders that the prisoner should be conveyed into the barracks 
within the fortress. The multitude pressed and crowded on the soldiers, 
as they proceeded to execute this order: so that the Apostle was actually 
“carried up” the staircase, in consequence of the violent pressure from 


1 ῬΑνέθη. Compare this with κατέδραμεν in the next verse, and the ἀναθαθμοί mene 
tioned below. 

* Παραλαθὼν στρατιώτας καὶ ἑκατοντάρχας, ν. 32. The full complement of centu 
rions in the castle would be ten. 

3 Tore ἐγγίσας ὁ χιλίαρχος. k.T.A. 

4 '᾿Αλύσεσιν δυσίν. So St. Peter was bound. Acts xii. 

ὃ This is evident from his question below, v. 38, Οὐκ dpa σὺ et ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ; 

6 El¢ τὴν παρεμβολήν, v. 34. So below. xxii. 24, xxiii. 16. The word denotes not 
“ the castle,”’ but soldiers’ barracks within it. It is the word used of the samp of the 
Israelites in the Wilderness. (LXCX.) 


8T. PAUL TAKEN INTO THE BARRACKS. 255 


velow.! And meanwhile deafening shouts arose from the stairs and from 
the court,—the same shouts whick, nearly thirty years before, surrounded 
the pretorium of Pilate,?—- Away with him, away with him.” 

At this moment,’ the Apostle, with the utmost presence of mind, 
turned to the commanding officer who was near him,—and, addressing him 
in Greek, said respectfully, “‘ May I speak with thee ?” Claudius Lysias 
was startled when he found himself addressed by his prisoner in Greek, 
and asked him whether he was then mistaken in supposing he was the 
Egyptian ringleader of the late rebellion. St. Paul replied calmly that 
le was no Egyptian, but a Jew ; and he readily explained his knowledge 
of Greek, and at the same time asserted his claim to respectful treat- 
ment,‘ by saying that he was a native of “Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of 
no mean city :” and he proceeded to request that he might be allowed to 
address the people. The request was a bold one: and we are almost 
surprised that Lysias should have granted it: but there seems to have 
been something in St. Paul’s aspect and manner, which from the first 
gained an influence over the mind of the Roman officer: and his consent 
was not refused. And now the whole scene was changed in a moment. 
St. Paul stood upon the stairs and turned to the people, and made a mo- 
tion with the hand,° as about to address them. And they too felt the in- 
fluence of his presence. Tranquillity came on the sea of heads below ; 
there was “ἃ great silence ;” and he began, saying, 


' Brethren and Fathers,’ hear me, and let me now defend my- 
self before you. 


The language which he spoke was Hebrew. Had he spoken in Greek, 
the majerity of those who heard him would have understood his words. 
But the sound of the holy tongue in that holy place fell like a calm on 


“1 "Ore δὲ ἐγένετο ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀναβαθμούς, συνέβη βαστάζεσθαι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν στρα- 
τιωτῶν διὰ τὴν βίαν τοῦ ὄχλου, ν. 35. 

? Compare Luke xxiii. 18, John xix. 15. 

3 Μέλλων εἰσάγεσθαι εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν. 

4 We need not repeat all that has been said before concerning the importance of 
Tarsus. See Vol. 1. pp. 22, 48-50, 105, 106, 255, 256. We may refer, however, to the 
History of the place by the Abbé Belley in the twenty-seventh volume of the Ac. des 
* Inscriptions. 

5 Ἑστώς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀναβαθμῶν κατέσεισε τῇ χειρί, v.40. Compare xiii. 16. xxvi. 1, 
also xx. 34. 

6 To account for this peculiar mode of address, we must suppose that mixed with 
the crowd were men of venerable age and dignity, perhaps members of the Sanhedrin, 
ancient Scribes and Doctors of the Law, who were stirring up the people against the 
heretic. "Avdpe¢ ἀδελφοὶ generally translated in A. V. “Men and brethren” literally 
Men who are my brethren, may be equally translated Brethren ; just as "Avdoy 
Αθηνᾶιοι Athenians. 


256 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the troubled waters. The silence became universal and breathless: and 
the Apostle proceeded to address his countrymen as follows :— 


SR a Aas I am myself! an Israelite, born indeed at Tarsus in 
education. —- Qjlicia, yet brought up in this city, and taught at the 
feet of Gamaliel, in the strictest doctrine of the law of our 
fathers ; and was zealous? in the cause of God, as ye all are this 
His persecution day. And I persecuted this sect unto the death, bind- 
ians. ing with chains and casting into prison both men and 
women. And of this the High Priest is my witness, and all the? 
Sanhedrin ; from whom I received letters to the brethren,‘ and 
went® to Damascus, to bring those also who were there to Jeru- 
salem, in chains, that they might be punished. 

But it came to pass that as I journeyed, when I 
drew nigh to Damascus, about mid-day, suddenly there 
shone from heaven a great light round about me. And I fell to 
the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, Sawl, Saul, why 
persecutest thou me? And I answered, Who art thou, Lord? 
and he said unto me, J am Jesus of Nazareth,» whom thou per- 
secutest. And the men who were with me saw the light, and 
were terrified ;7 but they heard not the voice of Him that spake 
unto me. AndI said, What shall 7 do, Lord? And the Lord 
said unto me, Arise, and go into Damascus, and there thou shalt 
be told of all things which are appointed for thee to do. 


His conversion. 


His blindness, And when I could not see, from the brightness of 
cure, and bap- 5 . 
Τίσι. that light, my companions led me by the hand, and 


so I entered into Damascus. And a certain Ananias, a devout’ 
man according to the law, well reported of by all the Jews who 
dwelt there, came and stood beside me, and said to me, Lrother 
Saul, receive thy sight ; and in that instant I received my sight 


1 The ἐγὼ is emphatic. 2 Ζηλωτής. See the note on Gal. i. 14. 

3 IIpec6urepiov. Compare Luke xxii. 66. The high priest here appealed to was the 
person who held that office at the time of St. Paul’s conversion, probably Theophilus, 
who was high priest in 37 and 38, a. pb. 

4 i.e. the Jews resident at Damascus. 

5 ’"Eopevouny, literally, I was on my road (imperf.). ᾿ 

6 Literally, Jesus the Wazarene. Saul was going to cast the Wazarenes (so the 
Christians were called, see Acts xxiv. 5) intu cuains and dungeons, when be was 
stopped by the Lord, announcing himself from heaven te be Jesus the Wazarene. 

7 The clause καὶ ἔμφοβοι ἐγένοντο is omitted in some of the best MSS. 

8 Εὐσεθής. This word is omitted in some of the best MSS., probably because the 
copyists were perplexed at finding it not here used in its usual technical sense of a 
Jewish proselyte. 

9 ᾿Δναθλέπω has the double meaning of to recover sight and to look up; in the 


HEBREW SPEECH ON THE STAIRS. 257 


and saw him. And he said, The God of our fathers hath or- 
dained thee to know His will, and to behold the Just One, and to 
hear the voice of His mouth. For thou shalt be His witness to 
all the world of what thou hast seen and heard. And now, why 
dost thou delay? Arise and be baptized* and wash away thy 
sins, calling on the name of Jesus. 

And it came to pass, after I had returned to Jeru- gis τοίασα to 
salem, and while I was praying in the Temple, that I τον 
was in a trance, and saw Him saying unto me, Dake 4, :< sommand 
haste and go forth quickly from Jerusalem ; for they or pre 
will not receive thy testimony concerning me. And I “'** 
said,‘ Lord, they themselves know that I continually 5 imprisoned 
and scourged in every synagogue the believers in Thee. And 
when the blood of thy martyr® Stephen was shed, I also myscif 
was standing by and consenting gladly’ to his death,’ and keeping 
the raiment of them who slew him. And He said unto me, De- 
part; for 7 will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles. 


At these words St. Paul’s address to his countrymen was suddenly in- 
terrupted. Up to this point he had riveted their attention.» They lis- 
tened, while he spoke to them of his early life, his persecution of the 
Church, his mission to Damascus. Many were present who could testify, 
on their own evidence, to the truth of what he said. Even when he told 
them of his miraculous conversion, his interview with Ananias, and his 
vision in the Temple, they listened stiil. With admirable judgment he 
deferred till the last all mention of the Gentiles.°. He spoke of Ananias 


former of which it is used in the accounts of blind men healed in the gospels. Here 
the A. Y. translates the same verb by two different words. 

1 Πάντας ἀνθρώπους, rather stronger than ali men. 

? Βάπτισαι, literally, cause thyself to be baptized (mid.). With the following 
_ ἀπόλουσαι, compare 1 Cor. vi. 11. 

3 The best MSS. read αὐτοῦ, and not τοῦ Κυρίον. The reference is to the confession 
of faith in Jesus, which preceded baptism, 

4 St. Paul expected at first that the Jews at Jerusalem (the members of his own 
party) would listen to him readily, because they could not be more violent against 
the Nazarenes than they knew him to have been: and he therefore thought that they 
must fevl that nothing short of irresistible truth conld have made him join the sect 
which be had hated. 

5 Ἤμην φυλακίζον. Iwas imprisoning, I kept on imprisoning. 

6 Μάρτυς had not yet acquired its technical sense, but here it may be translated 
‘Martyr, because the mode in which Stephen bore testimony was by his death. 

7 Σνυ"ευδοκεῖν, to consent gladly. Compare Rom. i. 32. 

8 Τῇ ἀναιρέσει αὐτοῦ, though omitted in the best MSS., is implied in the sense. 

9 Notice the imperfect ἤκουον» as contrasted with éxgjpav which follows. See the 
remarks on Stephen’s speech. Vol. 1. p. 71. 

1 As an illustration of St. Paul’s wisdom, it is instructive to observe that in xxvi 

Vou, 11.-—17 


258 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


as a “ devout mar/according to the law” (v.12), as one “ well reported 
of by all the Jews” (16), as one who addressed him in the name of “ the 
God of their Fathers” (v.14). In his vision he showed how he had 
pleaded before that God the energy of his former persecution, as a proof 
that his countrymen must surely be convinced by his conversion ἢ and 
when he alluded to the death of Stephen, and the part which he had taken 
himself in that cruel martyrdom (vy. 20), all the associations of the place 
there they stood' must (we should have thought) have brought the 
memory of that scene with pathetic force before their minds. But when 
his mission to the Gentiles was announced,—though the words quoted were 
the words of Jehovah spoken in the Temple itself, even as the Lord had 
once spoken to Samuel,’—one outburst of frantic indignation rose from 
the Temple-area and silenced the speaker on the stairs. Their national 
pride bore down every argument which could influence their reason or 
their reverence. They could not bear the thought of uncircumcised Hea- 
thens being made equal to the sons of Abraham. They cried out that 
such a wretch ought not to poliute the earth with his presence,?—that it 
was a shame to have preserved his life:4 and in their rage and impa- 
tience they tossed off their outer garments (as on that other occasion, 
when the garments were laid at the feet of Saul himself’), and threw up 
dust into the air with frantic violence. This commotion threw Lysias into 
new perplexity. He had not been able to understand the Apostle’s He- 
brew speech : and, when he saw its results, he concluded that his prisoner 
must be guilty of some enormous crime. He ordered him therefore to be 


17, it is distinctly said that Jesus himself announced from heaven Paul’s mission to 
the Gentiles; and that in ix. 15, the same announcement is made to. Ananias ;— 
whereas in the address to the Jews this is kept out of view for the moment, and re- 
served till after the vision in the Temple is mentioned. And again we should observe 
that while in ix. 10, Ananias is spoken of as a Christian (see 13), here he is described 
as a strict and pious Jew. He was, in fact, both the one and the other. But for the 
purposes of persuasion, St. Paul lays stress here on the latter point. 

1 See above, p. 244, n. 1. 

3.1 Sam. iii. 3 Alpe ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς τὸν τοιοῦτον. 

4 The correct reading appears to be καθῆκεν. It will be remembered that they were 
vo the point of killing St. Paul, when Claudius Lysias rescued him, xxi. 31. 

* ῬῬιπτούντων τὰ ἱμάτια, xxii. 23. Καὶ οἱ μάρτυρες ἀπέθεντο τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν παρὰ 
τοὺς πόδας νεανίου καλουμένου Σαύλου καὶ ἐλιθοβόλουν τὸν Στέφανον, vi.58. We need 
not, however, suppose, with Meyer, that this tossing of the garments and throwing of 
Gust, was precisely symbolical of their desire to stone Paul. It denoted simply im- 
patience and disgust. So in Lucian we find: τὸ ϑέατρον ἅπαν συνεμεμήνει, Kal ἐπή- 
bai, καὶ ἐβίων, καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπέῤῥίπτουν. De Salt. 83. See the next note. 

6 “Sir John Chardin, as quoted by Harmer (Obs. iv. 203) says that it is common for 
the peasarts in Persia, when they have a complaint to lay before their governors, to 
repair to them by hundreds, or a thousand, at once. They place themselves near the 
gate of the palace, where they suppose they are most likely to be seen and heard, and 
then set up a horrid outcry, rend their garments, and throw dust into the air, at the 
sue time demanding justice.” Hackett. 


THE CENTURION AND THE CHIEF CAPTAIN. 259 


caken immediately from the stairs into the barracks ;! and to be examined 
by torture,’ in order to elicit a confession of his guilt. Whatever instru: 
ments were necessary for this kind of scrutiny would be in readiness 
within a Roman fortress : and before long the body? of the Apostle was 
“ stretched out,” like that of a common malefactor, “to receive the 
lashes,” with the officer standing by,‘ to whom Lysias had entrusted the 
superintendence of this harsh examination. 

Thus St. Paul was on the verge of adding another suffering and dis- 
grace to that long catalogue of afflictions, which he gave in the last letter 
he wrote to Corinth, before his recent visit to that city (2 Cor. xi. 23-25). 
Five times scourged by the Jews, once beaten with rods at Philippi, and 
twice on other unknown occasions, he had indeed been “in stripes above 
measure.” And now he was ina Roman barrack, among rude soldiers, 
with a similar indignity ὃ in prospect ; when he rescued himself, and at the 
same time gained a vantage-ground for the Gospel, by that appeal to his 
rights as a Roman citizen, under which he had before sheltered his sacred 
cause at Philippi. He said these few words to the centurion who stood 
by: “Is it lawful to put to the rack one who isa Roman citizen and 
uncondemned?” The magic of the Roman law produced its effect in a 
moment. ‘The centurion immediately reported the words to his command- 
ing officer, and said significantly, ‘Take heed what thou doest: for this 
man is a Roman citizen.” J.ysias was both astonished and alarmed. He 
knew full well that no man would dare assume the right of citizenship, if 
it did not really belong to him : 7 and he hastened in person ὃ to his prisoner. 
A hurried dialogue took piace, from which it appeared, not only that St. 
Paul was indeed a Roman citizen, but that he held this privilege under 
circumstances far more honourable than his interrogator : for while Claudius 
Lysias had purchased 9 the right for “a great sum,” Paul was “ free-born.” 


1 Exédevoev αὐτὸν ἄγεσθαι εἰς τὴν παρεμθολὴν. See above, pp. 253, 4, 5. 

3 Μάστιξιν ἀνέταζεσθαι. 

3 The correct reading appears to be προέτειναν. We take τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν to mean “ for 
the thongs,” ὁ. 6. the straps (νεύροις) of which the μάστιγες were made. Others con- 
sider the words to denote the thongs or straps with which the offender was fastened te 
the post or pillar. In either case, the use of the article is explained. 

4 We see this from v. 25, εἶπε πρὸς τὸν ἑστῶτα ἑκατόνταρχον. Claudius Lysias 
himself was not on the spot (see v. 26), but had handed over the Apostle to a centu- 

ion, who “stood by,” as in the case of a military flogging with us. 

5 We must distinguish between μάστιγες, μαστίζειν here (24, 25) and ῥαβόΐζειν, 
ἐῤῥαβδίσθην (Acts xxvi 22. 2 Cor. xi. 25). In the present instance the object was 
not punishment, but examination. 

6 See Vol. I. p. 510. 

7 Such pretensions were liable to capital punishment. “Civitatem Romanam usur 
pantes in Campo Esguilino securi percussit.” Suet. Claud. 25. 

8 ΤΙιροσελθὼν ὁ χιλιάοχος κ. τ. ἢ. 

9 We learn from Dio Cassius, that the civitas of Rome was, in the early part of the 


200 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Orders were instantly given' for the removal of the instruments of torture : 
and those who had been about to conduct the examination retired. LL.ysias 
was compelled to keep the Apostle still in custody : for he was ignorant of 
the nature of his offence :, and indeed this was evidently the only sure 
method of saving him from destruction by the Jews. But the Roman 
officer was full of alarm: for in his treatmewt of the prisoner? he had 
already been guilty of a flagrant violation of the law. 

On the following day * the commandant of the garrison adopted a milder 
method of ascertaining the nature of his prisoner’s offence. He summon- 
ed a meeting of the Jewish Sanhedrin with the high-priests, and brought 
St. Paul down from the fortress and set him before them,—doubtless 
taking due precautions to prevent the consequences which might result 
from a sudden attack upon his safety. Only a narrow space of the Great. 
Temple Court intervened‘ between the steps which led down from the 
tower of Antonia, and those which led up to the hall Gazith, the Sanhedrin’s 
accustomed place of meeting. If that hall was used on this occasion no 
heathen soldiers would be allowed to enter it: for it was within the balus- 
trade which separated the sanctuary from the Court. But the fear of 
pollution would keep the Apostle’s life in safety within that enclosure. 
There is good reason for believing that the Sanhedrin met at that period 
in a place less sacred,® to which the soldiers would be admitted ; but this. 
is a question into which we need not enter. Wherever the council sat, we 
are suddenly transferred from the interior of a Roman barrack to a scene 
entirely Jewish. 


reign of Claudius, sold at a high rate (ἡ πολίτεια μεγάλων τὸ πρῶτον χρηματων 
πραθεῖσα) and afterwards for a mere triffe. 

1 This is not expressed, but it isimplied by what follows: εὐθέως ἀπέστησαν. K.T.2. 
It is unnecessary to repeat here what has been said concerning the citizenship of 
Paul and his father. See Vol. I. pp. 45,46. For the laws relating to the privileges 
of citizens, see again Vol. I. p. 310. 

2 "Εφοβήθη ὅτι ἣν αὐτὸν δεδεκώς. We cannct agree with Bottger in referring the 
last word to προέτειναν τοῖς ἱμᾶσι (vy. 25). Nor can we see any ground for De Wetie’s 
notion of an inconsistency between this word and what follows. Lys‘as was afraid, 
because he had so “bound” the Apostle, as he could not have ventured to do, had he 
known he was a Roman citizen. It seems, that in any case it would have been illegat 
to have had immediate recourse to torture. “Non esse a tormentis incipiendum, Diy. 
Augustus constituit.” Digest. L. 48, tit. 18. Certainly it was contrary to the Roman law 
to put any Roman citizen to the torture, either by scourging or in any other way. Under 
the Imperial regime, however, so early as the time of Tiberius, this ruie was viclated ; 
znd torture was applied to citizens of the highest rank, more acd more freely. See 
Geib (Geschichte des romischen Criminalprocesses bis zum Tode Justinians) p. 615, 
and the instances which he quotes from Tacitus, Suetonius, Dio, and Seneca. 

3 Τῇ ἐπαύριον. 4 See above. 

5 The Rabbinical way of expressing this was as follows: *‘ Migravit supremus senae 
fis oranimodo ab exedra lapidum cxsorum ad tabernas, et a tabernis ad Jerusalem.” 
L’Empereur on Middoth, p. 48. See Vol. I. p. 69. 


᾿ 


81. PAUL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN, 261 


Paul was now in presence of that council, before which, when he was 
simself a member of it, Stephen had been judged. That moment could 
hardly he forgotten by him: but he looked steadily at his inquisitors ; 
among whom he would recognize many who had been his fellow-pupils in 
the school of Gamaliel, and his associates in the persecution of the Chris 
tians. That unflinching look of conscious integrity offended them,—and his 
confident words—“ Brethren,’ I have always lived a conscientious? life 
before God, up to this very day,’—so enraged the high-priest, that he 
commanded those who stood near to strike him on the mouth. This bretal 
insult roused the Apostle’s feelings, and he exclaimed, “God shall smite 
thee, thou whited wall : 4 sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and 
then in defiance of the law dost thou command me to be struck.” If we 
consider these words as an outburst of natural indignation, we cannot 
severely blame them, when we remember St. Paul’s temperament,> and how 
they were provoked. If we regard them as a prophetic denunciation, they 
were terribly fulfilled, when this hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin 
was murdered by the assassins in the Jewish war. In whatever light we 
view them now, those who were present in the Sanhedrin treated them 
as profane and rebellious. ‘ Revilest thou God’s high-priest?” was the 
indignant exclamation of the bystanders. And then Paul recovered him- 
self, and said, with Christian meekness and forbearance, that he did not 
consider? that Ananias was high-priest ; otherwise he would not so have 
spoken, seeing that it is written in the Law® “‘thow shalt not revile the 

1 *Arevicac τῷ συνεδρίῳ. See Vol. I. p. 148, n. 2. 

2 Tt should be observed that, both here and below (vv. 5, 6) he addresses the Sanhe 
drin as equals,—dvdpe¢ ddeApot,—whereas in xxii. 1, he says ἀδελφοὶ καὶ πατέρες. 

3 This assertion of habitual conscientiousness is peculiarly characteristic of St. Paul 
See 2 Tim. i. 3, where there is also a reference to his forefathers, as in v. 6, below. 
Compare <b, xxvi. 

4 With τοῖχε κεκονιαμένε, compare Our Saviour’s comparison of hypocrites with 
“ whited sepulchres” (Matt, xxiii. 27). Lightfoot goes so far here, as to say that the 
words themselves mean that Ananias had the semblance of the high-priest’s office with- 
out the reality. 

5 See Vol. I. p. 49. 

6 He was killed by the Sicarii. Joseph. B. J. ii. 17, 9. 

7 The use of this Eaglish word retains something of the ambiguity of the original 
οὐκ ἤδειν, ὅτι ἐστιν ἀρχιερεύς. It is difficult to decide positively on the meaning of 
the words. Some think that St. Paul meant to confess that he had been guilty of a 
want of due reflection,—others that he spoke ironically, as refusing to recognize a 
man like Ananias as high-priest,—others have even thought that there was in the 
words an inspired reference to the abolition of the sacerdotal system of the Jews, and 
the sole priesthood of Christ. Another class of interpreters regard St. Paul as igno- 
rant of the fact that Ananias was high-priest; or argue that Ananias was not really 
‘nstalled in this office. And we know from Josephus, that there was the greatest irre- 
gularity in the appointments about this time. Lastly, it has been suggested (Vol. 1, 
p. 148, n. 2) that the imperfection of St. Paul’s vision (supposed to be implied in 

revioac) was the cause of the mistake. 

® Ex. xxii. 28. 


562 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ruler of thy people.” But the Apostle had seen enough to be convinced 
that there was no prospect before this tribunal of a fair inquiry and a just 
decision. He therefore adroitly adopted a prompt measure for enlisting 
the sympathies of those who agreed with him in one doctrine, which, though 
held to be an open question in Judaism, was an essential truth in Chris- 
tianity.. He knew that both Pharisees and Sadducees were among his 
judges, and well aware that, however united they might be in the outward 
work of persecution, they were divided by an impassible line in the deeper 
matters of religious faith, he cried out,’ “ Brethren, I am a Pharisee, and 
all my forefathers? were Pharisees : it is for the hope of a resurrection from 
the dead that I am to be judged this day.” ‘This exclamation produced 
an instantaneous effect on the assembly. It was the watchword which 
marshalled the opposing forces in antagonism to each other.t The Phari- 
sees felt a momentary hope that they might use their ancient partizan as 
a new weapon against their rivals ; and their hatred against the Sadducees 
was even greater than their hatr ὃ: of Christianity. They were vehement 
in their vociferations ;* and their language was that which Gamaliel had 
used more calmly many years before® (and possibly the aged Rabban may 
have been present himself in this very assembly):7 “If this doctrine be 
of God, ye cannot destroy it : beware lest ye be found to be fighting against 
God.” ‘ We find no fault in this man: what, if (as he says)? an angel 
or a spirit have indeed spoken to him, ” The sentence was left incom- 
plete or unheard in the uproar.® Tne judgment-hall became a scene of 


1 Τνοὺς ὅτι τὸ ἕν μέρος ἐστὶ Σαδδουκαΐων, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον Φαρισαίων. κ. τ. Δ. For 
these two sects, see the early part of Chap. II. 

2 *Expager. Lachmann and Tischendorf read ἔκραζεν. But the MSS. are divided, 
and surely the aorist is more natural than the imperfect. 

3 Φαρισαίων, not Φαρισαίου is the reading best supported by MSS., and ae plural is 
far more forcible. See Vol. I. pp. 33, 34. 

4 'Eyévero στάσις .... - καὶ ἐσχίσθη τὸ πλῆθος. ν. 7. Compare ὀιεμάχοντο, ν. 9. 
5. ᾿μῃγέμετο δὲ κραυγὴ Beale, v. 9. 6 Acis v. 39. 

7 It appears that he died about two years after this time. See Vol. I. p.57. We 
may refer here to the observ ations of Mr. Birks in the Horse Apostolic (No. xvi.) ap- 
pended to his recent edition of the Hore Pauline, where he applies the jealousy and 
mutual antipathy of the Sadducees and Pharisees, to explain the conduct of Gamaliel at 
the former trial, and thus traces “an unobtrusive coincidence ” between this passage 
and the narrative in Actsv. “First, the leaders in the persecution were Sadducees (v. 
17). In the next place, it was a doctrinal offence which was charged upon them (vy, 
28). Again, the answer of Peter, while an expiicit testimony to the claims of Jesus, 
is an equally plain avowal of the doctrine of the resurrection (vy. 30). When Gama- 
iel icterposes, it is noted that he was a Pharisee, &e.” (v. 34.) 

8 There is probably a tacit reference to what St. Paul had ala, in his speech on tha 
stairs, concerning his vision in the Temple. 

9 There seems no doubt that the words μὴ ϑεομαχῶμεν cought not to be in the text; 
and that there is an aposiopesis, either voluntary for the sake of emphasis, or compul 
sory because of the tumult. Perhaps the word θεύμαχοι in Acts ν. 39 may have led 
to the interpolation. 


VISION IN THE CASTLE. 263 


the most violent contention ; and presently Claudius Lysias received infor. 
mation of what was taking place, and fearing lest the Roman citizen, whom 
he was bound to protect, should be torn in pieces between those who sought 
to protect him, and those who thirsted for his destruction, he ordered the 
troops to go down instantly, and bring him back into the soldiers’ quarters 
within the fortress.? 

So passed this morning of violent excitement. In the evening, when 
Paul was isolated, both from Jewish enemies and Christian friends, and 
surrounded by the uncongenial sights and sounds of a soldiers’ barrack,— 
when the agitation of his mind subsided, and he was no longer strung up 
by the presence of his persecutors, or supported by sympathizing brethren, 
—can we wonder that his heart sank, and that he looked with dread on the 
vague future that was before him? Just then it was that he baa one of 
those visions by night, which were sometimes vouchsafed to him, at critical 
seasons of his life, and in providential conformity with the circumstances 
in which he was placed. The last time when we were informed of such 
an event, was when he was in the house of Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth, 
and when he was fortified against the intimidation of the Jews by the 
words “ Fear not: for lam with thee.” (Acts xviii 9,10.) The next 
instance we shall have to relate is in the worst part of the storm at 
sea, between Fair Havens and Malta, when a similar assurance was given 
to him: “ Fear not: thou must stand before Cesar.” (Ib. xxvii. 24.) 
On the present occasion events were not sufliciently matured for him to 
receive a prophetic intimation in this explicit form. He had, indeed, long 
looked forward to a visit to Rome : but the prospect now seemed further 
off than ever, And it was at this anxious time that he was miraculously 
comforted and strengthened by Him, who is “ the confidence of all the 
ends of the earth, and of them that are afar off upon the sea; who by 
His strength setteth fast the mountains ; who stilleth the noise of the 
seas and the tumult of the people.” In the visions of the night, the Lord 
himself stood by him and said: “ Be of good cheer, Paul ; for as thou 
hast testified of me at Jerusalem, so must thou testify also at Rome.” 
(iby xii.11.) 

The contrast is great between the peaceful assurance thus secretly 
given to the faith of the Apostle in his place of imprisonment, and the 
active malignity of his enemies in the city. When it was day, more than 
forty of the Jews entered into a conspiracy to assassinate Paul :? and that 
they might fence round their crime with all the sanction of religion, they 
bound themselves by a curse, that they would eat and drink nothing till 


1 Βὐλαβηϑθϑεὶς ὁ χ. μὴ διασπάσθῃ .... ἄγειν τε εἰς τὴν παρεμθολήν. 
? With the direct narrative, v. 12-15, we should compare closely the account given 
by St. Paul’s nephew, vv. 20, 21. 


964 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


‘the decd was accomplished.'. Thus fortified by a dreadful oath, they came 
before the chief priests and members of the Sanhedrin,’ and proposed the 
following plan, which seems to have been readily adopted. The Sanne 
drists were to present themselves before Claudius Lysias, with the request 
that he would allow the prisoner to be brought once more before the 
Jewish Court, that they might enter into a further investigation :? and 
the assassins were to lie in wait, and murder the Apostle on his way 
down‘ from the fortress. The plea to be brought before Lysias was very 
plausible : and it is probable that, if he had received no further informa- 
tion, he would have acted on it : for he well knew that the proceedings of 
the Court had been suddenly interrupted the day before,> and he would 
be glad to have his perplexity removed by the results of a new inquiry.® 
The danger to which the Apostle was exposed was most imminent: and 
there has seldom been a more horrible example of crime masked under 
ες the show of religious zeal. 

The plot was ready:? and the next day® it would have been carried 
into effect, when God was pleased to confound the schemes of the conspi- 


1 So we are told by Josephus that ten Jews bound themselves by a solemn oath to 
assassinate Herod, and that before their execution they maintained καλῶς καὶ σὺν 
εὐσεβεία τὴν συνωμοσίαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι, Ant. xv. 8, 3, 4.. Hackett quotes from 
Philo a formal justification of such assassinations of apostates. In illustration of the 
form of the oath, Wetstein cites the following from a Rabbinical authority: “ Post 
jusjurandum non edam nec bibam, qui edit et bibit dupliciter reus est.” Lightfoot, 
however, shows from the Talmud (Hor. Heb.) that those who were implicated in such 
an oath could obtain absolution, 

ἢ ΠΙροσελθόντες τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις, v.14. Most of the com- 
mentators are of opinion that only the Sadducean party is contemplated here, the 
Pharisees having espoused St. Paul’s cause. But it is far more natural to suppose that 
their enthusiasm in his behalf had been only momentary, and that the temporary 
schism had been healed in the common wish to destroy him. The Pharisees really 
hated him the most. It would seem, moreover, from xxiv. 15, that Pharisees appeared 
as accusers before Felix. 

3 Ὡς μέλλοντας διαγινώσκειν ἀκριθέστερον τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ. See the next note but 
two. 

4 Karaydyy, v.15; καταγάγῃς, v.20. So καταβάν, γ. 10, and καταγαγὼν, xxii. 30. 
The accurate use of these words should be compared with what is said by Josephus and 
by St. Luke himself of the stairs between the temple and the fortress, They preseat 
us with an undesigned consistency in a matter of topography ; and they show that the 
writer was familiar with the place he is describing. 

5 See above. 

6 We believe, with Meyer, that in v. 20 the correct reading is that adopted by Lach- 
mann and Tischendorf, μέλλων, not μέλλοντες. If the Sanhedrin were about to inves: 
tigate (see v. 15), it would be in order that Claudius Lysias might obtain more infor: 
mation: and it would be more natural for the young man to put the matter befora 
him in this point of view. 

7 Observe the young man’s words, v. 21: Καὶ νῦν εἰσὶν ἕτοιμοι προσδεχόμενοι τὴν 
ἀπὸ σοῦ ἐπαγγελίον. 

8. Αὔριον. ν. 20. Τὸ 15 1ὴ the young man’s statement that this precise reference ἐς 
tirae occurs. in vy. 15 the word appears to be an interpolation. 


CONSPIRACY. 265 


. cators. The instrument of St. Paul’s safety was one of his own relations, 
the son of that sister whom we have before mentioned (Vol. I. p. 49) as 
the companion of his childhood at Tarsus. It is useless to attempt te 
draw that veil aside, which screens the history of this relationship from 
our view: though the narrative seems to give us hints of domestic inter- 
course at Jerusalem,’ of which, if it were permitted to us, we would 
gladly know more. Enough is told to us to give a favourable impression 
both of the affection and discretion of the Apostle’s nephew: nor is he 
the only person, the traits of whose character are visible in the artless 
simplicity of the narrative. The young man came into the barracks, and 
related what he knew of the conspiracy to his uncle ; to whom he seems 
to have had perfect liberty of access.* Paul, with his usual prompti- 
tude and prudence, called one of the centurions to him, and requested him 
to take the youth‘ to-the commandant, saying that he had a communica- 
tion to make to him.*. The officer complied at once, and took the young 
man with this message from ‘the prisoner Paul,” to Claudius Lysias ; 
who—partly from the interest he felt in the prisoner, and partly, we need 
not doubt, from the natural justice and benevolence of his disposition,— 
received the stranger kindly, “took him by the hand, and led him aside, 
and asked him in private” to tell him what he had to say. He related 
the story of the conspiracy in full detail, and with much feeling. Lysias 
listened to his statement and earnest entreaties ;° then, with a soldier’s 
promptitude, and yet with the caution of one who felt the difficulty of the 
situation, he decided at once on what he would do, but without communi- 
cating the plan to his informant. He simply dismissed him,’ with a sig- 
nificant admonition,—“ Be careful that thou tell no man that thou hast 
laid this information before me.” 

When the young man was gone, Claudius Lysias summoned one or two 
of his subordinate officers,? and ordered them to have in readiness two 
huadred of the legionary soldiers, with seventy of the cavalry, and two 


1 Vy. 16-22. 

? Two questions easily asked, but not easily answered, suggest themselves—whether 
St. Paul's sister and nephew resided at Jerusalem, and, if so, why he lodged not with 
them but with Mnason (above, p. 235). 

3 So afterwards at Cesarea xxiv. 23, διαταξάμενος ἔχειν ἄνεσιν καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν 
τῶν ἰδιων αὐτοῦ ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῷ. See the next chapter for a description of the na 
ture of the Custodia, in which St. Paul was kept, both at Jerusalem and Cesarea. 

4 The word νεανίας is indeterminate, but the whole narrative givee the impression 
that he wasa very young man. See Vol. I. p. 106, n. 2, 

&§ Vv. 17, 18. 

6 Σὺ ovr μὴ πεισθῇς αὐτοῖς, ν. 21. 

7'O μὲν οὖν x. ἀπέλυσεν τὸν veaviay παραγγείλας. κ. τ. A. 

8 Δύο τινὰς τῶν ἑκατονταρχῶν, ν. 23. The full complement of centyrions would 
a ten. See below, p. 270, n. 2. 


266 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


hundred spearmen ;? so as to depart for Caesarea at nine in the evening, 
and take Paul in safety to Felix the governor. The journey was long, 
and it would be requisite to accomplish it as rapidly as possible. He 
therefore gave directions that more than one horse should be provided fo: 
the prisoner. We may be surprised that so large a force was sent to se 
cure the safety of one man ; but we must remember that this man was a 
Roman citizen, while the garrison in Antonia, consisting of more than a 
thousand men,* could easily spare such a number foi one day on such a 
service ; and further, that assassinations, robberies, and rebellious were 
frequent occurrences at that time in Judwa,° and that a conspiracy always 
wears a formidable aspect to those who are responsible for the public 
peace. The utmost secrecy, as well as promptitude, was evidently required; 
and therefore an hour was chosen, when the earliest part of the night 
would be already past. At the time appointed, the troops, with St. Paul 
in the midst of them, marched out of the fortress, and at a rapid pace 
took the road to Ceesarea. 

It is to the quick journey and energetic researches of an American 
traveller, that we owe the power of following the exact course of this 
night march from Jerusalem to Czesarea.? In an earlier part of this work, 
we have endeavoured to give an approximate representation of the Roman 


! The rendering in the English version is probably as near as any other to the true 
meaning of the singular word δεξιολώβους, which is evidently distinguished here from 
legionery soldiers and from cavalry, and therefore doubtless means light-armed 
troops. Again, it is distinguished from bowmen and targeteers in the following pas- 
sage, which is the only other place where it occurs: Oi δὲ λεγόμενοι τουρμάρχαι εἰς 
ὑπουργίαν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐτάχθησαν" σημαίνει δὲ τοιοῦτον ἀξίωμα τὸν ἔχοντα ὑφ᾽ 
ἑαυτὸν στρατιῶτας τοξοφόρους πεντακοσίους, καὶ πελταστὰς τριακοσίους καὶ δεξιο- ᾿ 
λάβους ἑκατόν. Constant. Porphyr. Moreover the word δεξιόλαβος (or δεξιόβολος, 
as it is in manuscript A.) seems to imply the use of some weapon simply carried in the 
right hand. As to to the mixture of troops in the escort sent by Claudius Lysias, we 
may remark that he sent forces adapted to act on all kinds of ground, and from the 
imperfect nature of his information he could not be sure that an ambuscade might not 
be laid in the way ; and at least banditti were to be feared. 

3 ᾿Απὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νῦκτός. 

3 Διασώσωσιν. 4 Κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι. 

5. The σπεῖρα was acohort. There were ten cohorts in a legion ; and each legion 
contained more than 6000 men, besides an equal number of auxiliaries and a squadron 
of horse. See the next chapter. 

6 See the next chapter 

7 See “A Visit to Antipatris,” by the Rev. Eli Smith, missionary in Palestine, in 
the Biblictheca Sacra, vol. i. p. 478-496. The journey was expressly taken (on the way 
from Jerusalem to Joppa) for the purpose of ascertaining St. Paul’s route to Antipatris ; 
and the whole of this circuitous route to Joppa was accomplished in two days. The 
article is followed by some valuable remarks by Dr. Robinson, who entirely agrees with 
Mr. Τὶ, Smith, though he had previously assumed (Bibl. Res. iii. 46, 60) that St. Paul’s 
escort had gone by the pass of Bethoron, a route sometimes used, as by Cestius Gallus 
on his march from Cesarea by Lydda to Jerusalem. Joseph. B. J. ii. 19, 1. 


NIGHT JOURNEY. 967 


roads, as they existed in Palestine :1 and we have had occasion more 


than once to allude to the route which lay between the religious and politi- 
cal capitals of the country.? To the roads delineated on the map (Vol. I 
p. 92) we must add another, which passes, not by Lydda? (or Diospolis), 
but more directly across the intermediate space from Gophna to Antipatris, 
We have thus the whole route to Cesarea before us ; and we are enabled 
to picture to ourselves the entire progress of the little army, which took 
St. Paul in safety from the conspiracies of the Jews, and placed him under 
the protection of Felix the governor. 

The road lay first, for about three hours, northwards,‘ along the high 
mountainous region which divides the valley of the Jordan from the great 
western plain of Judea. About midnight they would reach Gophna.» 
Here, after ἃ short halt, they quitted the northern road which leads te 
Neapolis? and Damascus,—once travelled by St. Paul under widely differ- 
ert circumstances,—and turned towards the coast on the left. Presently 
they began to descend among the western eminences and valleys of the 
mountain-country,® startling the shepherd on the. hills of Ephraim, and 
rousing the village peasant, who woke only to curse his oppressor, as he 


» Chap. III. and the map, Vol. I. p. 84. 

? Vol. I. pp. 53, 104, 424. Vol. ΤΙ. p. 234. 

3 See Acts ix. 32. For geographical illustration, we may refer to the movements 
of Peter in reference to Lydda, Joppa, Cesarea, and Jerusalem (ix. 38. x. 23, 24. 
xi. 2), and also those of Philip in reference to Sebaste (?) in Samaria, Azotus, Gaza, 
and Ceesarea (viii.). 

4 This part of the road has been mentioned before (Vol. I. p. 85) as one wheke Dr. 
Robinson followed the line of a Roman pavement. With the very full description in 
his third volume, pp. 75-80, the map in the first volume should be compared. Mr. Ἐς 
’ Smith mentions this part of the route briefly. B.S. pp. 478, 479. 

5 Vol. I. p. 85. 

6 “We rode hastily to Bireh. ... reached Bireh in 2 ἢ. 20 m.... 35 m. from 
Bireh, we came to ruins. Here we found we had mistaken our path... . 30 τὴ. from 
hence we took the following bearings, &c.... reached Jufna in 30m.” B.S. 479. 
Compare the time in Dr. Robinson’s account. 

7 Vol. 1. p. 84. 

8 We started [from Jufna] by the oldest road to Kefr Saba... . In 20 τη. reached 
Bir Zeit. In this distance, we found evident remains of the pavement of a Roman road, 
affording satisfactory proof that we had not mistaken our route.” B.5. 480. “The 
whole of our way down the mountain was a very practicable, and, for the most part, a 
very easy descent. It seemed formed by nature for a road, and we had not descended 
far from the point where our observations were made, before we came again upon the 
Roman pavement. This we continued to find at intervals during the remainder of the 
day. In some places, for a considerable distance, it was nearly perfect ; and then, 
again, it was entirely broken up, or a turn in our path made us lose sight of it. Yet 
we travelled hardly half an hour at any time without finding distinct traces of it, 
I do not remember observing anywhere before so extensive remains of a Roman road.” 
p. 482. “ A few minutes beyond the village [Um Sufah], a branch of the road led off 
te the right, where, according to our guides, it furnishes a more direct route to Keft 
Baba. But just at this point the Roman road was fortunately seen following the path 


268 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF SY. PAUL. 


heard the hoofs of the horses on the pavement, and the well-known tramp 
of the Roman soldiers. A second resting-place might perhaps be found at 
Thamna,' a city mentioned by Josephus in the Jewish wars, and possibly 
he “'Timnath Heres,” where Joshua * was buried “in Mount Ephraim, in 
the border of his inheritance.” And then they proceeded, still descending 
over a rocky and thinly cultivated tract,’ till about daybreak they came to 
the ridge of the last hill,* and overlooked “the great plain of Sharon, 
coming quite up to its base on the west.” The road now turned north- 
wards,® across the rich land of the plain of Sharon, through fields of wheat 
and barley,® just then almost ready for the harvest. ‘‘On the east were 
the mountains of Samaria, rising gradually above each other, and bounding 
the plain in that direction : on the left lay a line of low wooded hills, shutting 


on the left; and thus informed us very distinctly that this was the direction for us to 
take.” p. 483. 

1 One of the collateral results of Mr. Eli Smith’s journey is the identification of the 
site of this city—not the Timnath of Josh. xv. 10—but a place mentioned in the fol- 
lowing passages of Josephus, Ant. xiv. 11,2. B.J.iii.3,5. iv. 8,15 also 1 Mac. ix. 50. 
It would appear that in our map, p. 84, this city ought to be placed considerably to 
the northward, though still between ESN and Diospolis. The ruins are now called 
Tibneh. 

3 Josh. xix. 49,50. xxiv. 30. Judg. ii. 8,9. Mr. ἘΠ. Smith observed some remark 
able sepulchres at Tibneh. 

3 B. 5. 486, 487. The traveller was still guided by the same indications of the 
ancient road. “ Hastening on [from Tibnch] and passing occasionally portions of the 
Roman road, we reached in 40 m. the large town of Abud.... To the left of our 
road we passed several sepulchral excavations, marking this as an ancient place. Out 
path led us for a considerable distance down a gentle but very rocky descent, which 
was the beginning of a Wady. Through nearly the whole of it, we either rode upon 
or by the side of the Roman road. At length the Wady became broader, and with its 
declivities was chiefly occupied with fields of grain and other cultivation. ... After 
clearing the cultivation in the neighbourhood, we passed over a hilly tract, with little 
cultivation, and thinly sprinkled with shrubbery. . . . In our descent, which was not 
great, we thought we could discern further traces of the Roman road. But it was 
nearly dark, and we may possibly have been mistaken.” 

4 At this point is the village of Mejdel Yaba in the province of Nablous. “It stands 
on the top of a hill, with the valley of Belat on the south, a branch Wady running into 
it on the east, and the great plain of Sharon coming quite up to its base on the west,” 
p. 488. Mr. E. Smith arrived there at eight in the evening, having ridden about 
thirty miles since the morning. The next day he says: “I was disappointed in not 
procuring so many bearings from Mejdel Yaba as I had hoped. The rising sun shoot- 
ing his rays down the side of the mountain, prevented our seeing much in that diree- 
tion.” p. 490. 

5 From Mejdel Yaba Mr. E. Smith did not take the direct road to Kefr Saba, “which 
would have led northward, probably in the direction of the Roman road,’ but went 
more to the west, by Ras-el-Ain, and across the river Anjeh near its source, and then 
by Jiljulieh. 

6 ‘“Tts soil is an inexhaustible black loam, and nearly the whole of it was now under 
cultivation, presenting a scene of fertility and rural beauty rarely equalled. Immense 
fields of wheat and barley waving’in the breeze, were advancing rapidly to maturity, 
Ρ. 491. This was on the 27th of April, almost the exact time of St. Paul’s journey. 


ANTIPATRIS. 269 


it in from the sea.” Between this higher and lower range, but on the 
level ground, in a place well watered and richly wooded, was the town of 
Antipatris. Both its history and situation are described to us by Josephus. 
The ancient Caphar-Saba, from which one of the Asmonean princes had 
dug a trench and built a wall to Joppa, to protect the country from inva. 
sion,! was afterwards rebuilt by Herod, and named in honour of his 
father Antipater.? It is described in one passage as being near the 
mountains ;* and in another, as in the richest plain of his dominions, with 
abundance both of water and wood.‘ In the narrative of the Jewish war, 
Antipatris is mentioned as one of the scenes of Vespasian’s first military 
proceedings.® It afterwards disappears from history ;* but the ancient 
name is still familiarly used by the peasantry, and remains with the physi- 
cal features of the neighbourhood to identify the site.7 

The foot-soldiers proceeded no further than Antipatris, but returned 
from thence to Jerusalem (xxii. 32). They were no longer necessary to 
secure St. Paul’s safety ; for no plot by the way was now to be apprehen- 


| 


1 Δείσας δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὴν ἔφοδον Αντιόχου, τάφρον ὀρύττει βαθεῖαν, ἀπὸ τῆς 
Χαθαρζαβᾷ καταρξάμενος, ἣ νῦν Αντιπατρὶς καλεῖται, ἀχρὶ τῆς εἰς Ἰύπην θαλάσσης, ἡ 
καὶ μόνον ἣν ἐπίμαχον. Joseph. Ant. xiii. 15,1. Τοῦτον δείσας στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς 
"Apabac ὡρμημένον, τὸ μὲν μεταξὺ τῆς ὑπὲρ Αντιπατρίδος παρορείου καὶ τῶν Lorne 
ἀιγιαλῶν διαταφρεύει φάραγγι βαθείᾳ. B. 4. 1. 4,1. 

2 Πόλιν ἄλλην ἀνήγειρεν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῷ λεγομένῳ Καφαρσαβᾷ, τόπον ἔνυδρον καὶ 
χώραν ἀρίστην φυτοῖς ἐκλέξας, ποταμοῦ τε περιρρέοντος τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν, καὶ καλλίστου 
κατὰ μέγεθος τῶν φυτῶν περιειληφότος ἄλσους. 'άυτην απὸ ᾿Αντιπάτρου τοῦ πατρὸς 
᾿Αντιπατρίδα προσηγόρευσεν. Ant. xvi. ὅ, 2. Φιλοπάτωρ γε μὴν [Ἣρώδης], εἰ καί τις 

, ἕτερος" καὶ γὰρ τῷ πατρὶ μνημεῖον κατέστησε πόλιν, ἣν ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς βασιλείας 
πεδίῳ κτίσας ποταμοῖς τε καὶ δένδρεσι πλουσίαν ὡνόμασεν Ἀντιπατρίδα. B. J. i. 21,9. 

ΕΣ ide 4 Ant. xvi. δ. εν B.J.i. 21, 9. 

5 Hearing of the revolt of Vindex from Nero, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ἔαρος ἀναλαβὼν τὸ 
πλέον τῆς δυνάμεως, ἤγαγεν and τῆς Καισαρεΐας ἐπὶ Αντιπατρίδος. B. J. iv. 8, 1. 

6 It is mentioned by Jerome as “ Semirutum oppidulum.” Its name appears in the 
Syecdemus and in the Jerusalem Itinerary, where the distances from Jerusalem are os 
follows: Civitas Nicopoli, M. XXII; Civitas Lidda, M. X.; Mutatio Antipetrida, 
‘M. X.; Mutatio Betthar, M. X.; Civitas Caesarea, M. XVI. Dr. Robinson thinks 
the distance between Lydda and Antipatris ought to be XX. instead of X. Bib. Res. 
ui. 46, note. ͵ 

7 The existence of a place called Kafar Saba in this part of the plain was known to 
Prokesch, and its identity with Antipatris was suggested by Raumer, Rob. Bib. Res. 
iii. 45-47. This may be considered now as proved beyond a doubt. There are some 
minor difficulties connected with distances, and especially with the trench of Alexan- 
der Balas,—which at first sight would lead us to look for Antipatris further south than 
the modern Caphar Saba. B.S. 493, 494. But here we may remark (what appears 
to have escaped tne notice both of Mr. E. Smith and Dr. Robinson) that the trench is 
not said to have been dug from Antipatris itself, but weragd τῆς ὑπὲρ Αντ. παρορείου; 
and, again, that the plain and not the town is said to have been called Caphar Saba: 
so that we may well place it further south, towards Mejdel Yaba. Even if the town 
had been so called, it might possibly have moved its place without changing its nama 
just as Capua has done, 


270 ‘THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ded ; but they might very probably be required in the fortress of Antonia. 
It would be in the course of the afternoon that the remaining soldiers with 
their weary horses entered the streets of Caesarea. The centurion who 
remained in command of them’ proceeded at once to the governor, and 
gave up his prisoner; and at the same time presented the dispatch,® with 
which he was charged by the commandant of the garrison at Jerusalem. 

We have no record of the personal appearance of Felix ; but if we 
may yield to the impression naturally left by what we know of his sensual 
and ferocious character, we can imagine the countenance with which he 
read the following dispatch. ‘‘ Claudius Lysias sends greeting to the most 
Excellent*® Felix the governor. This man was apprehended by the Jews, and 
on the point of being killed by them, when I came and rescued him with my 
miltary guard:® for I learnt that he was a Roman citizen.7 And when 1 
wished to ascertain the charge which they had to allege against him, I took 
him down® to their Sanhedrin: and there I fownd that the charge had refer- 
ence to certain questions of their law, and that he was accused of no offence 
worthy of death or imprisonment. And now, having received information, 
that a plot is about to be formed against the man’s life, I send® him to thee 
forthwith, and I have told his accusers that they must bring their charge 
before thee.” EF arewell.” » 


1 Tt is explicitly stated that they came back to their quarters at Jerusalem (εἰς τὴν 
παρεμθολήν). 

3 One centurion would remain, while the others returned. Possibly he is the sama 
officer who is mentioned. xxiv. 23. 

3 ᾿Αναδόντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τῷ ἡγέμονι, παρέστησαν καὶ τὸν Παῦλον αὐτῷ, V. 33. 

4 See next chapter. 

5 Τῷ κρατίστῳ ἡγεμόνι, v.26. “His Excellency the Governor.” This is evidently 
an Official title. Tertullus uses the same style, κράτιστε Φῆλιξ, xxiv. 3, and Paul him- 
self, κράτιστε Φῆστε, xxvi. 25. 

6 Σὺν τῷ στρατέυματι, Which is unfortunately translated in the English version 
“with an army.”’ 

7 This statement was dexterously inserted by Claudius Lysias to save himself from 
disgrace. But it was false: for it is impossible not to see that μαθών intends to con- 
vey the impression that Paul’s Roman citizenship was the cause of the rescue, whereas 
this fact did not come to his knowledge till afterwards. Some of the commentators 
have justly observed that this dexterous falsehood is an incidental proof of the genuine- 
ness of the document. 

8 Κατήγαγον. Mere we may repeat what has been said above concerning the topo- 
graphy of Antonia and the Temple. 

9 This is the natural English translation of ἔπεμψα. Our letters are expressed as 
from the writer’s point of view, those of the ancients were adapted to the position of 
the reader. i | 

10 ᾿Ἐπὲ σοῦ, at the termination, emphatic. 

11 ᾿Βῤῥωσο. The MSS. vary as to the genuineness cf this word. If the evidence ia 
equally balanced, we should decide in its favour; for it is exactly the Latin “ Vale.” 
Such dispatches from a subordinate to a commanding officer would naturally be in 
Latin. See Vol. I. p. 3, where however it ought to be added that L/ogium is rather 
a report from a lower to a higher court, upon appeal. 


HEROD’S PRETORIUM. ΟἿΑ 


Felix raised his eyes from the paper, and said, “ΤῸ what province 
does he belong?” It was the first question which a Roman governor 
wvuld naturally ask in such a case. So Pilate had formerly paused, 
when he found he was likely to trespass on “ Herod’s jurisdiction.” Be- 
sides the delicacy required by etiquette, the Roman law laid down strict 
Tules for all inter-provincial communications. In the present case there 
could be no great difficulty for the moment. A Roman citizen with cer- 
tain vague charges brought against him, was placed under the protection 
of a provincial governor, who was bound to keep him in safe custody till 
the cause should be heard. Having therefore ascertained that Paul was 
a native of the province of Cilicia,' Felix simply ordered him to be kept 
in “ Herod’s preetorium,” and said to Paul himself, “I will hear and 
decide thy cause,* when thy accusers are come.” Here then we leave the 
Apostle for a time. A relation of what befel him at Czxsarea will be 
given in another chapter, to which an account of the political state of 
Palestine, and a description of Herod’s city, will form a suitable intro- 
duction. 


ι Ἔκ ποίας ἐπαρχίας ... καὶ πυθόμενος ὅτι ἀπὸ Κιλικίας, v. 34. It has already 
been observed (Vol. I. p. 143) that ἐπαρχία is a general term for both the emperor’s 
and the senate’s provinces, just as ἡγεμών is a general term for the government of 
either. For the province of Cilicia see pp. 249, 250. 

3 δισχούσυμαι cov, κ. 7, A. V. 3d. Compare διαγνώσομαι, xxiv 22. 


273 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUIn 


CHAPTER XXII. 


Παραδώσουσιν ὑμᾶς εἰς SYNEAPIA* καὶ ἐπὶ HTEMONAS δὲ καὶ "5. 2Σ΄Δε Σ 
ἀγθήσεσθε ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. “Ὅταν δὲ πὰρασῶσιν 
ὑμᾶς, μὴ μεριμνήσητε πῶς ἢ τί λαλήσετε" δοθήσεται γὼρ ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ 14 ὥρᾳ τί 
λαλήσετε" οὐ γὰρ ὑμεῖς ἐστὲ οἱ λαλοῦντες, ἀλλὰ τὸ Πνεῦμα τοῦ Πατρὸς ὑμῶν τὸ λαλοῦν 
ἐν ὑμῖν. Matt. x. 17-20. 


HISTORY OF JUDHA RESUMED.—ROMAN GOVERNORS.—FELIX.—TROOPS QUARZERED IN 
PALESTINE.—DESCRIPTION OF C.2SAREA.—ST. PAUL ACCUSED THERE.—SPEECH BEFORH 
FELLY.—CONTINUED IMPRISONMENT.—ACCESSION OF FESTUS.—APPEAL TO THE EMPE- 
ROR.—SPEECH BEFORE AGRIPPA. 


We have pursued a long and varied narrative, since we last took a gene- 
ral view of the political history of Juda. The state of this part of the 
Empire in the year 44 was briefly summed up in a previous chapter (Vol 
I. Ch. IV.). It was then remarked that this year and the year 60 were 
the two only points which we can regard as fixed in the annals of the 
earliest Church, and, therefore, the two best chronological pivots of the 
Apostolic history. We have followed the life of the Apostle Paul 
through a space of fourteen years from the former of these dates: and 
now we are rapidly approaching the second. Then we recounted the mis 
erable end of King Agrippa I. Now we are to speak of Agrippa IJ., 
who, like his father, had the title of King, though his kingdom was not 
identically the same.” 

The life of the second Agrippa ranges over the last period of national 
Jewish history, and the first age of the Christian Church : and both. his 
life and that of his sisters Drusilla and Berenice? are curiously connected, 


1 We assume that Festus succeeded Felix in the year 60. In support of this opinion 
we must refer to the note (C) upon the Chronological Table in the Appendix. 

2 Acrippa II. was made king of Chalcis a. p. 48—he received a further accession of 
territory A.D. 53, and died, at the age of 70, a.p. 99. He was intimate with Josephus, 
and was the last prince of the Herodian house. 

3 Titus seems to have been only preventecd from marrying this beautiful and profli- 
gate princess by the indignant feeling of the Romans. See Dio Cass, Ixvi. 15. Bepe- 
νίκη ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην μετὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ ᾿Αγρίππα ἦλθε... ἡ δὲ ᾿" τῷ παλατίῳ 
ἤκησε, καὶ τῷ Τίτῳ συνεγίγνετο" προσεδοκᾶτο δὲ γαμηθήσεσθαι αὐτῷ, καὶ πάντα ἤδη 
ὡς καὶ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ οὖσα ἐποίει" ὥστ᾽ ἐκεῖνον, δυσχεραίνοντας τοῦς Ρωμαίους ἐπὶ τούτοις 
ἠσθημένον, ἀποπέμψασθαι αὐτήν. The name of Berenice is so mixed up with the his 
tory vf the times, and she is so often mentioned, both by Josephus and by Roman 


ROMAN GOVERNORS IN SUDHA. 273 


by manifold links, with the general history of the times. Agrippa saw 
the destruction of Jerusalem, and lived till the first century was closed iz 
the old age of St. John,—the last of a dynasty eminent for magnificence 
and intrigue. Berenice concluded a life of profligacy by a criminal cor 
nection with Titus the conqueror of Jerusalem. Drusilla became the wife 
of Felix, and perished with the child of that union in the eruption of Ve- 
suvius. 


COIN OF HEROD AGRIPPA u.! 


We have said that the kingdom of this Agrippa was not coincident 
with that of his father. He was never, in fact, Aung of Judea. The 
‘three years, during which Agrippa I. reigned at Cwsarea, were only an 
interpolation in the long series of Roman procurators, who ruled «πα τὰ 
in subordination to the governors of Syria, from the death of Herod the 
Great to the final destruction of Jerusalem. In the year 44, the second 
Agrippa was only sixteen years old, and he was detained about the court 

f Claudius, whilst Cuspius Fadus was sent out to direct the provincial 


writers, that it is desirable to put together here some of the principal notices of her 
life and character. She was first married to her uncle, Herod, King of Chalcis; and 
efter his death she lived with her brother, Agrippa, not without suspicion of the most 
criminal intimacy (φήμης ἐπισχούσης ὅτι TH ἀδελφῷ συνήει. Joseph. Ant. xx. 7, 3.) 
Compare Juvenal, vi. 155 :— 
‘“ Adamas notissimus et Berenices 

In digito factus pretiosior : hune dedit olim 

Barbarus incestx, dedit hune Agrippa sorori.” 
It was during this period of her life that she made that marriage with Polemo, king 
of Cilicia, which has been alluded to in the earlier part of this work. (Vol. I. p. 25.) 
Soon she left Polemo and returned to her brother: and then it was that St. Paul was 
brought before them at Cesarea. After this time, she became a partisan of Vespasian. 
(Berenice partes juvabat, florens xtate formaque, et seni quoque Vespasiano magnifi 
centia munerum grata, Tac. Hist. ii. 81.) Her connection with Vespasian’s son is 
mentioned by Suetonius (Tit. 7) and by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 2), as well as by Dio Cassius 
The one redeeming passage in her life is the patriotic feeling she displayed on the 
oveasion alluded to Vol. II. p. 243. (See Joseph. B. J. Π. 15, 16.) 

1 From the British Museum. “This prince, notwithstanding the troubles which 
now began to afflict his ill-fated country, spent large sums in improving and beautify- 
ing Jerusalem, Berytus, and Cesarea Philippi. Of the latter there is a coin extant, 
bearing the head of Nero: reverse ἘΠῚ BANIAE, ΑΤΡΙΠΠᾺ NEPQNIE, within a 
laurel garland, confirming the account of Josephus (Ant. xx. 9, 8), who says Herod 
enlarged and called the city Neronias, in honour of the Emperor.’? Akerman, Num. 
Ill. p.57. There seems to be some doubt about the coins, one of which Mr. Akerman 
gives, bearing the name of Agrippa, with the umbrella or tabernaculum (the Oriental 
symbol of power) on one side, and on the other some ears of corn (perhaps having a 
symbolical reference to the oblation of the first-fruits, or perhaps only a substitute for 
the representations which were repugnants to the Jews). 

VoL. 17 —18 


214 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ, PAUL. 


affairs at Cesurea.' It was under the administration of Fadns that those 
religious movements took place, which ended (as we have seen above, p. 
253) in placing under the care of the Jews the sacred vestments kept in 
the tower of Antonia, and which gave to Herod king of Chalcis the 
management of the temple and its treasury, and the appointment of the 
high priests. And in other respects the Jews had reason to remember his 
administration with gratitude ; for he put down the banditti which had 
been the pest of the country under Agrippa ; aud the slavish compliment 
of Tertullus to Felix (Acts xxiv. 2, 3) might have been addressed to him 
with truth,—that ‘by him the Jews enjoyed great quietness, and that 
very worthy deeds had been done to the nation by his providence.” He 
was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander, a renegade Alexandrian Jew, and 
the nephew of the celebrated Philo.* In relation to the life of this offi- 
cial in Judza, there are no incidents worth recording: at a later period 
we see him at the siege of Jerusalem in command of Roman forces under 
Titus :? and the consequent inscriptions in his honour at Rome served to 
point the sarcasm of the Roman satirist.‘ Soon after the arrival of Ven- 
tidius Cumanus to succeed him as governor ὃ in the year 48, Herod King 
of Chalcis died, and Agrippa II. was placed on his throne, with the same 
privileges in reference to the temple and its worship, which had been pos- 
sessed by his uncle. ‘‘ During the government of Cumanus, the low and 
sullen murmurs which announced the approaching eruption of the dark 
volcano now gathering its strength in Palestine, became more distinct. 
The people and the Roman soldiery began to display mutual animosity.” 5 
One indication of this animosity has been alluded to before,7—the dread- 
ful loss of life in the temple, which resulted from the wanton insolence of 
one of the soldiers in Antonia at the time of a festival. Another was the 
excitement which ensued after the burning of the Scriptures by the Ro 
man troops at Beth-Horon, on the road between Jerusalem and Cexsarea. 
An attack made by the Samaritans on some Jews who were proceeding 
through their country to a festival, led to wider results.s Appeal was 
made to Quadratus, governor of Syria : and Cumanus was sent to Rome 
to answer for his conduct to the emperor. In the end he wes deposed, 
and Felix, the brother of Pallas the freedman and favourite of Claudius, 


1 Joseph. Ant. xix.9. xx.5.1. B.J. ii. 11, 6. 
δ Joseph. Ant. xx. 5, 2. 
4B, J. v. 1, 6. Compare ii. 18, 7; and iv. 10, 6. 
‘ _ Atque triumphales inter quos ausus habere 
Nescio quis titulos Aigyptius ataue Alabarches. 
Juy. i, 129. 
δ᾽ Ant. xx. 5,2. B. J. ii. 12,1. 
5 Milman’s History of the Jews, ii. 203. 
7 See the preceding chapter, p. 253. For Beth-Horon see p. 266, n. 7. 
® Ant. xx. 6. B. J. ii. 12. 


FELIX. 275 


was (partly bythe influence of Jonathan the high priest) appointed ta 
succeed him.' 

The mention of this governor, who was brought into such intimate re 
lations with St. Paul, demands that we should enter now more closely inte 
details. The origin of Felix and the mode of his elevation would prepare 
us to expect in him sucha character as that which is condensed into a few 
words by Tacitus,*—that “in the practice of all kinds of lust and cra- 
elty he exercised the power of a king with the temper of a slave.” The 
Jews had, indeed, to thank him for some good services tc their nation. 
He cleared various parts of the country from robbers ;? and he pursued 
and drove away that Egyptian fanatic,‘ with whom Claudius Lysias too 
hastily identified St. Paul.® But the same historian, from whom we 
derive this information, gives us a terrible illustration of his cruelty in the 
story of the murder of Jonathan, to whom Felix was partly indebted for 
his own elevation. The high priest had presumed to expostulate with the 
governor on some of his practices, and assassins were forthwith employed 
to murder him in the sanctuary of the temple. And as this crime illus- 
trates one part of the sentence, in which Tacitus describes his character, 
so we may see the other parts of it justified and elucidated in the narra- 
tive of St. Luke ;—that which speaks of him as ἃ voluptuary, by his 
union with Drusilla, whom he had enticed from her husband by aid of a 
magician, who is not unreasonably identified by some with Simon Magus,’ 
—and that which speaks of his servile meanness, by his trembiing with- 
out repentance at the preaching of Paul, and by his detentipn of him in 
prison from the hope of a bribe. When he finally left the Apostle in 
bonds at Ceesarea, this also (as we shall see) was done from a mean de- 
sire to conciliate those who were about to accuse him at Rome of mal- 
administration of the province. The final breach between him and the 
provincials seems to have arisen from a quarrel at Cesarea, between the 

1 Josephus and Tacitus differ as to the circumstances of his first coming into the 
East. According to one account he was joint-procurator for a time with Cumanus, the 
latter holding Galilee, the former Samaria. From the circumstance of his being called 
Antonius Felix, it has been supposed that he was manumitted by Antonia, the mother 
of Claudius. 

* “Claudius, defunctis regibus aut ad modicum redactis, Judeam provinciam equi- 
tibus Romanis aut libertis permisit; e quibus Antonius Felix per omnem sevitiam 
ας libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit.” Hist. v.9. In another place, 
he says, comparing him with his brother Pallas :—“ At non frater ejus, cognomenta 
Felix, pari moderatione agebat, jam pridem Jude impositus et cuncta malefacta sibi 
impune ratus tanta potentia subnixo.”” Ann. xii. 54. 

2 B. J. ii. 13, 2. 4 Ant. xx. 8,6. B. J. ii. 13, 5. 

» See the preceding Chapter. 

5 Ant. xx. 8,5. His treachery to Eleazar the arch-robber, mentioned by Josephus 
in the same section, should not be unnoticed. 


* See Vol. 1. p. 80, n. 1. By Suetonius (Claud. 28) Felix is called “Trium reging- 
rum Maritus.”? One of these was another Drusilla. 


76 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Jewish and Heathen population, which grew so serious, that the troops 
were called out into the streets, and both slaughter and plunder was the 
result. 

The mention of this circumstance leads us to give some account of the 
troops quartered in Palestine, and of the general distribution of the Roman 
army: without some notion of which no adequate idea can be obtained of 
the empire and the provinces. Moreover, St. Paul is brought, about this 
part of his life, into such close relations with different parts of that mili- 
tary service, from which he draws some of his most forcible imagery,' that 
our narrative would be incomplete without some account both of the 
Pretorian guards and the legionary soldiers. The latter force may be 
fidy described in connection with Czesarea, and we shall see that it is not 
out of place to allude here to the former alu, though its natural associa- 
tion is with the city of Rome. 

That division between the armed and wnarmed provinces, to which 
attention has been called before (Vol. I. pp. 141-145),’ will serve to 
direct us to the principle on which the Roman legions were distributed. 
They were chiefly posted in the outer provinces or along the frontier, the 
immediate neighbourhood of the Mediterranean being completely subdued 
under the sway of Rome The military force required in Gaul and Spain 
was much smaller than it had been in the early days of Augustus. Even in 
Africa the frontier was easily maintained :° for the Romans do not seem to 
have been engaged there in that interminable war with native tribes, which 
occupies the French in Algeria. The greatest accumulation of legions was 
on the northern and eastern boundaries of the empire,—along the courses 
of the three frontier rivers, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates ;* 
and, finally, three legions were stationed in Britain and three in Judea. 
We know the very names of these legions. Just as we find memorials of 

1 See especially Eph. vi. 10-18: also 1 Thess, v. 8; and 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4. 

2 We may add here, that the division of the provinces under the Emperors arose out 
of an earlier division under the republic, when a Proconsul with a large military force 
was sent to some provinces, and a Propretor with a smaller force to others. See 
Hoeck’s Rom. Gesch. I. ii. 180, 181. 

3 It is enough here to refer to secondary authorities. Hoeck (I. ii. 183) enumerates 
the legions and their stations in the time of Augustus: Gibbon (Ch. i.) deseribes the 
peace establishment of Hadrian,” a hundred years later. The original sources of in- 
fermation are Tac. Ann. iv. 5; Dio Cass. lv. 23; and Joseph. B. J. ii. 16. ‘ 

4 “ Hispanie recens perdomite tribus [legionibus} habebantur.” Tac. l.c. At the 
later period Gibbon assigns only one legion to the whole of Spain. 

5 Tacitus (1. 0.) assigns two legions to Africa: but Loth before and afterwards only 
one was required there. See Ann.ii.52. Hist. ii. 97, iv. 23. It must be remembered 
that Egypt is not included. 

6 At the earlier period we find four legions in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates, 
eight on the Rhine-frontier, and six along the Danube (two in Meesia, two in Panno- 


nia, and two in Dalmatia). At the later period the force on each of these rivers waa 
vonsiderably greater. See Hoeck and Gibbon. 


TROOPS QUARTERED IN PALESTINE. 911 


the second, the ninth, and the twentieth in connection with Chester! or 
York, so by the aid of historians or historic monuments we can trace the 
presence of the fifth, the tenth, and the fifteenth in Czesarea, Ptolemais, Οἱ 
Jerusalem.* And here two principles must be borne in mind which regu: 
iated the stations of the legions. They did not move from province tc 
province, as our troops are taken in succession from one colony to another ; 
put they remained on one station for a vast number of years. And they 
were recruited, for the most part, from the provinces where they were 
posted : for the time had long passed away when every legionary soldier 
was an Italian and a freeborn Roman citizen. Thus Josephus tells us 
repeatedly that the troops quartered in his native country were reinforced 
from thence ;‘ πού, indeed, from the Jews,—for they were exempt from 
the duty of serving,-—but from the Greek and Syrian population. 

But what were these legions? We must beware of comparing them 
too exactly with our own regiments of a few hundred men ; for they ought 
rather to be called brigades, each consisting of more than 6,000 infantry, 
with a regiment of cavalry attached. Here we see the explanation of 
one part of the force sent down by Claudius Lysias to Antipatris. Within 
the fortress of Antonia were stables for the horses of the troopers, as well 
as quarters for a cohort of infantry. But, moreover, every legion had 
attached to it a body of auxiliaries levied in the province, of almost equal 
number ; and here, perhaps, we find the true account of the 200 ‘ spear- 
men,” who formed a part of St. Paul’s escort, with the 200 legionary 
soldiers. Thus we can form to ourselves some notion of those troops 
(amounting, perhaps, to 35,000 men), the presence of. which was so 
familiar a thing in Judea, that the mention of them appears in the most 


1 Antiquarians acquainted with the monuments of Chester are familiar with the 
letters LEG. xx. v. v. Valens Victrix). 

* In the History of Tacitus (v. 1) these three legions are expressly mentioned. 
“Tres Titum in Judxa legiones, quinta et decuma et quinta decuma, vetus Vespasiani 

‘miles, excepere.” Compare i. 10, ii. 4. The same legions are mentioned by Josephus. 
See, for instance, B. J.'v. 1, 6, v. 2, 3. Orelli says that they were the V. Macedonica, 
X. Fretensis, and XV. Apollinaris. The fifth is mentioned in one of his Inscriptions 
(No. 1170) in connection with the names of Vespasian and Titus. The same legion is 
mentioned on coins of Berytus and Heiiopolis in Syria; and the tenth on a coin of 
Ptolemais. See Mionnet, as referred to by Akerman, p. 35. 

3 At first under the Republic all Roman soldiers were Roman citizens. “But in 
proportion as the public freedom was lost in extent of conquest, war was gradually 
improved into an art and degraded into a trade.” The change began with Marius. 
The alauda of Cxsar was formed of strangers: but these troops afterwards received 
the Roman citizenship. With the distinction between the Pretorian and legionary 
soldiers, all necessary connection between citizenship and military service ceased te 
exist. In strict conformity with this state of things we find that Claudius pei ia wag 
a citizen by purchase, not because he was a military officer. 

“ΑΗ xiv. 155,105) ΒΕ 17. 1: 

6 Jas, Ant. xiy. 10, 11-19. 


278 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


solemn passages of the Evangelic and Apostolic history,' while a Jewisk 
historian gives us one of the best accounts of their discipline and 
exercises.” 

But the legionary soldiers, with their cavalry and auxiliaries, were not 
the only military force in the empire, and, as it seems, not the only one 
in Judiea itself. The great body of troops at Rome (as we shall see when 
we have followed St. Paul to the metropolis) were the Praetorian Guards, 
amounting at this period to 10,000 men? These favoured forces were 
entirely recruited from Italy ;4 their pay was higher, and their time of 
service shorter; and, for the most part, they were not called out on 
foreign service. Yet there is much weight in the opinion which regards 
the Augustan Cohort of Acts xxvii. 1, as a part of this Imperial Guard.‘ 
Possibly it\ was identical? with the Jtale Cohort of Acts x.1. It might 
well be that the same corps might be called “Italic,” because its men 
were exclusively Italians; and ‘“ Augustan,” because they were properly 
part of the Emperor’s guard, though a part of them might occasionally be 
attached to the person of a provincial governor. And we observe that, 


1 It must be borne in mind that some of the soldiers mentioned in the Gospels be- 
lenged to Herod’s military force: but since his troops were disciplined on the Roman 
model, we need hardly make this distinction. 

ΞΡ Jails 

3 Under Augustus there were nine cohorts. Tac. Ann. iv. 5. Under Tiberius they 
were raised to ten. Dio Ὁ. lv. 24. ‘The number was not increased again till after St. - 
Paul’s time. 

4 “¥Ftruria ferme Umbriaque delecte aut vetere Latio et coloniis antiquitus Ro- 
manis.” Tac.1l.c. Hence Otho compliments them with the titles ‘Italie alumni, 
Romana vere juventus.” 

5 Such a general rule would have exceptions—as when our own Guards were at 
Waterloo. 

6 This is a question of some difficulty.. Two opinions held by various commentators 
may, we think, readily be dismissed. 1. This cohors 4dugusta was nota part of any 
legio .Jugusta: for though three legions at least had this designation, it does not 
appear that any of them ever served in Syria or Judwa. 2. It was not identical with 
the Sebasteni (so named from Sebaste in Samaria) mentioned by Josephus. Ant. xix. 
9,2. Χχ. 8, 7. xx.6,1. B.J. ii. 12,55 for, in the first place, this was ἃ troop of 
horse (ἔλη ἱππέων καλουμένη Σεθαστηνῶν), and secondly, we should expect a different 
term to be used, such as σπεῖρα kad. eb. Wieseler’s view may be seen in a long and 
valuable note, p. 389. He thinks this cohort was a special corps enrolled by Nero under 
the name of Augustani (Tac. Ann. xiv.15). Augustiani (Suet, Nero, 20,25). ’Avyove- 
τεῖοι. (Dio. xi. 20. 1xiii. 8). They were the é/ite of the Pratorians and accompanied 
Nero to Greece. The date of their enrolment constitutes a difficulty. But might not 
the cohort in question be some other detachment of the Praetorian guards? 

7 If this is so, we must mocify what has been said in Vol. I. p. 28,n.2. The subject 
has been alluded to again, in the account of Cornelius, p. 116, ἢ. 2. It is there shown 
that this corps cannot have been a cohort of Nero’s Legio prima Italica. One objeo- 
tion to the view of Meyer, who identifies the two, is that Juda was not under procu- 
rators at the time of the conversion of Cornelius. But there is great obscurity about 
the early dates ia the Acts. If the Augustan cohort is identical with the Augustani 
uf Nero, it is clear that the Italic cohort is not the same. 


CAESAREA. 279 


while Cornelius (x. 1) and Julius (xxvii. 1) are both Roman names, it is 
wt Caesarea, that each of these cohorts is said to have been stationed. As 
regards the Augustan cohort, if the view above given 15 correct, one result 
of it is singularly interesting : for it seems that Julius, the centurion, who 
zonducted the Apostle Paul to Rome, can be identified with a high degree 
of probability with Julius Priscus, who was afterwards prefect of the 
Praetorian Guards under the Emperor Vitellius.' 

This brief notice may suffice, concerning the troops quartered in 
Palestine, and especially at Czesarea. The city itself remains to be de- 


ee 


{OODLE Co. 
AI 


o> 


COIN OF C/SAREA Ξ 


scribed. Little now survives on the spot to aid us in the restoraticn of 
this handsome metropolis. On the wide area once occupied by its busy 
population there is silence, interrupted only by the monotonous washing of 
the sea ; and no signs of human life, save the occasional encampment of 
Bedouin Arabs, or the accident of a smail coasting vessel anchoring off 
the shore. The best of the ruins are engulphed by the sand, or concealed 
by the encroaching sea, The nearest road passes at some distance, so 
that comparatively few travellers have visited Czsarea.* Its glory was 
short-lived. Its decay has been complete, as its rise was arbitrary and 
sudden. Strabo, in the reign of Augustus, describes at this part of the 
inhospitable coast of Palestine nothing but a landing-place, with a castle 
called Strato’s tower.‘ Less than eighty years afterwards we read in 
Tacitus and Pliny of a city here, which was in possession of honourable 
privileges, and which was the “ Head of Judea,” as Antioch was of Syria.’ 


1 See Wieseler’3 argument, p. 393, and the Addenda at the end of his Chronologie. 
The passages on which it is based are Tac. Hist. ii. 92, iv. 11. 

4 From the British Museum. For the coins of Cxsarea see Sestini, 149. LEckhel 
iii. 428. Mionnet v. 486. Supp. viii. 354. 

3 Thus Dr. Robinson was prevented from visiting or describing what remains. The 
fullest account is perhaps that in Buckingham’s Travels (I. 197-215). See also Irby 
ang Mangles, and Lamartine. There is an excellent description of the place, with 
itlustrations, at the end of the first volume of Dr. Traill’s Josephus. Woodcuts will 
be found in Kitto’s Cyclopedia, and in the first volume of Scripture Topography pub- 
lished by the Chr. Kn. Society: but the sources are not given. Our illustration, at 
the close of this chapter, is from Bartlett’s Footsteps of Our Lord and His Apostles. 

4 Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ΓἌκην, Στράτωνος πύργος πρόσορμον ἔχων" μεταξὺ δὲ Κώρμηλος τὲ 
ὕμος. Strab. xvi. 2. 

5 “Stratonis turris, eadem Ceesarea, ab Herode rege condita: nunc Colonia prima 
Flavia, a Vespasiano imperatore deducta.”’ Plin. H.N.v.14. ‘“Mucianus Antiochiam 
Vespasianus Cvesaream: illa Suri, hac Judie caput est.” Tac. Hist. ii. 79. 


280 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


Josephus explains to us the change which took place in so short an im 
terval, by describing the work which Herod the Great began and com- 
pleted in twelve years.' Before building Antipatris in honour of his 
father (see p. 269), he built on the shore between Dora and Joppa, where 
Strato’s castle stood near the boundary of Galilee and Samaria, a city of 
sumptuous palaces? in honour of Augustus Cesar, The city was provided 
with everything that could contribute to magnificence,* amusement,‘ and 
health.» But its great boast was its harbour, which provided for the 
ships which visited that dangerous coast, a safe basin, equal in extent to 
the Pireus. Vast stones were sunk in the sea to the depth of twenty 
fathoms,’ and thus a stupendous breakwater* was formed, curving round 
so as to afford complete protection from the south-westerly winds,’ and 
open only on the north. Such is an imperfect description of that city, 
which in its rise and greatest eminence is exactly contemporaneous with 
the events of which we read in the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles. 
It has, indeed, some connection with later history. Vespasian was here 
declared Emperor, and he conferred on it the title of a colony, with the 
additional honour of being called by his own name." Here Eusebius ” and 
Procopius were born, and thus it is linked with the recollections of Con- 
stantine and Justinian. Arter this time its annals are obscured, though 
the character of its remains—which have been aptly termed “ruins ef 
ruins,”—show that it must have long been a city of note under the succes- 


1 Antig. xv. 9,6. B. J. i. 21, 5-8. 

2 Λαμπροτάτοις ἐκόσμησε βασιλείοις. B. J. Below he says of the harbour :— ὃ 
κάλλος ὡς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ δυσκόλῳ κεκοσμῆσθαι. ; 

3 It contained both a theatre and an amphitheatre. The former possesses great in- 
terest for us, as being the scene of the death of Agrippa. (Vol. Ip. 128.) Some 
traces of it are said to remain. 

4 The buildings were of white stone. Of the harbour it is said: ἐπεισάκτοις καὶ 
πολλαῖς ἐξετελεώθη ταῖς δαπάναις. Ant. 

5 The arrangement of the sewers is particularly mentioned by Josephus. The re- 
mains of aqueducts are still visible. 

ὁ Μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Περαιᾶ. x. τ. A. Ant. In the “ War” he says it was greater 
than tne Pireeus. 

7 Most of the stones were 50 feet long, 18 feet broad, and 9 feet deep. Josephus, 
however, is not quite consistent with himself in his statement of the dimensions. 

8 ΤΠΙροκυμία. This breakwater has been compared to that of Plymouth: but it was 
more like that of Cherbourg, and the whole harbour may more fitly be compared to 
the harbours of refuge now (1852) in construction at Holyhead and Portland. 

9 Josephus particularly says that the places on this part of the coast were dicopua 
διὰ τὰς κατὰ Aiéa mpoolordc,—a passage which deserves careful attention, as illus 
trating Acts xxvii. 12. 

10 Ὁ dé εἴσπλους Kal τὸ στόμα πεποιῆται πρὸς βοῤῥᾶν, ὃς ἀνεμων αἰθριώτατος, 

1 See Plin. quoted above. 

1 He was the first biblical geographer (as Forbiger remarks, in his account of Casa 
rea), and to him we owe the Onomasticon, translated by Jerome. This place was als. 
one of the scenes of Origen’s theological labours. 


CESAREA. 281 


sive occupants of Palestine.' Its chief association, however, must always 
be with the age of which we are writing. Its two great features were its 
close connection with Rome and the Emperors, and the large admixture of 
heathen strangers in its population. Not only do we see here the resi- 
dence of Roman procurators,* the quarters of imperial troops,’ and the 
port by which Juda was entered from the west, but a Roman impress 
was osten-atiously given to everything that belonged to Cresarea. The 
conspicuous object to those who approached from the sea was 

temple dedicated to Caesar and to Rome:‘ the harbour was called 
the “ Augustan harbour :”* the city itself was “ Augustan Ομ δα ἃ.) 
And, finally, the foreign influence here was so great, that the Septua- 
gint translation of the Scriptures was read in the Synagogues.’ 
There was a standing quarrel between the Greeks and the Jews, as to 
whether it was a Greek city or a Jewish city. The Jews appealed to the 
fact that it was built by a Jewish prince. The Greeks pointed to the 
temples and statues. This quarrel was never appeased till the great war 


1 See the appendix to Dr. Traill’s Josephus. Vol. 1. xlix—lvi., where a very copious 
account is given of the existing state of Cxsarea. Its ruins are described as ‘‘ remains 
from which obtrude the costly materials of a succession of structures, and which fur- 
nish a sort of condensed commentary upon that series of historical evidence which we 
derive from books.” Of late years they have been used as a quarry, furnishing shafts 
and ready-wrought blocks, &c. for public buildings at Acre and elsewhere. A marked 
vhange seems to have taken place since the visit of Count Forbin in 1817, who says, 
“ Césarée renforme encore des colonnes superbes, et en grand nombre, dout quelqu’unes 
sont parfaitement entiéres; plusieurs, dans le moyen age, furent employées a la con- 
struction du mole ; cet édifice s’avangait trés loin dans la mer ; lea matériaux les plus 
riches servirent & former sa base.” Voy. dans le Levant, p. 77. This last circun- 
stance—the appearance of rich materials in the lowest courses of the present ruins— 
is shown in Mr. Tipping’s third plate. He visited Caesarea in 1842, approaching trom 
the south, whence the point of the ruins appears “stretching into the sea and backed by 
the sweep of Carmel.” On leaving it, and advancing towards Carmel, he found evi- 
dences of the former existence of a great popuiation,—“ the face of the limestone rock, 
which for the most part walls in the shore, being hewn into innumerable tombs.” 

? We are inclined to think that the “ praetorium’’ or “ palace” of Herod (Acts xxviii. 
35) was a different building from the official residence of Felix and Festus. See how 
παραγενόμενος is used xxiv. 24, and compare xxv. 23. We shall have occasion again 
to refer to the word πραιτώριον. 

3 See above on the Augustan cohort. 

4 This temple has been alluded to before, Vol. I. p. 115. The words of Josephus 
are: Περίκειντα ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευῇ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις, 
κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ᾽’ οὗ νεὼς Καίσαρος ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν, ἔχων 
ἀγάλματα, τὸ μὲν Ῥώμης, τὸ δὲ Καίσαρος. Ant. In B. J. he says that the statues 
were colossal, that of Ceesar equal in size to the Olympian Jupiter, and that of Rome 
to the Argive Juno. 

5 We may refer here to the inscription on the coin of Agrippa I., given in p. 2 of 
the first volume: KAICAPIA H IIPOC TQ C€BACTQ ΛΙΜΈΝΙ, 

6 So it is called by Josephus. Ant. xvi. 51: Περὶ δὲ tov χρόνον τοῦτον συντέλειων 
Yabev ἡ Καισάρεια Lebvor7. 

~ Lightfoot on Acts vi. 1. See Vol. 1. p. 36, ἢ. 3. 

© Ants XX.10, 0: 8 ΠΠ 15. ods 


282 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


broke out, the first act of which was the slaughter of 20,000 Jews in the 
streets οἵ Cisarea.! 

Such was the city in which St. Paul was kept in detention among the 
Roman soldiers, till the time should come for his trial before that unscru 
pulous governor, whose character has been above described. His accusers 
were not long in arriving. The law required that causes should be heard 
speedily ; and the Apostle’s enemies at Jerusalem were not wanting in zeal. 
Thus, “after five days,”* the high priest Ananias and certain members of 
the Sanhedrin? appeared, with one of those advocates, who practised in 
the law courts of the provinces, where the forms of Roman law were im. 
perfectly known, and the Latin language imperfectly understood. The 
man whose professional services were engaged on this occasion, was called 
Tertullus. The name is Roman, and there is little doubt that he was an 
Italian, and spoke on this occasion in Latin.» The criminal information 
was formally laid before the governor.’ The prisoner was summoned,’ and 
Tertullus brought forward the charges against him in a set speech, which 
we need not quote at length. He began by loading Felix with unmerited 
praises,’ and then proceeded to allege three distinct heads of accusation 
against St. Paul,—charging him, first, with causing factious disturbances 
among all the Jews throughout the Empire ® (which was an offence against 
the Roman Government, and amounted to Mayestas or treason against the 
Emperor),—secondly, with being a ringleader of “the sect of the Naza- 
renes”” (which involved heresy against the Law of Moses),—and thirdly, 


ἀν οΣ ition Sele 

Ὁ It is most natural to reckon these five days from the time of Paal’s departure from 
Jerusalem, 

3 Μετὰ τῶν πρεσθυτέρων" by which we are to understand representatives or depu- 
ties from the Sanhedrin. 

4 The accuser and the accused could plead in person, as St. Paul did here: but 
advocati (ῥήτορες) were often employed. Geib. p. 002. It was a common practice 
for young Roman lawyers to go with consuls and pretors to the provinces, and te 
“qualify themscives by this provincial practice for the sharper struggles of the forum 
at home.” We have an instance in the case of Calius, who spent his youth in this 
way in Africa (in qua provincia cum res erant et possessiones paternz, tum usus, 
quidam provincialis non sine causa a magistratibus huic etati tributus. Cic. pr 
Cel. 30). It must be remembered that Latin was the proper language of the law 
courts in every part of the empire. See the quotation from Valerius Maximus in 
Vol. I. p. 3, n. 2. 

5 See again Vol. I. p. 3 and 4 for remarks on Tertullus and the peculiarly Latin 
character of the speech here given. 

6 Eveddvicav τῷ ἡγεμόνι κατὰ tud ἸΙαύλου. 

7 Ἀληθέντος αὐτοῦ. The presence of the accused was required by the Roman law. 

8 See above. It is worth while to notice here one phrase, διὰ τῆς σῆς προνοῖας 
which is exactly the Latin ἐμ providentid. Τὸ may be illustrated by the inscription: 
PROVID. AUG. On the coin of Commodus in the next chapter. 

9 Κινοῦντα στάσιν πῶσι τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαΐοις τοῖς κατα τὴν οἰκουμένην. 

10 ἸΙορωτοστάτην τῆς τῶν Ναζωραίων αἱρέσεως, See the note on aipecce below, om 


TERTULLUS. 283 


with an attempt to profane the temple at Jerusalem,’ (an offence nut only 
against the Jewish, but also against the Roman Law, which protected the 
Jews in the exercise of their worship). He concluded by asserting (witt 
serious deviations from the truth) that Lysias, the commandant of the 
garrison, had forcibly taken the prisoner away, when the Jews were about 
to judge him by their own ecclesiastical law, and had thus improperly 
brought the matter before Felix.? The drift of this representation, was 
evidently to persuade Felix to give up St. Paul to the Jewish courts, in 
which, case his assassination would have been easily accomplished.’ 4 nd 
the Jews, who were present, gave a vehement assent to the statements of 
Tertullus, making no secret of their animosity against St. Paul, and‘ as- 
serting that these things were indeed so. 

The governor now made a gesture® to the prisoner to signify that he 
might make his defence. The Jews were silent: and the Apostle, after 
briefly expressing his satisfaction that he had to plead his cause before one 
so well acquainted with Jewish customs, refuted Tertullus step by step. 
He said that on his recent visit to Jerusalem at the festival (and he added 
that it was only “twelve days” since he had left Cesarea for that pur- 
pose),® he had caused no disturbance in any part of Jerusalem,—that, as 
to heresy, he had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the 
Prophets, and that in conformity with that belief, he held the doctrine of a 
resurrection, and sought to live conscientiously before the God of Lis 
fathers,-—and, as to the Temple, so far from profaning it, he had been 


vy. 14. The authorised version unfortunately renders the same Greek word, in one 
case by “sect,’”’ in the other “ heresy,” and thus conceals the link of connection. Ag 
regards Ναζωραῖος, this is the only place where it occurs in this sense. See Vol. I. 
p. 119. In the mouth of Ananias it was a term of reproach, as Χριστίανος below 
(xxvi. 28) in that of Agrippa. 

1°O¢ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπείρασε βεθηλῶσαι. 

2 We have before observed that the Sanhedrin was still allowed to exercise Criminal 
Jurisdiction over Ecclesiastical offenders. 

3 Compare the two attempts xxiii. 15 and xxv. 3. 

4 Συνεπέθεντο appears to be the correct reading. 

5 Νεύσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος λέγειν, ν. 10. It is some help towards our real- 
ising the scene in our imagination, if we remember that Felix was seated on the tribu- 
nal (βῆμα) like Gallio (xviii. 12) and Festus (xxv. 6). 

6 In reckoning these twelve days (v. 11) it would be possible to begin with the are 
rival in Jerusalem instead of the departure for Cxsarea,—or we might exclude the 
days after the return to Casarea. Wieseler’s arrangement of the time is as follows 
lat day: Departure from Caesarea, 2nd: Arrival at Jerusalem. 3rd: Meeting of 
the Elders. 4th (Pentecost): Arrest in the Temple. 5th: Trial before the Sanhe 
drin. 6th (at night): Departure to Cesarea. 7th: Arrival. 12th (five days after) . 
Ananias leaves Jerusalem, 13th: Ananias reaches Cesarea. Trial before Felix. 

7 1t has been well observed that the classical phrase τῷ πατρώῳ Θεῷ (Vv. 14) was ju 
diciously en:ployed before Felix. ‘The Apostle asserts that, according to the Romaa 
law which allowed all men to worship the gods of their own nation, he is not open te 
apy charge of irreligion.” Humphry, 


984 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL 


found in it deliberately observing the very strictest ceremonies. The 
Asiatic Jews, he added, who had been his first accusers, ought to have 
been present as witnesses now. Those who were present knew full well 
that no other charge was brought home to him before the Sanhedrin, 
except what related to the belief that he held in common with the Phari- 
sees. But, without further introduction, we quote St. Luke’s summary of 
his own words. 


He denies the Knowing, as I do, that thou hast been judge over 
charges agains ‘ τ Ξ . 
him. this nation for many years, I defend myself in the 


matters brought against me with greater confidence. For' it is 
in thy power to learn, that only twelve days have passed since 
1 went up to Jerusalem to worship. And neither in the temple, 
nor in the synagogues, nor in the streets, did they find me disput- 
ing with any man, or causing any disorderly concourse’ of 
people; nor can they prove against me the things whereof they 
now accuse me. 

His own state- But this I acknowledge to thee, that I follow the 


ment of his 


case. opinion,’ which they call a sect,‘ and thus worship the 
God of my fathers. And I believe all things which-are written 
in the law and in* the Prophets; and I hold a hope towards God, 
which my accusers themselves® entertain, that there will be a 
resurrection of the dead, both of the just and of the unjust.’ 


1 The connexion of this with the preceding is that Felix, having so long governed 
the province, would know that Paul had not been resident there before, during several 
years ; besides which he could easily ascertain the date of his recent arrival. 

3 "Exvovoracrc is a Pauline word found nowhere else in N. T. except 2 Cor. xi. 28. 
ἐπισύστασις ὄχλου would be literally translated a mob. 

3 Ὅδον, a religious opinion or sect. (See chap. xxii. 4.) 

4 'Αἵρεσιν, properly a sect or religious party ; not used in a bad sense. See Acts 
v. 17, and xv. 5, and especially xxvi. 5. κατὰ τὴν ἀκριδεστάτην αἵρεσιν τῆς ἡμέτερας 
ϑρησκείας. St. Paul means to say (or rather did say in the argument of which St. 
Luke here gives the outline): “ Our nation is divided into religious parties, which 
are called sects (αἱρέσεις) ; thus there is the sect of the Pharisees, and the sect of the 
Sadducees, and so now we are called the sect of the Nazarenes. I do not deny that I 
belong to the latter sect ; but I claim for it the same toleration which is extended by 
the Rorhan law to the others. Iclaim the right which you allow to 411 the nations 
under your government, of worshipping their national Gods (τῷ πατρώῳ Oed).” 

5 The MSS. vary here. Our translation follows the reading of the Vatican MS. 

6 This shows that the Pharisees were the principal accusers of St. Paul; and that 
the effect produced upon them by his speech before the Sanhedrin was only momentary, 

7 Compare 2 Cor. v. 9 (διὸ καὶ x. τ. 2.) where the same conclusion is derived fron 
tke same premises. ’ 


FELIX AND DRUSILLA. 285 


Wherefore also' 1 myself strive earnestly to keep a conscience 
always void of offence’* towards God and man. 

Now after several* years I came‘ hither, to bring alms* to my 
nation, and offerings to the Temple.* And they found me so 
doing in the Temple, after I had undergone purification; not 
gathering together a multitude, nor causing a tumult; but certain 
Jews from Asia discovered me, who ought to have been here 
before thee to accuse me, if they had anything to object against 
me. 

Or let these my accusers themselves say whether τς ὙΠ τὴν 


his recent ac- 


they found me guilty of any offence, when I was Jit by the 
brought before the Sanhedrin; except it be for these όταν 
words only which I cried out as I stood in the midst’ of them: 
“ Concerning the resurrection of the dead, I am called in question 
before you this day.” 5 


There was all the appearance of truthfulness in St. Paul’s words: and 
they harmonised entirely with the statement contained in the dispatch of 
Claudius Lysias. Moreover, Felix had resided so long in Cesarea,? where 
the Christian religion had been known for many years,'° and had penetrated 
even among the troops," that he had a more accurate knowledge of their 
religion” (vy. 22) than to be easily deceived by the misrepresentations of 
the Jews."* Thusa strong impression was made on the mind of this wicked 


1 The best MSS. read καὶ not δὲ, but De Wette is surely wrong in joining it with 
αὐτὸς (auch ich wie andere). Compare the διὸ καὶ quoted in last note. 

* ᾿Απρύσκοπον, literally containing no cause of stumbling. This alsc is a Pauline 
word occurring only 1 Cor. x. 32 and Phil. i. 10 in N. T. 

3 Πλειόνων, not so strong as “ many.” 

4 Παρεγενόμην, I came into this country. 

5 This is the only mention of this collection in the Acts, and its occurrence heie is a 
- striking undesigned coincidence between the Acts and Epistles. 

6 Προσφοράς. We need not infer that St. Paul brought offerings to the temple with 
him from foreign parts; this in itself would have been not unlikely, but it seems in- 
consistent with St. James’s remarks (Acts xxi. 23, 24). The present is only a conden- 
sation for “I came to Jerusalem to bring alms to my nation, and I entered the temple 
to make offerings to the temple.” 

7 We read τινὲς δὲ with the best MSS. 

* The best MSS. read ἐφ᾽ not ὑφ᾽ here. 

9. If these events took place in the year 58 a. Ὁ. he had heen governor-six years, 

W See Acts viii. 40. 

1 Acts x. Besides other means of information, we must remember that Drusilla, his 
present wife, was a Jewess. 

1? Such is the turn given by Wieseler and Meyer to the words ἀκριθέστερον εἰδὼς τὰ 
περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ. Or they may be taken to denote that he was too well informed con- 
cerning the Christian religion to require any further information that might be elicited 
by the trial: it was only needful to wait for the coming of Lysias, 


286 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


man. But his was one of those characters, which are easily affected by 
feelings, but always drawn away from right action by the overpowering 
motive of self-interest. He could not make up his mind to acquit St. 
Paul. He deferred all inquiry into the case for the present. ‘“ When 
Lysias comes down,” he said, “I will decide finally’ between you.” 
Meanwhile he placed him under the charge of the centurion who had 
brought him to Cesarea,’ with directions that he should be treated with 
kindness and consideration. Close confinement was indeed necessary, both 
to keep him in safety from the Jews, and because he was not yet acquit- 
ted : but orders were given that he should have every relaxation which 
could be allowed in such a case, and that any of his friends should be 
allowed to visit him, and to minister to his comfort.‘ 

We read nothing, however, of Lysias coming to Ceesarea, or of any 
further judicial proceedings. Some few days afterwards* Felix came into 
the audience-chamber ὁ with his wife Drusilla, and the prisoner was sum- 
moned before them. Drusilla, “being a Jewess” (v. 24), took a lively 
interest in what Felix told her of Paul, and was curious to hear something 
of this faith which had “Christ” for its object.7 Thus Paul had an op- 
portunity in his bonds of preaching the Gospel, and such an opportunity 
as he could hardly otherwise have obtained. His audience consisted of a 
Roman libertine and a profligate Jewish princess : and he so preached, as 
a faithful Apostle must needs have preached to such hearers. | In speaking 
of Christ, he spoke of ‘righteousness and temperance and judgment to 
come,” and while he was so discoursing, “ Felix trembled.” Yet still we 
hear of no decisive result. ‘Go thy way for this time: when I have a 
convenient season, I will send for thee,”’—was the response of the con- 
science-stricken but impenitent sinner,—the response which the Divine 
Word has received ever since, when listened to in a like spirit. 

1 Διαγνώσομαι 

7 T6 éxatovr.—not “a centurion”’—as in A. V. A natural inference from the use 
of the article is, that it was the same centurion who had brought St. Paul from Anti- 
patris (see above) and Mr. Birks traces here an undesigned coincidence. But no stress 
can be laid on this view. The officer might be simply the centurion who was present 
and on duty at the time. 

3 *Eyew te ἄνεσιν. See below. 

4 Kei μηδένα κωλύειν τῶν ἰδίων αὑτοῦ ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῷ. 

5 Meta ἡμέρας τινάς. 

6 By παραγενύμενος we must understand that Felix and Drusilla came to some 
place convenient for an audience, probably the ἀκροατήριον mentioned below (xxv. 23) 
where the Apostle spoke before Festus with Drusilla’s brother and sister, Agrippa and 
Berenice. 

7 Observe the force of ὄυσῃ Ιουδαίᾳ. We should also notice the phrase by which 
the Gqspel is here described, τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν πίστεως, i.e. the faith in Christ or the 
Messiah. The name “Christian” was doubtless familiarly known at Cwesarea. And 


a Jewish princess must necessarily have been curious to hear some account of what 
professed to be the fulfilment of Jewish prophecy. Compare xxv. 22. 


CONTINUED IMPRISONMENT. 237 


We are explicitly informed why this governor shut his ears to convie 
tion, and even neglected his official duty, and kept his prisoner in crue: 
suspense. “ΗΔ hopec that he might receive from Paul a bribe for his 
tiberation.” He was not the only governor of Judea, against whom a 
similar accusation is brought:! and Felix, well knowing how the Chris- 
tians aided one another in distress, and possibly having some information 
of the funds with which St. Paul had recently been entrusted,* and igno- 
rant of those principles which make it impossible for a true Christian te 
tamper by bribes with the course of law,—might naturally suppose that he 
had here a good prospect of enriching himself. ‘Hence he frequently 
sent for Paul, and had many conversations? with him.” But his hopes 
were unfulfilled. Paul, who was ever ready to claim the protection of the 
law, would not seek to evade it by dishonourable means :4 and the Chris- 
tians who knew how to pray for an Apostle m bonds (Acts xii.), would 
not forget the duty of “rendering unto Cesar the things that are Ceesar’s.” 
Thus Paul remained in the Preetorium ; and the suspense continued ‘“ two 
years.” 

Such a pause in a career of such activity,—such an arrest of the Apos- 
tle’s labours at so critical a time,—two years taken from the best part of 
a life of such importance to the world,—would seem to us a mysterious 
dispensation of Providence, if we did not know that God has an inner 
work to accomplish in those, who are the chosen instruments for effecting 
His greatést purposes. As Paul might need the repose of preparation in 
Arabia, before he entered on his career,’ so his prison at Czesarea might 
be consecrated to the calm meditation, the less interrupted prayer,— 
which resulted in a deeper experience and knowledge of the power of the 
Gospel.© Nor need we assume that his active exertions for others were 
entirely suspended. ‘The care of all the churches” might still be resting 
on him: many messages, and even letters,’ of which we know nothing, 
may have been sent from Ceesarea to brethren at a distance. And a plau- 


1 Albinus, who succeeded Festus, is said to have released many prisoners, but those 
only from whom he received a bribe. Joseph. Ant. xx. 8,5. B. J. ii. 14, 1. 

2 This suggestion is made by Mr. Birks. For the contributions which St. Paul had 
recent)y brought to Jerusalem, see above. 

3 We may contrast ὡμίλει (γ. 26) with διαλεγομένου (vy. 25) as we have done before 
in the narrative of the night-service at Troas, xx. 9. 11. 

4 It is allowable here to refer to the words in which Socrates refused the aid of his 
friends, who urged him to escape from prison: while in comparing the two cases we 
cannot but contrast the vague though overpowering sense of moral duty in the heathen 
philosopher, with the clear and lofty perceptior of eternal realities in the inspired 
Apostle. 

® See Vol. I. pp. 96, 97. 

5 See Olshausen’s excellent remarks. Komm. p. 898. 

7 It is well known that some have thought that the Ephesians, Colossians, end 
Philemon, were written here This question will be considered hereafter. 


288 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sible, conjecture fixes this period and place for the writing of St. Luke’s 
Gospel under the superintendence of the Apostle of the Gentiles.' 

All positive information, however, is denied as concerning the employ: 
ments of St. Paul, while imprisoned at Caesarea. We are the more dis- 
posed, therefore, to turn our thoughts to the consideration of the nature 
and outward circumstances of his confnement: and this inquiry is indeed 
necessary for the due elucidation of the narrative. 

When an accusation was brought against a Roman citizen, the magis- 
trate, who had criminal jurisdiction in the case, appointed the time for 
hearing the cause and detained the accused in custody during the interval. 
He was not bound to fix any definite time for the trial, but might defer it 
at his own arbitrary pleasure ; and he might also commit the prisoner at 
his discretion to any of the several kinds of custody recognised by the Ro- 
man law. These were as follows : *—first, confinement in the public gaol 
(custedia publica) which was the most severe kind ; the common gaols 
throughout the empire being dungeons of the worst description, where the 
prisoners were kept in chains, or even bound in positions of torture. Of 
this we have seen an example in the confinement of Paul and Silas at 
Philippi. Secondly, free custody (custedia hbera), which was the mildest 
kind. Here the accused party was committed to the charge of a magis- 
trate or senator, who became responsible for his appearance on the day of 
trial ; but this species of detention was only employed in the case of men 
of high rank. ‘Thirdly, military custody (cwstodia miltaris), which was 
introduced at the beginning of the Imperial? regime. In this last species 
of custody the accused person was given in charge to a soldier, who was 
responsible with his own life for the safe keeping of his prisoner. This 
was further secured by chaining the prisoner’s right hand‘ to the soldier’s 
left. The soldiers of course relieved one another® in this duty. Their 
prisoner was usually kept in their barracks, but sometimes allowed to reside 
in a private house under their charge. 

It was under this latter species of custody that St. Paul was now 
placed by Felix, who ‘gave him in charge to the centurion, that he should 
be kept in custody” (Acts xxiv. 23) ; but (as we have seen) he added 
the direction, that he should be treated with such indulgence ® as thiz kind 


1 See some good observations on this subject in Appendix E. of Tate’s Continuous 
History. Compare Mr. Humphry’s note on vy. 27. 

3. The authorities for the following statements will be found in Geib, pp. 561-569. 

9 Tac. Ann. iii. 2. xiv. 60. 

4 Seneca de Tranquill. ο. 10. Alligati sunt etiam qui alligaverunt, nisi tu forte 
leviorem in sinistra catenam putas. ᾿ 

5 See Wieseler, Chron. p. 306. 

6 Ἔχειν ἄνεσιν (Acts xxiv. 23). Meyer and De Wette have understood this as 
though St. Paul was committed to the custodia Libera; but we have seen that this 
kind of detention was only employed in the case of men of rank ; and, moreover, the 


ACCESSION OF FESTUS. 284 


of detention permitted. Josephus tells us that, when the severity of 
Agrippa’s ireprisonment at Rome was mitigated, his chain was relaxed at 
mealtimes.’ This illustrates the nature of the alleviations which such con 
finement admitted ; and it is obvious that the centurion might render it 
more or less galling, according to his inclination, or the commands he had 
received. The most important alleviation of St. Paul’s imprisonment con- 
sisted in the order, which Felix added, that his friends should be allowed 
free access to him. 

Meantime, the political state of Judeea grew more embarrassing. The 
exasperation of the people under the mal-administration of Felix became 
more implacable ; and the crisis was rapidly approaching. It was during 
the two years of St. Panl’s imprisonment that the disturbances to which 
allusion has been made before, took place in the streets of Caesarea. The 
troops, who were chiefly recruited in the province, fraternised with the 
heathen population, while the Jews trusted chiefly to the influence of 
their weaith. In the end Felix was summoned to Rome, and the Jews 
followed him with their accusations. Thus it was that he was anxious, 
even at his departure, “to confer obligations upon them” (vy. 27), and one 
effort to diminish his unpopularity was “to leave Paul in bonds.” In so 
doing, he doubtless violated the law, and trifled with the rights of a Roman 
citizen ; but the favour of the provincial Jews was that which he needed, 
and the Christians were weak in comparison with them; nor were such 
delays in the administration of justice unprecedented, either at Rome or in 
the provinces. Thus it was, that as another governor of Judea? opened 
the prisons that he might make himself popular, Felix, for the same motive, 
rivcted the chains of an innocent man. The same enmity of the world 
against the Gospel, which set Barabbas free, left Paul a prisoner. 

No change seems to have taken place in the outward cir¢umstances of 


mention of the centurion excludes it. But besides this, it is expressly stated (Acta 
xxiv. 27) that Felix left Paul chained (δεδεμένον). The same word ἄνεσις (relaxa- 
tion) is applied to the mitigation of Agrippa’s imprisonment (Jos. Ant. xviii. 6, 10) 
on the accession of Caligula although Agrippa was still left under custodia militaris, 
and still bound with a chain. (See Wieseler, p. 381, note 2.) We shall have occasion 
to refer again to this relaxation of Agrippa’s imprisonment, as illustrating that of 
St. Paul at Rome. There was, indeed, a lighter form of cwstodia militaris sometimea 
employed, under the name of observatio, when the soldier kept guard over his prisoner, 
and accompanied him wherever he went, but was not chained to him. (Tac. Ann. iv, 
€0-67.) Τὸ this we might have supposed St. Paul subjected, both at Ceesarea and at 
Rome, were not such an hypothesis excluded as to Cxsarea by the δεδεμένον (A. 
xxiv. 27) and δεσμῶν (A. xxvi. 29), and as to Rome by πρεσθεύω ἐν ἁλύσει (Eph. vi 
20), and τοὺς δεσμούς μου (Phil. i. 13), Compare Acts xxviii. 16, 21. 

1 Such seems the meaning of ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν διαίταν in the passage referred 
to in the preceding note. 

7 Albinus. See above, p. 287. Josephus says that, though he received bribes for 
opening the prisons, he wished by this act to make himself popular, when ke found he 
was to be superseded by Gessius Florus, 

VOL. 1—i9 


900 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81; PAUL. 


the Apostle, when Festus came to take command of the province. He 
was still in confinement as before. But immediately on the accession of 
the new governor, the unsleeping hatred of the Jews made a fresk attempt 
upon his life ; and the course o their proceedings presently charged the 
whole aspect of his case, and led to unexpected results. 

When a Roman governor came to his province—whether his character 
was coarse and cruel, like that of Felix, or reasonable and just, as that of 
Festus seems to have been,—his first step would be to make himself ac- 
quainted with the habits and prevalent feelings of the people he was come 
to rule, and to visit such places as might seem to be more peculiarly asso- 
ciated with national interests. The Jews were the most remarkable people 
in the whole extent of the Jewish provinces : and no city was to any other 
people what Jerusalem was to the Jews. We are not surprised, therefore, 
to learn that “three days” after his arrival at the political metropolis, 
Festus ‘‘went up to Jerusalem.” Here he was immediately met by an 
urgent request against St. Paul,’ preferred by the chief priests and leading 
men among the Jews,’ and seconded, as it seems, by a general con- 
course of the people, who came round him with no little vehemence and 
clamour. They asked as a favour‘ (and they had good reason to hope 
that the new governor ® on his accession would not refuse it), that he would 
allow St. Paul to be brought up to Jerusalem. The plea, doubtless, was, 
that he should be tried again before the Sanhedrin. But the real purpose 
was to assassinate him® on some part of the road, over which he had been 
safely brought by the escort two years before. So bitter and so enduring 
was their hatred against the Apostate Pharisee. The answer of Festus 
was dignified and just, and worthy of his office. He said that Paul was 
in custody’ at Cesarea, and that he himself was shortly to return thither 
(v. 4), adding that it was not the custom of the Romans to give up an 
uncondemned person as a mere favour’ (v.16). The accused must have 
the accuser face to face,® and full opportunity must be given for a defence 


1 Ἐνεφάνισαν, v. ἃ. Αἰτούμενοι κατ’ αὐτοῦ δίκην, v.15. We should compare St. 
Luke’s statement with the two accounts given by Festus himself to Agrippa, below. 

2 Οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ of πρῶτοι των ’lovdaiwy κατὰ τοῦ Παύλου, v. 2. οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ 
οἱ τοεσβύτεροι τῶν I. v.15. Thus the accusers were again representatives of the 
Sanhedrin. 

3 See the second account given by Festus himself to Agrippa, below, v. 24. ‘Aap 
τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐνέτυχόν μοι ἔν τε Ἱεροσολυμοις καὶ ἐνθάδε, ἐπιθοῶντες μὴ 
daly Civ αὐτὸν μηκέτι. 

4 Αἰτούμενοι χάριν κατ αὐτοῦ. ν. 16. 

5 Compare the conduct of Albinus and Agrippa I., alluded to before. 

6 ᾿Ἐνέδραν ποιοῦντες ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν κατὰ την ὁδόν. 

7 Τηρεῖσθαι. The English version ‘should be kept” is rather too peremptory. 
Festus doubtless expresses this decision, but in the most conciliating form. 

& Χαρίζεσθαι. See above, v.11. Compare the case of Pilate and Barabbas. 

9 Ποὶν ἢ ὁ karyyopotuevog κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχο τοὺς κατηγόρους, See Geib. p. 508 


APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. 291 


{ib) Those, therefore, who were competent to undertake the task of 
accusers,' should come down with him to Cwsarea, and there prefer the 
accusation (v. 5). 

Festus remained “ eight or ten days” in Jerusalem, and then returned 
to Czsarea ; and the accusers went down the same day.” No time was 
lost after their arrival. The very next day? Festus took his seat on the 
judicial tribunal,‘ with his assessors near him (vy. 12), and ordered Paul 
to be brought before him. ‘The Jews who had come down from Jeru- 
salem” stood round, bringing various heavy accusations against him 
(which, however, they could not establish*), and clamorously asserting 
that he was worthy of death.6 We must not suppose that the charges 
now brought were different in substance from those urged by Tertullus. 
The Prosecutors were in fact the same now as then, namely, delegates 
from the Sanhedrin; and the prisoner was still lying under the former 
accusation, which had never been withdrawn.?7 We see from what is 
said of Paul’s defence, that the charges were still classed under the same 
three heads as before ; viz. Heresy, Sacrilege, and Treason.? But Festus 
saw very plainly that St. Paul’s offence was really connected with the 
religious opinions of the Jews, instead of relating, as he at first suspected, to 
some political movement (vv. 18, 19) ; and he was soon convinced that he 
had done nothing worthy of death (v. 25). Being, therefore, in per- 
plexity (v. 20), and at the same time desirous of ingratiating himself with 
the provincials (v. 9), he proposed to St. Paul that he should go up to 
Jerusalem, and be tried there in his presence, or at least under his pro- 
tection. But the Apostle knew full well the danger that lurked in this 
proposal, and conscious of the rights which he possessed as a Roman 
citizen, he refused to accede to it, and said boldly to Festus : 


I stand before Cesar’s tribunal, and there ought my trial 
to be. To the Jews I have done no wrong, as thou knowest 


p. 595, and p. 689. Compare the following passages: Acts xxiii, 30. xxiv. 19. 
xxv. 5. 

1 Οἱ οὖν ἐν ὑμῖν δυνατοὶ συγκαταβάντες. κ. τ. Δ. ν. 5. 

5 The course of the narrative shows that they went immediately. This is also as 
serted in the word ovyxara@dvrec, which does not necessarily imply that they went 
down in the same company with Festus, 

3 Τῇ ἐπαύριον, v. 6. τῇ ἑξῆς, V. 17. 

4 Καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, vv. 6, 17. 5 V.7. 

6 See v. 24, where the ἐπιβοῶντες μὴ δεῖν ζῆν αὐτὸν μηκέτι is said to have taken 
place both at Jerusalem and Czxsarea. 

7 At this period, an accused person might be kept in prison indefinitely, by the 
delay of the accuser, or the procrastination of the magistrate. See our note on this 
subject, at the beginning of Chap. XXIV. 

§ Acts xxv. 8. (1) εἰς τὸν νόμον ; (2) εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ; (3) εἰς Καίσαρα. 

ε ’Rin’ ἐμοῦ. γ. 6. In ν. 2 this is omitted. 


999 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


full well. If I am guilty of bresking the law, and have done 
anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if the things 
whereof these men accuse me ere nought, no man can give me 


up to them. I APPEAL UNTO CASAR. 


Festus was probably surprised by this termination of the proceedings, 
put no choice was open to him. Paul had urged his prerogative as a 
Roman citizen, to be tried, not by the Jewish but by the Roman law ;" a 
claim which, indeed, was already admitted by the words of Festus, who 
only proposed to transfer him to the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin with his 
own consent.” He ended by availing himself of one of the most important 
privileges of Roman citizenship, the right of appeal. By the mere pro- 
nunciation of those potent words “J appeal unto Cesar,”* he instantly 
removed his cause from the jurisdiction of the magistrate before whom 
he stood, and transferred it to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor at 
Rome. 

To explain the full effect of this proceeding, we must observe that in 
the provinces of Rome, the supreme criminal jurisdiction (both under the 
Republic and the Empire) was exercised by the Governors, whether they 
were Proconsuls, Propreetors, or (as in the case of Juda) Procurators. 
To this jurisdiction the provincials were subject without appeal, and it is 
neediess to say that it was often exercised in the most arbitrary manner. 
But the Roman citizens in the provinces, though also liable to be brought 
before the judgment-seat of the Governor, were protected from the abuse 
of his authority ; for they had the right of stopping his proceedings against 
them by appealing to the Tribunes, whose intervention at once transferred 
the cognizance of the cause to the ordinary tribunals at Rome.t This 
power was @nly one branch of that prerogative of intercession (as it was 
called) by which the Tribunes could stop the execution of the sentences 
of all other magistrates. Under the Imperial regime, the Emperor stood 


Οὐ δε: μὲ κρίνεσθαι. 3 Θέλεις. KT. A. 

3 Καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι. This was the regular technical phrase for lodging an ap 
peal: ἐτικαλεῖσθαι being used for the Latin appellare. Compare ἐπικαλέσασθαι 
τοὺς δημάρχους, Plutarch, Casar,c. 4. The Roman law did not require any written 
appeal to be lodged in the hands of the Court; pronunciation of the single word 
Appello was sufficient to suspend all further proceedings. (See Geib, p. 686.) 

4 We must not confound this right of 4ppellatio to the Tribunes with the right of 
appeal (Provocatio) to the Comitia which belonged to every Roman citizen, This 
latter right was restricted, even in the Republican era, by the institution of the 
Questiones Perpetue; because the judices appointed for those Questiones being re- 
garded as representatives of the Comitia, there was no appeal from their decisions, 
In the time of the Emperors, the Comitia themselves being soon discontinued, thig 
right of Provocatio could be no longer exercised. On this subject see Geib, p. 152--168 
and 387-392. 


AGRIPPA AND BERENICE. 293 


in the place of the Tribunes ; Augustus and his successors being invested 
with the Tribunician power, as the most important of the many Republican 
offices which were concentrated in their persons. Hence the Emperors 
constitutionally exercised the right of intercesseon, by which they might 
stop the proceedings of inferior authorities, But they extended this 
prerogative much beyond the limits which had confined it during the Re- 
publican epoch. They not only arrested the execution of the sentences of 
other magistrates, but claimed and exercised the right of reversing or 
altering them, and of re-hearing' the causes themselves. In short, the 
Inperial tribunal was erected into a suprenie court of appeal from all 
inferior courts either in Rome or in the provinces. 

Such was the state of things, when St. Paul appealed from Festus to 
Cesar. If the appeal was admissible, it at once suspended all further 
proceedings on the part of Festus. There were, however, a few cases in 
which the right of appeal was disallowed ; a bandit or a pirate, for ex- 
ample, taken in the fact, might be condemned and executed by the Pro- 
consul, notwithstanding his appeal to the Emperor, Accordingly, we read 
that Festus took counsel with his Assessors, concerning the admissibility 
of Paul’s appeal. But no doubt could be entertained on this head ; and 
he immediately pronounced the decision of the Court. ‘Thou hast 
appealed unto Caesar ; to Cesar thou shalt be sent,” 

Thus the hearing of the cause, as far as Festus was concerned, had 
terminated, There only remained for him the office of remitting to the 
supreme tribunal, before which it was to be carried, his official report 
upon its previous progress, He was bound to forward to Rome all the 
acts and documents bearing upon the trial, the depositions of the wit- 
nesses on both sides, and the record of his own judgment on the case 
And it was his further duty to keep the person of the accused in safe 
custody, and to send him to Rome for trial at the earliest opportunity. 

Festus, however, was still in some perplexity. Though the appeal 
had been allowed, yet the information elicited on the trial was so vague, 


! According to Dio, this was already the case so early as the time of Augustus ; who 
(he says) established the principle μήτ᾽ αὐτόδικος μήτ᾽ αὐτοτελὴς οὕτω τις τὸ παράπαν 
ἔστω, ὥστε μὴ οὐκ ἐφέσιμον ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ δίκην γίγνεσθαι. (Dio 52-33.) It may be 
doubted whether the Emperor at first claimed the right of reversing the sentences prox 
nounced by the judices of the Questiones Perpetuz, which were exempt from the In- 
tercessio of the Tribune (Geib, 289-290). But this question is of less importance, 
because the system of Quastiones Perpetue was soon superseded under the Empire, as 
we shall afterwards have an opportunity of remarking. 

? For a notice of such consiliarii in a province, see Sueton. Tib. 33. Their office 
was called assessura. Sueton. 10. 14. Compare Juvenal’s “ Quando in consilie 
est wdilibus?” 

3 The sentence is not interrogative, as in A. V., but the words expreas a selems 
decision of the Procurator and his Assessors, 

4 This report was termed Ap stoli, or litere dimaissorie. See Geib, p. 689 


994 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


that he hardly knew what statement to ixsert in his dispatch to *he 
Emperor: and it seemed ‘a foolish thing to him to send a prisoner tc 
Rome without at the same time specifying the charges against him” 
(v.27). It happened about this time that Herod Agrippa 11., King of 
Chalcis, with his sister Berenice, came on a complimentary visit to the 
new governor, and staid “some days” at Caesarea. This prince had been 
familiarly acquainted from his youth with all that related to the Jewish 
law, and moreover was at this time (as we have seen’) superintendent of 
the Temple, with the power of appointing the high-priest. Festus took 
advantage of this opportunity of consulting one better informed than him- 
self on the points in question. He recounted to Agrippa what has been 
summarily related above :? confessing his ignorance of Jewish theology, 
and alluding especially to Paul’s reiterated assertion’ concerning “ one 
Jesus who had died’ and was alive again.” ‘This cannot have been the 
first time that Agrippa had heard of the resurrection of Jesus or of the 
Apostle Paul.‘ His curiosity was aroused, and he expressed a wish to see 
the prisoner. Festus readily acceded to the request, and fixed the next 
day for the interview. 

At the time appointed Agrippa and Berenice came with great pomp 
and display and entered into the audience-chamber, with a suite of mili- 
tary officers and the chief men of Cesarea:* and at the command of 
Festus, Paul was brought before them. The proceedings were opened by 
a ceremonious speech from Festus himself,* describing the circumstances 
under which the prisoner had been brought under his notice, and ending 
with a statement of his perplexity as to what he should write to “his 
Lord”? the Emperor. This being concluded, Agrippa said condescend- 
ingly to St. Paul, that he was now permitted to speak for himself. And 
the Apostle, ‘stretching out the hand” which was chained to the soldier 
who guarded him, spoke thus :— 

Compliment. , I think myself happy, King Agrippa, that I shall 


ary address to 


Agrippa. defend myself to-day, before thee, against all the 


1 See above. 3 V. 14-21. 3 *Edaokev. 

4 The tense of ἐδουλόμην (v. 22) might seem to imply that he had long wished to 
see St. Paul. 

5 Μετὰ πολλῆς φαντασίας. .. εἰς τὸ ἀκροατήριον σύν τε χιλιάρχοις καὶ ἀνδράσιν 
τοῖς Kar’ ἐξοχὴν τῆς πόλεως. For ἀκροατήριον see above. We may remark that the 
presence of several χιλιώρχοι implies that the military force at Ceesarea was very large. 

6 Vy. 24-27. 

7 The title κύριος (Dominus) applied here to the Emperor should be noticed. Au- 
gustus and Tiberius declined a title, which implied the relation of master and slave 
(domini appellationem ut maiedictum et opprobrium semper exhorruit. Suet. Aug. 
53. Dominus appellatus a quodam denunciavit, ne se amplius contumeliz causa no- 
minaret. Tib. 27), but their successors sanctioned the use of it, aud Julian tried in 
vain to break through the custom. 


SPEECH BEFORE ΑΘΕΙΡΡΑ. 995 


charges of my Jewish accusers; especially because thou art 
expert in all Jewish customs and questions. Wherefore I pray 
thee to hear me patiently. 

My' life and conduct from my youth, as it was at | He defends 


himself against 


first among my own nation at Jerusalem, is known to the, ian 
all the Jews. They knew me of old? (I szy) from the 
beginning, and can testify (if they would) that following the 
strictest sect of our religion, I lived a Pharisee. And now I 
stand here to be judged, for the hope of the promise* made by 
God unto our fathers. Which promise is the end whereto, in all 
their zealous worship,‘ night and day, our twelve tribes hope to 
come. Yet this hope, O king Agrip Ppa is charged against me as 
a crime, and that by Jews.» What!* is it judged among youa 
thing incredible that God should raise the dead ?7 

Now 1 myself* determined, in my own mind, that _ fe describes 


his former per- 


I ought exceedingly to oppose the name of Jesus the Ee 
Nazarene. And this I did in Jerusalem, and many of 

the holy people® I myself shut up in prison, having received from 
the chief priests authority so to do; and when they were con- 
demned" to death, I gave my vote against them. And in every 
synagogue I continually punished them, and endeavoured” to 
compel them to blaspheme; and being exceedingly mad against, 
them, I went even to foreign cities to persecute them. 


1 Μὲν οὐν here is rightly left untranslated in A. V. It is a conjunction denoting 
that the speaker is beginning a new subject, used where no conjunction would be ex- 
pressed in English. 

? Προγινώσκοντες is present. 

3 The promise meant is that of the Messiah. Compare what St. Paul says in the 
speech at Antioch in Pisidia. Acts xiii. 32. Compare also Rom. xv. 8. 

4 Aatpevw preperly means to perform the outward rites of worship, see note on 
Rom. i. 19, 

5 Here again the best MSS. read ‘lovdaiwy without τῶν. 

6 The punctuation adopted is, a note of interrogation after τῇ. 

7 This is an argumentum ad homines to the Jews, whose own Scriptures furnished 
them with cases where the dead had been raised, as for example by Elisha. 

8 The ἐγώ from its position must be emphatic. 

® This speech should be carefully compared with that in Ch. xxii., with the view of 
observirg St. Paul’s judicious adaptation of his statements to his audience. Thus, 
nere he calls the Christians ἅγιοι, which the Jews in the Temple would not have tole 
rated. See some useful remarks on this subject by Mr. Birks. Hor. Ap. vii. viii. 

— 10 Thy, 
Ἢ ΓΑναιρουμένων literally when they were being destroyed. On the sarjveyxe 
νῆφον see Vol. I. p. 78. 

1 "ηνάγκαζον, For this well known signification of the imperfect sec Winer, 

§ 41, 3. 


296 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


His conversion With this purpose I was on my road to Dantaseus, 
and divine com- Δ 4 ane . 
mission. bearing my authority and commission from the chief 


priests, when I saw in the way, O King, at midday’ a light from 
heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me 
and those who journeyed with me. And when we all were fallen 
to the earth, I heard a voice speaking to me, and saying in the 
Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why persccutest thou me?-it is hard ᾿ 
Jor thee to kick against the goad. AndI said, Who art thou, 
Lord? And the Lord* said, Zam Jesus whom thou persecutest. 
But vise and stand upon thy feet; for to this end I have ap- 
peared unto thee, to ordain‘ thee a minister and a witness both 
of those things which thou hast seen, and of those things where — 
LI shall appear unto thee. And thee have I chosen*® from the 
house of Israel,’ and from among the Gentiles ; unto whom now 
I send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn’ from dark- 
ness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God ; that by 
Suith in me, they may receive forgiveness of sins, and an inherit- 
ance among the sanctified. 

His execution Whereupon, O King Agrippa, I was not disobe- 


whereof had 


broughtonhim dient to the heavenly vision. But first® to those at 
the hatred of 


Le ated Damascus and Jerusalem, and throughout all the land 
of Juda,’ and also to the Gentiles, I proclaimed the tidings that 


1 By ἀρχιερεῖς here, and above, verse 10, is maant (as in Luke xxii. 52. Acts v. 24) 
the presidents of the 24 classes (ἐφημερίαι) into which the priests were divided. These 
were ex officio members of the Sanhedrin, see Winer’s Real-Worterbuch, p. 271. In 
the speech on the stairs accordingly St. Paul states that he had received his commis- 
sion to Damascus from the high priest and Sanhedrin (Acts xxii. 5). 

2 The circumstance of the light overpowering even the blaze of the mid-day sun is 
mentioned before (Acts xxii. 6). 

3 All the best MSS. read ὁ δὲ κύριος ; this also agrees better with what follows, where 
St. Paul relates all which the Lord had revealed to him, both at the moment of hig 
conversion, and, subsequently, by the voice of Ananias, and by the vision at Jeru- 
salem. See Acts xxii. 12-21. ν 

4 We have here the very words of Ananias (Acts xxii. 14, 15); observe especially 
the unusual word προχειρίζομαι. 

© Ἑξαιρούμενος, not “delivering” (A. V.). 

6 Tov λαοῦ. See Vol. 1. p. 177, note 2. 

7 ᾿Ἐπιστρέψαι, neuter, not active, as in A.V. Compare, for the use of this word by 
St. Paul (to signify the conversion of the Gentiles) 1 Thess. i. 9, and Acts xiv. 15, 
Also below, verse 20. 

8 This does not at all prove, as has sometimes been supposed, that Saul did not 
preach in Arabia when he went there soon after his conversion; see Vol. I. pp. 55 97. 

9 How are we to reconcile this with St. Paul’s statement (Gal. i. 22) that he con- 
tinued personally unknown to the Churches of Judea for many years after his conver- 
sion? We must either suppose that, in the present passage, he means to speak not in 
the order of time, but of ali which he had done up to the present date; or else we 


SPEECH BEFORE AGRIPPA. 297 


they should repent and turn to God, and do works worthy of their 
repentance. 

For these causes the Jews, when they caught me in the 
temple, endeavoured to kill me. 


Therefore,’ through the succour which I have re- vet nis teach. 
ceived from God, I stand firm unto this day, and bear cin no τς 
my testimony both to small and great; but I declare ae ἢ 
nothing else than what the Prophets and Moses foretold, That? the 
Messiah should suffer, and that He should be the first* to rise 
from the dead, and should be the messenger ‘ of light to the house 


of Israel, and also to the Gentiles. 


Here Festus broke out into a loud exclamation,® expressive of ridicule 
and surprise. ΤῸ the cold man of the world, as to the inquisitive A the- 
nians, the doctrine of the resurrection was foolishness : and he said, “ Paul, 
thou art mad: thy incessant study ® is turning thee to madness.” ‘The 
Apostle had alluded in his speech to writings which had a mysterious 
sound, to the Prophets and to Moses? (vv. 22, 23): andit is reasonable to 
believe that in his imprisonment, such “books and parchments,” as he 
afterwards wrote for in his second letter to Timotheus,* were brought to 
him by his friends. Thus Festus adopted the conclusion that he had 
before him a mad enthusiast, whose head had been turned by pormg over 
strange learning. The Apostle’s reply was courteous and self-possessed, 
but intensely earnest F 


Tam not mad, most noble Festus, but speak forth the words 
of truth and soberness: For the king has knowledge of these 


may perhaps suppose that St. Luke did not think it necessary to attend to a minute 
. detail of this kind, relating to a period of St. Paul’s life with which he was himself 
not personally acquainted, in giving the general outline of this speech. 

1 Odv here cannot mean “ however.”” See Winer’s remarks, ὃ 57, p. 425. 

2 Ei occurs here when. we should expect 671; because the doctrines mentioned were 
subjects of dispute and discussion. 

3 Compare Col. i. 18, πρωτότοκος ἐκ νεκρῶν. Also ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων. 1 
Cor. xv. 20. 

4 Καταγγέλλειν. 

> Observe μεγώλῃ τῇ φωνῇ and ἀπολογουμένού, Both expressions show ixat he waa 
gsucdenly interrupted in the midst of his discourse. 

6 Ta πόλλα γράμματα, Observe the article. 

7 See again v. 27, where St. Paul appeals again to the prophets, the writings (τὰ 
γράμματα) to which he had alluded before: 

8 2 Tim. iv. 12. These, we may well believe, would especially be the Old Testa- 
ment Scriptures,— perhaps Jewish commentaries on them, and possibly also the work 
of heathen poets and philosephers. 


298 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


matters; and moreover I speak to him with boldness; because 
{am persuaded that none of these things is unknown to him,— 
for this has not been done in a corner 


Then, turning to the Jewish voluptuary who sat beside the governor, 
he made this solemn appeal to him : 


King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that 
thou believest. 


The King’s reply was: “Thou wilt soon' persuade me to be a 
Christian.” The words were doubtless spoken ironically and in contempt ; 
but Paul took them as though they had been spoken in earnest, and made 
that noble answer, which expresses, as no other words ever expressed 
them, that union of enthusiastic zea] with genuine courtesy, which is the 
true characteristic of ‘a Christian.” 


I would to God, that whether soon or late,? not only thon, 
but also all who hear me to-day, were such as I am, excepting 
these chains. 


This concluded the interview. King Agrippa had no desire to hear 
more: and he rose from his seat,3 with the Governor and Berenice and 
those who sat with them. As they retired, they discussed the case with 
one another‘ and agreed that Paul was guilty of nothing worthy of death 
or even imprisonment. Agrippa said positively to Festus, ‘This man® 
might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed to the Emperor.” 
But the appeal had been made. There was no retreat either for Festus or 
Paul. On the new Governor’s part there was no wish to continue the 
procrastination of Felix; and nothing now remained but to wait for a 
convenient opportunity of sending his prisoner to Rome. 


1 ἘἜΝὲξνᾳὀλίγῳ cannot mean “ almest’’ (as it is in the Authorised version) which would 
be παρ᾽ ὄλιγον. It might mean either “in few words” (Eph. iii. 3), or “in « small 
measure,” or “in a small time.”’ The latter meaning agrees best with the following, 
ἐν ὀλίγῳ καὶ ἐν πολλῳ (or μεγάλῳ as the best MSS. read). We might render the pas- 
sage thus: “Thou thinkest to make me a Christian with little persuasion.” We 
should observe that πείΐθεις is in the present tense, and that the title “Christian”? was 
one of contempt. See 1 Pet. iv. 16. 

3 The best MSS. have μεγάλῳ, not πολλῷ. 

3 ’Avéotn ὁ βασιλεύς, κ. τ. A. ν. 30. 

4 ᾿Αναχωρήσαντες ἐλάλουν πρὸς ἀλλῆλους, ν. 31. 

3 'O ἀνθρωπος οὗτος, which again is contemptuous. See the remarks on τοὺς ἀνθρώ- 
πους ἐκείνους, Acts xvi. 39. (Vol. I. p. 309.) Claudius Lysias uses the expression 
τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον; in his letter to Felix, xxiii. 27. 

6 Compare xxviii. 18. 


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NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. 299 


CHAPTER XXIL. 


Immer, immer nach West! Dort muss die Kuste sich zeigen. 
Traue dem leitenden Gott. ScuILLER. 


BHIPS AND NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS.—ROMAN COMMERCE IN THE MEDI 
TERRANEAN.—CORN TRADE BETWEEN ALEXAND3.A AND PUTEOLI.—TRAVEI+ 
LERS BY SEA.—ST. PAUL’S VOYAGE FROM CSAREA, BY SIDON, TO MYRA.— 
FROM MYRA, BY CNIDUS AND CAPE SALMONE, TO FAIR HAVENS.—PHENICE.— 

ANCHOR= 


THE STORM.—SEAMANSHIP DURING THE GALE.—ST. PAUL’S VISION. 
ING IN THE NIGHT.—SHIPWRECK.—PROOF THAT If TOOK PLACE IN MALTA.— 
WINTER IN THE ISLAND.—OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.—YVOYAGE, BY SYRACUSE 
AND RHEGIUM, TO PUTEOLI. 


Berore entering on the narrative of that voyage! which brought the 
Apostle Paul, through manifold and imminent dangers, from Cesarea to 
Rome, it will be convenient to make a few introductory remarks concern- 
ing the ships and navigation of the ancients. By fixing clearly in the 
mind some of the principal facts relating to the form and structure of 
Greek and Roman vessels, the manner in which these vegsels were worked, 
the prevalent lines of traffic in the Mediterranean, and the opportunities 
afforded to travellers of reaching their destination by sea,—we shall be 
better able to follow this voyage without distractions or explanations, and 
with a clearer perception of each event as it occurred. 

With regard to the vessels and seamanship of the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, many popular mistakes have prevailed, to which it is hardly neces- 


1 The nautical difficulties of this narrative have been successfully explained by 
two independent inquirers; and so far as we are aware, by no one else. <A practical 
knowledge of seamanship was required for the elucidation of the whole subject ; and 
none of the ordinary commentators seem to have looked on it with the eye of a sailor. 
The first who examined St. Paul’s voyage in a practical spirit was the late Admiral 
Sir Charles Penrose, whose life has been lately published (Murray, 1851). His MSS. 
have been kindly placed in the hands of the writer of this chapter, and they are fre- 
quently referred to in the notes. A similar investigation was made subsequently, but 
independently, and more minutely and elaborately, by James Smith, Esq. of Jordan- 
hill, whose published work on the subject (Longmans, 1848) has already obtained an 
European reputation. Besides other valuable aid, Mr. Smith has examined the sheeta 
of this chapter, as they have passed through the press. We have also to express our 

_acknowledgments for much kind assistance received from Admiral Moorsom and othe 
naval officers, 


w 


300 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


sary to allude, after the full illustration which the subject has now re 
ceived.! We must not entertain the notion that all the commerce of the 
ancients was conducted merely by means of small craft, which proceeded 
timidly in the day time, and only in the summer season, along the coast 
from harbour to harbour,—and which were manned by mariners almost 
ignorant of the use of sails, and always trembling at the prospect of a 
storm. We cannot, indeed, assert that the arts either of ship building or 
navigation were matured in the Mediterranean so early as the first century 
of the Christian era. The Greeks and Romans were ignorant of the use 
of the compass:* the instruments with which they took observations 
must have been rude compared with our modern quadrants and sextants : 
and we have no reason to believe that their vessels were provided with 
nautical charts :¢ and thus, when “neither sun nor stars appeared,” and 
the sky gave indications of danger, they hesitated to try the open sea.° 
But the ancient sailor was well skilled in the changeable weather of the 
Levant, and his very ignorance of the aids of modern science made him 
the more observant of external phenomena, and more familiar with his 
own coasts.’ He was not less prompt and practical than a modern sea- 


1 The reference here is to the dissertation on “The Ships of the Ancients” in Mr. 
Smith’s work on the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, pp. 140-202. This treatise 
may be regarded as the standard work on the subject, not only in Exugland, but in 
Europe. It has been translated into German by H. Thiersch (Uber den Schitfbau der 
Griechen und Romer: Marb. 1851), and it is adduced by K. F. Hermann, in his recently 
published Lehrbuch der Griech. Privatalterthumer (Heidelb. 1852), as the decisive 
authority on the diffieult points connected with the study of ancient ebip-building. It 
is hardly necessary to.refer to any of the older works on the subject. A fall catalogue 
is given in Mr. Smith’s Appendix. Bayf and Scheffer will be found in the eleventh 
volume of Gronovius. We shall have occasion to refer to Bockh’s Urkunden pre- 
Bently. . 

? See Humboldt’s Kosmos, Vol. I, for the main facts relating to the history of the 
Compass. 

3 We have no information of any nautical instruments at the time when we read of 
Ptolemy’s mural quadrant at Alexandria; nor is it likely that any more effectual 
means of taking exact observations at sea, than the simple quadrant held in the hand, 
were in use before the invention of the reflecting quadrants and sextants by Hooke 
and Hadley. The want of exact chronometers must also be borne in mind. 

4 The first nautical charts were perhaps those of Marinus of Tyre (A.p. 150) whom 
Forbiger regards as the founder of mathematical geography.—Handb. der A. G., I. p. 
365. See the life of Ptolemy in Smith’s Dictionary. 

5 See Acts xxvii. 9-12, also, xxviii. 11. ‘We are apt to consider the ancients as 
timid and unskilful sailors, afraid to venture out of sight of land, or to make long 
voyages in the winter. Ican see no evidence that this was the case. The cause of 
their not making voyages after the end of summer, arose, in a great measure, from the 
comparative obscurity of the sky during the winter, and not from the gales which pre- 
vail at that season. With no means of directing their course, except by observing the 
heavenly bodies, they were necessarily prevented from putting to sea when they eould 
not depend on their being visible.”—Smith, p. 180. 

6 See again what is said below in reference to Acts xxvii. 12. 


SHIPS OF THE ANCIENTS. 801 


man in the handling ot his ship, when overtaken by stormy weather on a 
dangerous coast. 

The ship of the Greek and Roman mariner was comparatively rude, 
both in its build and itsrig. The hull was not laid down with the fine 
lines, with which we are so familiar in the competing vessels of England 
and America,' and the arrangement of the sails exhibited little of that 
complicated distribution yet effective combination of mechanical forces, 
which we admire in the East-Indiaman or modern frigate. With the 
war-ships? of the ancients we need not here occupy ourselves or the 
reader : but two peculiarities in the structure of Greek and Roman mer- 
chantmen must be carefully noticed: for both of them are much con- 
cerned in the seamanship described in the narrative before us. 

The ships of the Greeks and Romans, like those of the early North- 
men,? were not steered by means of a single rudder, but by two paddle- 
rudders, one on each quarter. Hence “rudders” are mentioned in the 
plural* by St. Luke (Acts xxvii. 40) as by heathen writers: and the 
fact is made still more palpable by the representations of art, as in 
the coins of Imperial Rome or the tapestry of Bayeux: nor does the 
hinged rudder appear on any of the remains of antiquity, till a late period 
in the middle ages.’ 

And as this mode of steering is common to the two sources, from 
which we must trace our present art of ship-building, so also is the same 
mode of rigging characteristic of the ships both of the North Sea and the 
Mediterranean. We find in these ancient ships one large mast, with 
strong ropes rove through a block at the mast head, and one large sail, 
fastened to an enormous yard.” We shall see the importance of attend- 


1 “ As both ends were alike, if we suppose a full-built merchant-ship of the present 
day, cut in two, and the stern half replaced by one exactly the same as that of the bow, 
we shall have a pretty accurate notion of what these ships were.””—Smith, p. 141. 

* For a full description and explanation of ancient triremes, &c. see Mr. Smith’s Dis 
sertation. 

3 See Vorsaee on the Danes and Northmen in England. He does not describe the 
structure of their ships; but this peculiarity is evident in the drawing given at p. 111, 
trom the Bayeux tapestry. 

4 Τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων. The fact of πηδώλια being in the plural is lost 
sight of in the English version; and the impression is conveyed of a single rudder, 
worked by tiller ropes, which, as we shall see, is quite erroneous. Compare lian. 
V. H. ix. 40. See Smith, p. 143, and Dr. Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, under 
“ Gubernaculum.” 

5 Smith, p. 146. He traces the representation of ancient rudders from Trajan’s, 
column to the gold nobles of our king Edward III., and infers that “ the change in the 
mode of steering must have taken place about the end of the thirteenth cr early in the 
fourteenth century.” 

6 See Vorsaee, as above, and the representations of classical ships in Mr. Smith's 
work. 

5. By this it is not meant that topsails were not used, or that there were never mora 


809 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ing to this arrangement, when we enter upon the incidents of St. Paul's 
voyage (xxvii. 17, 19). One consequence was, that insteail of the strain 
being distributed over the hull, as in a modern ship, it was concentrated 
upon a smaller portion of it: and thus in ancient times there must have 
been a greater tendency to leakage than at present ;! and we have the 
testimony of ancient writers to the fact, that a vast proportion of the 
vessels lost were lost by foundering. Thus Virgil,? whuse descriptions of 
everything which relates to the sca are peculiarly exact, speaks of the 
ships in the fleet of Aineas as lost in various ways, some on rocks and 
some on quicksands, but “ al/ with fastenings loosened :” and Josephus re- 
lates that the ship from which he so narrowly escaped, foundered 3 in 
“ Adria,” and that he and his companions saved themselves by swimming 4 
through the night,—an escape which found its parallel in the experience 
of the Apostle, who in one of those shipwrecks, of which no particular 
narration has been given to us, was “a night and a day in the deep” (2 
Cor. xi. 25). The same danger was apprehended in the ship of Jonah, 
from which “they cast forth the wares that were in the ship into the sea 
to lighten it” (i. 5); as well as in the ship of St. Paul, from which, 
after having “lightened” it the first day, they “cast out the tackling” on 
the second day, and finally ‘‘ threw out the cargo of wheat into the sea” 
(xxvii. 18, 19, 38). 

This leads us to notice what may be called a third peculiarity of the 
appointments of ancient ships, as compared with those of modern times. 
In consequence of the extreme danger to which they were exposed from 
leaking, it was customary to take to sea, as part of their ordinary gear, 
“undergirders” (ὑποζώματαν,, Which were simply ropes for passing round 
the hull of the ship and thus preventing the planks from starting.» One 


masts than one. Topsails (suppara) are frequently alluded to: and we shall have 
occasion hereafter to refer particularly to a second mast, besides the mainmast. See 
Mr. Smith’s Dissertation, p. 151, and the engraving there given from M. Jal’s Archéo- 
logie Navale. 

1 See Smith, p. 63. 

2 “ Laxis laterum compagibus omnes 

Accipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt.’’ 

3 Vit. c. 3. Mr. Smith remarks here (p. 62) that, since Josephus and some of his 
eompanions saved themselves by swimming, “the ship did not go down during the 
gale, but in consequence of the damage she received during its continuance.” For 
the meaning of the word “ Adria,”’ see below. 

4 Probably with the aid of floating spars, ἄρ. See note on 2 Cor. xi. 25. 

5 This is what is called “frapping”’ by seamen in the English navy, who are always 
taught how to frap a ship. The only difference is that the practice is now resorted to 
much less frequently, and that modern ships are not supplied with “ undergirders” 
specially prepared. The operation and its use are thus described in Falconer’s Marine 
Dictionary : “ ΤῸ frap a ship is to pass four or five turns of a large cable-laid rope 
round the hull or frame of ἃ ship, to support her in a great storm, or otherwise, when 
it is apprehended that she is not strong enough to resist the violent efforts of the sea.” 


NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. 303 


of the most remarkable proofs of the truth of this statement is to be found 
in the inscribed marbles dug up within the last twenty years at the Pi 
reus, Which give us an inventory of the Attic fleet in its flourishing pe 
riod ;' as one of the most remarkable accounts of the application of these 
artificial ‘‘ helps” (xxvii. 17) in a storm, is to be found in the narrative 
before us. . 

If these differences between ancient ships and our own are borne in 
mind, the problems of early seamanship in the Mediterranean are nearly 
reduced to those with which the modern navigator has to deal in the same 
seas. The practical questions which remain to be asked are these. What 
were the dimensions of ancient ships? How near the wind could they 
sail? And, with a fair wind, at what rate? 

As regards the first of these questions, there seems no reason why we 
should suppose the old trading vessels of the Mediterranean to be much 
smaller than our own. We may rest this conclusion, both on the charac: 
ter of the cargoes with which they were freighted,* and on the number 
of persons we know them to have sometimes conveyed. Though the 
great ship of Ptolemy Philadelphus* may justly be regarded as built for 
ostentation rather than for use, the Alexandrian vessel, which forms the 
subject of one of Lucian’s dialogues,‘ and is described as driven by stress 


In most of the European languages the nautical term is, like the Greek, expressive of 
the nature of the operation. Fr. ceintrer; Ital. cingere ; Germ. wngtirten; Dutch, 
omgorden ; Norw. omgyrte ; Portug. cintrar. In Spanish the word is tortorar: a 
circumstance which possesses some etymological interest, since the word used by Isidore 
of Seville for a rope used in this way is tormentum. See the next note. 

1 The excavations were made in the year 1834; and the inscriptions were published 
by A. Bockh, under the title Urkunden uber das Seewesen des Attischen Staates 
(Berlin, 1840). A complete account is given of everything with which the Athenian 
ships were supplied, with the name of each vessel, &c.: and we find that they all 
carried ὑποζωματα, which are classed among the σκεύη κρεμαστα, or hanging gear, as 
opposed to the ox. ξύλινα, or what was constructed of timber. See especially No. XIV., 
where mention is made of the ships which were on service in the Adriatic, and which 
carried several ὑποζώματα. Bockh shows (pp. 133-138) that these were ropes passed 
round the body of the ship, but he strangely supposes that they were passed from stem 
to stern (vom Vordertheil bis zum Hintertheil) identifying them with a certain appa- 
ratus called tormentum by Isidore (Orig. xix. 4, 4), who, however, seems to describe 
the common undergirding ropes under the term mitra (funis quo navis media vincitur, 
Ib. 4, 6). See Smith, p. 174. Bockh says that Schneider (on Vitruv. x. 15, 6) was 
the first to think that the ὑπόζωμα was not of wood, but tawwerk. He refers, in illus- 
tration, to Hor. Od. i. 14, 6, and Plat. Rep. x. 3, 616, ¢.; to ὑποζωννύναι as used by 
Polyb. xxvii. 3, 3, and διαζωννύναι by Appian, B.C. v.91, and ζωννύναι by App. Rhod, 
i. 368 ; to a representation of Jonah’s ship in Bosii Roma Subterranea; to a small re 
lief in the Berlin Museum (No. 622), and in Beger Thes. Brand. iii. 406. The ship 
of Ptolemy described by Atheneus, carried (ἐλάμβανε) twelve ὑποζώματα, 

? See below on the traffic between the provinces and Rome. 

3 Described in Atheneus, v. 204. 

4 Navigium seu Vota. From the length and breadth of this ship as given by Lugian, 
Mr. Smith infers that her burthen was between 1000 and 1100 tons, pp. 147-150 


804 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL, 


of weather into the Piraeus, furnishes us with satisfactory data for the 
calculation of the tonnage of ancient ships. Two hundred and seventy- 
six souls! were on board the ship in which St. Paul was wrecked (xxvii. 
37), and the ‘ Castor and Pollux” conveyed them, in addition to her 
own crew, from Malta to Puteoli (xxviii. 11): while Josephus informs 

* that there were six hundred on board the ship from which he, with 
about eighty others, escaped. Such considerations lead us to suppose 
that the burthen of many ancient merchantmen may have been from five 
hundred to a thousand tons, 

A second question of greater consequence in reference to the present 
subject, relates to the angle which the course of an ancient ship could be 
made to assume with the direction of the wind, or to use the lenguage® of 
English sailors (who divide the compass into thirty-two pots), within 


2 & 
Ἶ δ᾽. -< s = 
"by Ἄ Ξ i Ὺ SS 
ee : H ἕν 


how many points of the wind she should sail? That ancient vessels could 
not work to windward, is one of the popular mistakes 4 which need not be . 


1 “The ship must have been of considerable burden, as we find there were no less 
than 276 persons embarked on board her. ΤῸ afford fair accommodation for troops 
in a transport expressly fitted for the purpose, we should allow at the rate of a ton 
and a half to each man, and, as the ship we are considering was not expressly fitted 
for passengers, we may Ebnclude that her burden was fully, or at least nearly double 
the number of tons, to the souls on board, or upwards of 500 tons.””—Penrose, MS. 

2 ὙΠῸ 6.43, 

3 As it is essential, for the purpose of elucidating the narrative, that this languag3 
should be clearly understood, a compass has been inserted on this page, and some 
words of explanation are given both here and below. This will be readily excused 
by those who are familiar with nautical phraseology. 

4 Yet we sometimes find the mistake when we should hardly expect it. ‘Thus, Hemsen 
rays (p. 570, note), with reference to the “Kreuzfahrt.” which ὑπηπλεῖν implies in 
Acts xxvii. 7, “ Doch ist es wohl zweifelhaft, ob die Aiten diese Art gegen den Wind 
au segeln kannten.” 


NAVIGATION OF THE ANCIENTS. 808 


refuted. They doubtless took advantage of the Htesian winds,’ just as 
the traders in the Hastern Archipelago sail with the monsoons : but those 
who were accustomed to a seafaring life could not avoid discovering that 

a ship’s course can be made to assume a less angle than a right angle 
with the direction of the wind, or, in other words, that she can be made 
to sail within less than eight points of the wind:? and Pliny distinctly 
says, that it is possible for a ship to sail on contrary tacks.’ The limits 
of this possibility depend upon the character of the vessel and the vio 
lence of the gale. We shall find, below, that the vessel in which St 
Paul was wrecked, “ could not look at the wind,”—for so the Greek word 
(xxvii. 15) may be literally translated in the language of English sail «18, 
—though with a less violent gale, an English ship, well-managed, could 
easily have kept her course. y modern merchantman, in moderate wea 
ther, can sail within six points of the wind. In an ancient vessel the yard 
could not be braced so sharp, and the hull was more clumsy : and it would 
not be safe to say that she could sail nearer the wind, than within seven 
pounts.4 

To turn now to the third question, the rate of sazlung,—the very na- 
ture of the rig, which was less adapted than our own for working to 
windward, was peculiarly favourable to a quick run before the wind. In 
the China seas, during the monsoons, junks have been seen from the deck 
of a British vessel behind in the horizon in the morning, and before in the 
horizon in the evening.’ Thus we read of passages accomplished of old 
ia the Mediterranean, which would do credit to a well appointed modern 
ship. Pliny, who was himself a seaman, and in command of a fleet at the 
time of his death, might furnish us with several instances. We might 
quote the story of the fresh fig, which Cato produced in the Senate at 
Rome, when he urged his countrymen to undertake the third Punic war, 
by impressing on them the imminent nearness of their enemy. ‘‘ This fruit,” 
he says, ‘‘ was gathered fresh at Carthage three days ago.” * Other voy- 
‘ages, which he adduees, are such as these,—seven days from Cadiz to Ostia, 
—seven days from the straits of Messina to Alexandria—nine days from Pt- 

1 The classical passages relating to these winds—the monsoons of the Levant—are 
collected in Forbiger’s first volume, p. 619. 

2 See Smith, p. 178. 

3 “Tisdem ventis in contrarium navigatur prolatis pedibus.” H. N. ii. 48. 

4 Smith, ibid. 

5 See above, in this volume, p. 227, n. 8. 

6 “Cum clamaret Carthaginem delendam, attulit quodam die in Curiam precocem 
ex ea provincia ficum: ostendensque Patribus; Interrogo vos, inquit, quando hane 
pomum decerptam putatis ex arbore? Cum inter omnes recentem esse constaret ; 
Atqui tertium, inquit, ante diem scitote decerptam Carthagine: tam prope a nauris 
habemus hostem.’”’ Plin. H. N. xv. 20. We may observe that the interval of time 


need not be regarded as so much as three entire days: though Mr. Greswell appears 
to estimate it at “four days.” Diss, Vol. LY. p. 517. 


VOL. 11.—290 


306 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAULL 


teoli to Alexandria. These instances are quite in harmony with what we 
read in other authors. Thus Rhodes and Cape Salmone, at the eastern extre- 
mity of Crete, arereckoned by Diodorus aud Strabo as four days from Alex- 
andria :* Plutarch tells us of a voyage within the day from Brundusium to 
Corcyra :° Procopius describes Belisarius as sailing on one day with his fleet 
from Malta, and landing on the next day some leagues to the south of Car- 
thage.t A thousand stades (or between 100 and 150 miles), is reckoned by 
the geographers a common distance to accomplish in the twenty-four hours.* 
And the conclusion to which we are brought, is, that with a fair wind an 

ncient merchantman would easily sail at the rate of seven knots an hour, 
—a conclusion in complete harmony both with what we have observed in 
a former voyage of St. Paul (Chap. XX.), and what will demand our 
attention at the close of that voyage, which brought him at length from 
Malta by Rhegium to Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13). 

The remarks which have been made will convey to the reader a suffi 
cient notion of the ships and navigation of the ancients, If to the above: 
mentioned peculiarities of build and rig we add the eye painted at the 
prow, the conventional ornaments at stem and stern, which are familiar ta 
us in remaining works of art,® and the characteristic figures of heathen di- 
vinities,’? we shall gain a sufficient idea of an ancient merchantman. And 
a glance at the chart of the Mediterranean will enable us to realise in 
our imagination:the nature of the voyages that were most frequent in the 
ancient world. With the same view of elucidating the details of our sub- 
ject beforehand, we may now devote a short space to the prevalent lines 
of traiiic, and to the opportunities of travellers by sea, in the first cen- 
tury of the Christian era. 

Though the Romans had no natural love for the sea, and though a 


1 “ A freto Sicilia Alexandriam septima die . . . a Puteolis nono die Jenissimo flatu. 

. . Gades ad Herculis columnas septimo die Ostiam.” H. N, xix. J 

? Diod. iii. 33. Plin. H. N. iv. 20. Strabo. x. 4. 

3 Plut. Paul. Aimil. c. 36. . 

4 'Αράμενοι κατὰ τάχος τὰ ἱστία, Τάνλῳ τε καὶ Μελίτῃ ταῖς νήσοις πρόσεσχον, di 
tore ᾿Αδριατικὸν καὶ Τυῤῥηνικὸν πέλαγος διορίζουσιν. ἔνθα δὴ αὐτοῖς Εὔρου τι πνεῦμσ 
ἐπιπεσὸν τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ, τὰς ναῦς ἐς τὴν Λιβύης ἀκτὴν ἤνεγκεν. Procop. Bell. Vand. i 
14, (1. 812. Ed. Βοπη.). This is one of the passages which will be referred to here- 
after, in considering the boundaries of the sea called Adria (Acts xxvii. 27). 

6 Such is the estimate of Marinus, Ptolemy, and Scylax. See Greswell’s Disserta- 
tions, Vol. IV. p. 517. Herodotus (iv. 86) reckons a day and a night’s sail in the 
summer time, and with a favourable wind, at 1300 stadia, or 162 Roman miles. 

6 Wor the χηνίσκος, a tall ornament at the stern or prow, in the form of the neck of 
a water-fowl, see Smith, p. 142, and Hermann, 50, 81. And see the Dictionary of An- 
tiquities under “ Aplustre.”’ 

1 Πορασήμῳ Διοσκύροις, Acts xxviii. 11. Τῆς νεὼς τὸ παράσημον. Plut. Sept. 
Sapp. c. 18. Ἧ πρῶρα τὴν ἐπώνυμον τῆς νεὼς θεὸν ἔχουσα τὴν "low ἑκατέρωθεν. 
Lucian. Nav. ο. 5. See the Scholiast on Aristoph. Ach. 547. ’Ev ταῖς ποώραις τῶν 
τριήρων ἣν ἀγάλματά τινα ξύλινα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καθιδρυμένα, 


ROMAN COMMERCE. 307 


commercial life was never regarded by them as an honourable occupation, 
and thus both the experience of practical seamanship, and the business of 
the carrying trade remained in a great measure with the Grecks, yet ἃ 
vast development had been given to commerce by the consolidation of the 
Roman Empire. Piracy had been effectually put down before the close 
of the Republic.! The annexation of Egypt drew towards Italy the rick 
trade of the Indian seas. After the effectual reduction of Gaul and 
Spain, Roman soldiers and Roman slave-dealers* invaded the shores of 
Britain. The trade of all the countries which surround the Mediterra- 
nean began to flow towards Rome. The great city hersclf was passive, 
for she had nothing to export. But the cravings of her luxury, and the 
necessities of her vast population, drew to one centre the converging lines 
of a busy traffic from a wide extent of provinces. To leave out of view 
what hardly concerns us here, the commerce by land from the North,® some 
of the principal directions of trade by sea may be briefly enumerated as 
follows. The harbours of Ostia and Puteoli were constantly full of ships 
from the West, which had brought wool and other articles from Cadiz :4 
a circumstance which possesses some interest for us here, as illustrating 
the mode in which St. Paul might hope to accomplish his voyage tv 
Spain (Rom. xv. 24). On the South was Sicily, often called the Store- 
house of Italy,;—and Africa, which sent furniture-woods to Rome, and 
heavy cargoes of marble and granite.6 On the East, Asia Minor was 
the intermediate space through which the caravan-trade? passed, convey- 
ing silks and spices from beyond the Euphrates to the markets and 
wharves of Ephesus.8 We might extend this enumeration by alluding to 
the fisheries of the Black Sea,® and the wine-trade of the Archipelago.” 
But enough has been said to give some notion of the commercial activity 
of which Italy was the centre : and our particular attention here is re- 


1 Compare Vol. I. pp. 20, 21. See Hor. “ Pacatum volitant per mare navite,” and 
. Plin. 

* See the passage in Pitt’s speeches, referred to in Milman’s Gibbon, i. p. 70. 

3 For example, the amber trade of the Baltic, and the importing of provisions and 
rough-cloths from Cisalpine Gaul. See Strabo, v. Polyb. ii. 15. Columella de R. R. 
Vii. 2. 

4 See Hoeck’s Rom. Geschichte, I. ii. p. 276. 

5 Tauceiov τῆς Ῥώμης. Strabo, v. See Cic. in Verr. ii. 2. 

6 Hueck, p. 278. 

7 There seem to have been two great lines of inland trade through Asia Minor, one 
near the southern shore of the Black Sea, through the districts opened by the cam- 
paigns of Pompey, and the other through the centre of the country from Mazava, on 
the Euphrates, to Ephesus. 

8 Strabo, xii. xiv. In the first of these passages, he suys of Ephesus, τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς 

[ταλίας καὶ τῆς ‘EAAddo¢ ὑποδοχεῖον κοινόν ἐστι, 

9 Aul. Gell. vil. 16. Mart. ii. 37. 

« Plin.N Εἰς xiv. 16, 17. 


808 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΓ. PAUL. 


quired only to one branch of trade, one line of constant traf? across the 
waters of the Mediterranean to Rome. 

Alexandria has been mentioned already as a city, which, next after 
Athens, exerted the strongest intellectual influence over the age in which 
St. Paul's appointed work was done: and we have had occasion to notice 
some indirect connection between this city and the Apostle’s own labours.’ 
But it was eminent commercially not less than intellectually. The pro- 
phetic views of Alexander were at that time receiving an ampler fulfilment 
than at any former period. The trade with the Indian Seas, whici had 
been encouraged under the Ptolemies, received a vast impulse in the reign 
of Augustus :? and under the reigns of his successors, the valley of the 
Nile was the channel of an active transit trade in spices, dyes, jewels, and 
perfumes, which were brought by Arabian mariners from the far East, and 
poured into the markets of Italy.s But Egypt was not only the medium 
of transit trade. She had her own manufactures of linen, paper, and 
glass,‘ which she exported in large quantities. And one natural product 
of her soil has been a staple commodity from the time of Pharaoh to our 
own. We have only to think of the fertilizing inundations cf the Nile, 
on the one hand, and, on the other, of the multitudes composing the free 
and slave population of Italy, in order to comprehend the activity and im- 
portance of the Alexandrian corn-trade. At a later period the Emperor 
Commodus established a company of merchants to convey the supplies 
from Egypt to Rome; and the commendations which he gave himself for 
this forethought may still be read in the inscription round the ships repre- 
sented on his coins.s The harbour, to which the Egyptian corn-vessels 


ea 


SROVID AVG 


=— 


1 See Vol. 1. pp. 10, 11, 35; Vol. Il. p. 14. 

2 See the history of this trade ia Dean Vincent’s Commerce and Navigation of the 
Ancients. 

3 There is an enumeration of the imports into Egypt from the East in the Periplus 
Maris Erythrai, about the time of Nero, and also in the Pandects, The contents of 
these lists are analysed by Dean Vincent. 

4 Plin. H. N. xiii. 22, 23. xix. 1. Martial, xiv. 150,115. Cic. pro Rabir. post, 14. 
For the manufactures of Alexandria, see Vopisc. Saturn. 8. 

5 This engraving is from Mr. Smith’s work (p. 162), and was taken from a coin at 
Avignon. See another from Capt. Smyth’s Collection, p. 163. That which is here 
represented gives a good representation of the ἀρτεμὼν (Acts xxvii. 40), which, a8 we 
shall see, was probably the foresail. 


TRAVELLERS BY SEA. 869 


were usually bound, was Puteoli. At the close of this Chapter we shall 
sefer to some passages which gave an animated picture of the arrival οἱ 
these ships. Meanwhile, it is well to have called attention to this line of 
traffic between Alexandria and Puteoli; for in so doing we have described 
_ the means which Divine Providence employed for bringing the Apostle to 
Rome. 

The transition is easy from the commerce of the Mediterranean to the 
progress of travellers from point to point in that sea. If to this enumera- 
tion of the main lines of traffic by sea we add all the ramifications of the 
coasting-trade which depended on them, we have before us a full view of 
the opportunities which travellers possessed of accomplishing their voy- 
ages. Just in this way we have lately seen St. Paul completing the 
journey, on which his mind was set, from Philippi, by Miletus and Patara, 
to Cesarea (Ch. XX.). We read of no periodical packets for the con- 
veyance of passengers sailing between the great towns of the Mediterra- 
nean. Emperors themselves were usually compelled to take advantage of 
the same opportunities to which Jewish pilgrims and Christian Apostles 
were limited. When Vespasian went to Rome, leaving Titus to prose- 
cute the siege of Jerusalem, ‘“‘he went ou board a merchant-ship, and 
sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes,” and thence pursued his way through 
Greece to the Adriatic, and finally went to Rome through Italy by land. 
And when the Jewish war was ended, and when, suspicions having arisen 
concerning the allegiance of Titus to Vespasian, the son was anxious ‘‘ to 
rejoin his father,” he also left Alexandria* in a “ merchant-ship,” and 
“hastened to Italy,” touching at the very places at which St. Paul 
touched, first at Rhegium (xxviii. 13), and then at Puteoli (Ib.). 

If such was the mode in which even royal personages travelled from the 
provinces to the metropolis, we must of course conclude that those who 
travelled on the business of the state must often have been content to 
avail themselves of similar opportunities. The sending of state prisoners to 
Rome from various parts of the empire was an event of frequent occurrence. 
Thus we are told by Josephus,’ that Felix “ for some slight offence, bound 
and sent to Rome several priests of his acquaintance, honourable and good 
men, to answer for themselves to Cesar.” Such groups must often have 
left Cxsarea and the other Eastern ports, in merchant-vessels bound for the 
West: and such was the departure of St. Paul, when the time at length 

1 Νεὼς φορτίδος Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐπιθὰς ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας εἰς Ῥόδον διέθαινεν 
᾿Εντεῦθεν δὲ πλέων ἐπὶ τριηρῶν . . .. εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα... . κἀκεῖθεν ἀπὸ Κερκύρας 
ἐπ’ ἀκραν ᾿Ιαπυγίαν, ὅθεν ἤδη κατὰ γῆν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν. Joseph, B. J. vii. 2, 1. 

3. “Nata suspicio est, quasi descisceret a patre. . . . Quam suspicionem auxit, post 
quam Alexandriam petens .. . diadema gestavit. .. Quare festinans in Ituliam, 
cum Rhegium, deinde Puteolos oneraria nave appulisset, Romam inde contendit.” 


Suet. Tit. ο. 5. 
2 Joseph, Vit. c. 3. 


810 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF Κ51. PAUL. 


came for that eventful journey, which had been so long and carnestly 
cherished in his own wishes ;' so emphatically foretold by Divine revela. 
tion ;? and which was destined to involve such great consequences to the 
whole future of Christianity. : 
The vessel in which he sailed, with certain other state-prisoners, was 
“a ship of Adramyttium” apparently engaged in the coasting trade* and 
at that time (probably the end of summer or the beginning of autumn) 4 
bound on her homeward voyage. Whatever might be the harbours at 
which she intended to touch, her course lay along the coast of the province 
of Asia.® Adramyttium was itself a seaport in Mysia, which (as we have 
seen) was a subdivision of that province: and we have already described 
it as situated in the deep gulf which recedes beyond the base of Mount 
Ida, over against the island of Lesbos, and as connected by good roads 
with Pergamus and Troas on the coast, and the various marts in the inte- 
rior of the peninsula. Since St. Paul never reached the place, no descrip- 
tion of it is required.7 It is only needful to observe that when the vessel 
reached the coast of “ Asia,” the travellers would be brought some con- 
siderable distance on their way to Rome; and there would be a good 


1 Rom. xv. 23. 

2 Acts xix. 21. xxiii. 11. See xxvii. 24. 

3 The words μέλλοντι πλεῖν τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν τόπους seem to imply that she 
was about to touch at several places on her way to Adramyttium. Probably she was 
a small coaster similar to those of the modern Greeks in the same seas: and doubtless 
the Alexandrian corn-ship mentioned afterwards was much larger. The reading 
μέλλοντι rests on better authority than μέλλοντες. 

4 This we infer, partly because it is reasonable to suppose that they expected to 
reach Italy before the winter, partly because of the delays which are expressly men- 
tioned before the consultation at Fair Havens. See p. 332. 

5 For the meaning of the word “ Asia” in the New Testament, we need only refer 
again to Vol. 1. p. 237, &e. It is of the utmost consequence to bear this in mind. If 
the continent of Asia were intended, the passage would be almost unmeaning. Yet 
Falconer says (Diss. on St. Paul’s Voyage, on the wind Euroclydon and the Apostle’s 
shipwreck on the island Melita, by a layman. Oxf. 1817), “ They who conducted the 
ship meant to sail on their return by the coasts of Asia; accordingly, the next day 
after they set sail, they touched at Sidon,” p. 4. Nor are we to suppose Asia Minor 
intended, which seems to be the supposition even of Meyer and De Wette. As to the 
text, the general sense is unaltered, whether we read μέλλοντες or μέλλοντι. 

6 Vol. I. p. 278 See Vol. II. p. 210, π. 4. We need hardly allude to the error of 
Grotius, who supposed Adrumetum, on the African coast, to be meant. Mr. Lewin 
assumes that the intention of Julius was to proceed (like those who afterwards took 
Ignatius to his martyrdom) by the Via Egnatia through Macedonia: but the narrative 
gives no indication of such a plan: and indeed the hypothesis is contradicted by the 
word ἀποπλεῖν. 

7 A short notice of it is given by Sir C. Fellows (A.M. p. 39)... Mr. Weston, in his 
MS. journal, describes it as a filthy town, of about 1500 houses, 150 of whieb are in- 
habited by Greeks, and he saw no remains of antiquity. It was a flourishing seaport 
in the time of the kings of Pergamus ; and Pliny mentions it as the seat of a conventies 
juridi us. In Pococke’s Travels (II. ii. 16), it is stated that there is much boat 
puildiug still at Adramyti. 


DEPARTURE FROM ΟΖΒΑΚΕΑ. 811 
prospect of Aading some other westward-bound vessel, in which they might 
complete their voyage,—more especially since the Alexandrian corn-ships 
‘as we shall see) often touched at the harbours in that neighbourhoed. 

St. Paul’s two companions—besides the soldiers, with Julius their com- 
manding officer, the sailors, the other prisoners, and such occasional pas- 
sengers as may have taken advantage of this opportunity of leaving 
Cesarea,—were two Christians already familiar to us, Luke the Evange- 
list, whose name, like that of Timotheus, is almost inseparable from the 
Apostle, and whom we may conclude to have been with him since his 
arrivalin Jerusalem,'—and ‘Aristarchus the Macedonian, of Thessalonica,” 
whose native country and native city have been separately mentioned 
before (Acts xix. 29. xx. 4), and who seems, from the manner in which he 
is spoken of in the Epistles written from Rome (Philem 24. Col. iv. 10), 
to have been, like St. Paul himself, a prisoner in the cause of the Gospel. 

On the day after sailing from Czesarea the vessel put into Sidon (vy. 2). 
This may be readily accounted for, by supposing that she touched there 
for the purposes of trade, or to land some passengers. ‘Or another 
hypothesis is equally allowable. Westerly and north-westerly winds pre 


FIAQNCE 4 
) BABEOP 
ues 


COIN OF ston.” 


vail in the Levant at the end of summer and the beginning of antuma ; 

and we find that it did actually blow from these quarters soon afterwsrds, 
in the course of St. Paul’s voyage. Such a wind would be sufficiently fair 
for a passage to Sidon; and the seamen might proceed to that port it the 
hope of the weather becoming more favourable, and be detained there by 


1 See above. ? From the British Museum. 

3 See the quotation already given from Norie’s Sailing Directions in this volume, 
p. 221, n. 2. A similar statement will be found in Purdy, p. 59. Mr. Smith (pp. 22, 
23, 27, 41) gives very copious illustrations of this point, from the journal written by 
Lord De Saumarez, on his return from Aboukir, in the months of August and Sep- 
tember, 1798. He stood to the north towards Cyprus, and was compelled to run to the 
south of Crete. ‘ The wind continues to the westward. Iam sorry to find it almost 
as prevailing as the trade-winds (July 4).... We have just gained sight of Cyprus, 
near’y the track we followed six weeks ago; so invariably do the westerly winds pre- 
vail at this season (Aug. 19)... . Weare still off the island of Rhodes. Our present 
route is to the northward of Candia (Aug. 28)... . After contending three days 
against the adverse winds which are almost invariably encountered here, and getting 
sufficiently to the northward to have weathered the small islands that lie more immediately 
between the Archipelago and Candia, the wind set in so strong from the westward that I was 
compelled to desist from that passage, and to béar up between Scarpanto and Saxo.” 


Ι 


91. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PATL. 


the wind continuing in the same quarter.!. The passage from Cesarca to 
Sidon is sixty-seven miles, a distance easily accomplished, under fay oura- 
ble circumstances, in less than twenty-four hours. In the course of the 
night they would pass by Ptolemais and Tyre, where St. Paul had visited 
the Christians two years before.* Sidon is the last city on the Pheenician 
sbore in which the Apostle’s presence can be traced. It is a city associa- 
ted, from the earliest times, with patriarchal and Jewish History : The 
limit of “ the border of the Canaanites” in the description of the peopling 
of the earth after the Flood (Gen. x. 19),—‘‘the haven of the sea, the 
haven of ships” in the dim vision of the dying Patriarch (Ib. xlix. 13),— 
the “great Sidon” of the wars of Joshua (Josh. xi.8),—the city that 
never was conquered by the Israelites (Judg. i. 31),—the home of the 
merchants that ‘passed over the sea” (Isa. xili.),—its history was linked 
with all the annals of the Hebrew race. Nor is it less familiarly known in 
the records of heathen antiquity. Its name is celebrated-both in the Iliad 
and the Odyssey, and Herodotus‘ says that its sailors were the most ex- 
pert of all the Phenicians. Its strong and massive fortifications were 
pulled down, when this coast fell under the sway of the Persians ;° but its 
harbour remained uninjured till a far later period. The prince of the 
Druses, with whose strange and brilliant career its more recent history is 
most closely connected, threw raasses of stone and earth into the port, in 
order to protect himself from the Turks : °—and houses are now standing 
on the spot where the ships of King Louis anchored in the last Crusade, 
and which was crowded with merchandize in that age, when the Geogra: 
pher of the Roman Empire spoke of Sidon as the best harbour of Pheeni 
cia.® 
Nor is the history of Sidon without a close connection with those years 

in which Christianity was founded. Not only did its inhabitants, with 
those of Tyre, follow the footsteps of Jesus, to hear His words, and to be 
healed of their diseases (Luke vi. 17): but the Son of David Himself 
visited those coasts, and rewarded the importunate faith of a Gentile sup- 
pliant (Mat. xv. Mark vii.) : and soon the prophecy which lay, as it were, 
involved in this miracle, was fulfilled by the preaching of Evangelists and 
Apostles. Those who had been converted during the dispersion which 
followed the martyrdom of Stephen were presently visited by Barnabas 
and Saul (Acts x). Again, Paul with Barnabas passed through these 

1 “They probably stopped at Sidon for the purposes of trade.” Smith. p. 28. “It 
may be concluded that they put in, because of contrary winds.” Penrose MS. 

2 See what has been said above on these two cities, Ch. XX. p. 231, &c. 

3 Tl. vi. 290, &. Od. iv. 84. 4 Herod. vii. 89, 96. 

5 See Diod. Sic. xvi. 44. Arrian. ii. 15. 

¢ A compendions account of Fakrid-din will be found in the ‘ Modern Traveller.” 


7 For the history of Sidon during the Middle Ages, see Dr. Robinson’s third volume 
® Strabo, xvi. See Joseph. Ant. v., also Scylax and Ach. Tat i. 1. 


SIDON. 818 


cities «1 their return from the first victorious journey among the Gentiles 
(ib. xi. 3). Nor were these the only journeys which the Apostle haé 
taken through Phenicia;1 so that le well knew, on his arrival from 
Cesarea, that Christian brethren were to be found in Sidon. He, doubt 
less, told Julius that he had “friends” there, whom he wished to visit, 
and, either from special commands which had been given by Festus in favour 
of St. Paul, or through an influence which the Apostle had already gained 
over the centuricn’s mind, the desired permission was granted. If we bear 
in our remembrance that St. Paul’s health was naturally delicate, and that 
te must have suffered much during his long detention at Caesarea, a new 
interest is given to the touching incident, with which the narrative of this 
voyage opens, that the Roman officer treated this one prisoner ‘ courteous- 
ly, and gave him liberty to go unto his friends to refresh himself’ We 
have already considered the military position of this centurion, and seen 
that there are good grounds for identifying him with an officer mentioned 
by a heathen historian.? It gives an additional pleasure to such investiga- 
tions, when we can record our grateful recollection of kindness shown by 
him to that Apostle, from whom we have received our chief knowledge of 
the Gospel. 

On going to sea from Sidon, the wind was unfavourable. Hence, what- 
ever the weather had been before, it certainly blew from the westward 
now. ‘The direct course from Sidon to the “coasts of Asia” would have 
been to the southward of Cyprus, across the sea over which the Apostle 
had sailed so prosperously two years before.? Thus when St. Luke says, 
that ‘‘ they sailed wader the lee+ of Cyprus, because the winds were contrary,” 
he means that they sailed to the north-east and north of the Island. If 
there were any doubt concerning his meaning, it would be made clear by 


1 See Vol. I. p. 425. 2 See the preceding chapter. 3 See Chap. XX. 

4 Ὑπεπλεύσαμεν, So the word is used below, v. 7, and ὑποδραμεῖν, v.16. Itisa 
confusion of geographical ideas to suppose that a south shore is necessarily meant. 
Falconer, who imagines the south coast of Cyprus to be intended, was misled by his 
view of the meaning of the word Asia. Hemsen thinks the same, and adds that the 
vessel was afterwards driven northwards into the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia. De 
Wette gives the correct interpretation: ‘“ Schifften wir unter (der Kuste von) Cyperr 
hin, so das dieses links (westlich) liegen blieb,” i.e. sailed under the lee of this 
island, or so that the wind blew from the island towards the ship. The idea of sailing 
near the coast (the explanation of Meyer and Kuinoel) is no doubt included: Lut the 
two things are distinct. Humphrey seems to blend the two—* sailed under the lee of 
Cyprus,—not leaving it at a distance, as they had done in their former voyage, xxi. 3.7’ 
The best note is that of Wetstein; and we should expect a Dutch commentator to be 
better acquainted with the sea than the Germans. “Si ventus favisset alto se commi- 
sissent, et Cyprum ad dextram partem ~??iquissent, ut Act. xxi. 3. Nunc autem cogun. 
tur legere littus Cilicia. inter %prum et Asiam [Minorem]. Toe fit vento adverso, 
cum navis non possit ἀντοφθαλμεῖν (onder ein zeekere plaats zeylen: laveeren) 
Ubi navis vento contrario cogitur a recto cursu recedere, ita ut tunc insula sit inter 
poeitia inter ventum et uavem, dicitur ferri infra insulam.” See Hackett. 


314 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL 


what is said afterwards, that they “ sailed through? the sea which is over 
against Cilicia and Pamphyla.” The reasons why this course was taken 
will be easily understood by those who have navigated those 5088 in modern 
times. Ly standing to the north, the vessel would fall in with the current 
which sets in a north-westerly direction past the eastern extremity of Cyprus, 
and then westerly along the southern coast of Asia Minor, till it is lost at 
the opening of the Archipelago.? And besides this, as the land was neared, 
the wind would draw off the shore, and the water would be smoother ; and 
both these advantages would aid the progress of the vessel. Hence, she 
would easily work to windward,‘ under the mountains οὐ Cilicia, and 
through the bay of Pamphylia,—to Lycia, which was the first district in 
the province of Αβια. Thus we follow the Apostle once more across the 
sea over which he had first sailed with Barnabas from Antioch to Salamis,— 
and within sight of the summits of Taurus, which rise above his native 
city,—and close by Perga and Attaleia,—till he came to a Lycian harbour 
not far from Patara, the last point at which he had touched on his return 
from the third Missionary journey. 

The Lycian harbour, in which the Adramyttian ship came to anchor 
on this occasion, after her voyage from Sidon, was Myra, a city which has 
been fully illustrated by some of those travellers, whose researches have, 
within these few years, for the first time provided materials for a detailed 


1 Διαπλεύσαντες, i.e. sailed through or across. So διαφερομένων, v.27. We should 
observe the order in which the following words occur. Cilicia is mentioned first. 

2“From Syria to the Archipelago there is a constant current to the westward, 
slightly felt at sea, but very perceptible near the shore, along this part of which 
[Lycia] it runs with considerable but irregular velocity: between Adratchan Cape 
and the small adjacent island we found it one day almost three miles an hour... .. 
The great body of water, as it moves to the westward, is intercepted by the western 
coast of the gulf of Adalia; thus pent up and accumulated, it rushes with augmented 
violence towards Cape Khelidonia, where, diffusing itself in the open sea, it again 
becomes equalized.” Beaufort’s Karamania, p. 41. See Vol. 1. p. 138. Il. p. 222. 
[Of two persons engaged in the merchant-service, one says that he has often “ tricked 
other fruit-vessels” in sailing westward, by standing to the north to get this current, 
while they took the mid-channel course ; the other, that the current is sometimes so 
strong between Cyprus and the main, that he has known “a steamer jammed”? there, 
in going to the East. ] 

3 It is said in the Sailing Directory (p. 243), that “at night the great northern 
valley conducts the land-wind from the cold mountains of the interior to the sea;” 
and again (p. 241), that “Captain Beaufort, on rounding Cape Kheiidonia, found the 
land-breezes, which had generally been from the west, or south-west, coming down 
the Gulf of Adalia from the northward.” 

4 The vessel weuld have to beat up to Myra. This is indicated in the map. ‘he 
wind is assumed to be N.W.: and the alternate courses marked are aout N.N.E. on 
the larboard tack, and W.S.W. on the starboard tack. 

5. Lycia was ence actually part of the province of Asia (Vol. I. p. 239) ; but shortly 
before the time of St. Paul’s voyage to Rome it seems to have been united under one 
jurisdiction with Pamphylia (Ib. p. 243). The period when it was a separate province, 
vith Myra for its metropolis, was much later. 


SIDON TO MYRA. 815 


geographical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostics.' Its situation 
was at the opening of a long and wonderful gorge, which conducts the 
traveller from the interior of the mountain-region of Lycia to the sea.” A 
wide space of plain intervened between the city and the port. Strabe 
says that the distance was twenty stadia, or more than two miles. If we 


OOIN OF ayn. 


draw a natural inference from the magnitude of the theatre,> which remains 
at the base of the cliffs, and the traces of ruins to some distance across the 
plain, we should conclude that Myra once held a considerable population : 
while the Lycian tombs, still conspicuous in the rocks, seem to cornect it 
with a remote period of Asiatic history. We trace it, on the other hand, 
in a later though hardly less obscure period of history ; for in the middle 
ages it was called the port of the Adriatic, and was visited by Anglo-Saxon 
travellers? This was the period when St. Nicholas, the saint of the 
modern Greek sailors,—born at Patara, and buried at Myra,—had usurped 
the honour which those two cities might more naturally have given to the 
Apostle who anchored in their harbours.’ In the seclusion of the deep 


1 The two best accounts of Myra will be found in Fellows’s Asia Minor, pp. 194, ἄο. 
and Spratt and Forbes’s Lycia, vol. i. ch. iii. In the former work is a view: in the 
latter sketches of sculpture, &c. A view is also given in Texier’s Asie Mineure. The 
port was visited by Admiral Beaufort (Karamania, pp. 26-31), but he did not explore 
the ruins of Myra itself. For Myra (and also Patara), see vol. iii. of the Trans. of the 
Dilettanti Society. 

2 This gorge ig described in striking language, both by Sir C. Fellows and by Spratt 
and Forbes. 

3 See note 7. 4 From the British Museum. 

5 Mr. Cockerell remarks that we may infer something in reference to the population 
of an ancient city from the size of its theatre. A plan of this theatre is given in 
Leake’s Asia Minor, and also in Texier’s Asie Mineure. 

6 It is well known that there is much difference of opinion concerning the history uf 
Lycian civilisation, and the date of the existing remains. 

7 Early Travels in Palestine, quoted by Mr. Lewin, vol. ii. p. 716. It ix erroneously 
said there that Myra was at that time the metropolis of Lycia, on the authority of the 
Synecdemus (Μητρόπολις τῆς Λυκίας Mipa), which belongs to a period much later. 
The river Andriaki is also incorrectly identified with the Limyrus, though Str: bo’s 
own words are quoted: Eira Μύρα ἐν εἴκοσι σταδίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ϑαλάττης ἐπί 
μετεώρου λόφου. ΕΪθ᾽ ἡ ἐκβυλη τοῦ Λιμυροῦ τοταμοῦ, Xiv. 3. 

° The relies of St. Nicholas were taken to St. Petersburg by a Russian frigate during 
the Greek revolution, and a gaudy picture sent instead. Sp.&F. Compare Fellows 


΄ 


816 THE LIFE AND *EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


gorge of Dembra is a magnificent Byzantine church,'—probably the cathe 
dral of tie diocese, when Myra was tne ecclesiastical and political metropo 
lis of Lycra? Another building, hardly less conspicuous, is a granary 
erected by Trajan near the mouth ot the little river Andraki? ‘This is the 
ancient Andriace, which Pliny mentions as the port of Myra, and which is 
described to us by Appian, in his narrative of the civil wars of Rome, as 
closed and protected by a chain.‘ 

Andriace, the port of Myra, was one of the many excellent harbours 
which abound in the south-western part of Asia Minor. From this cir: 
cumstance, and from the fact that the coast is high and visible to a great 
distance,—in addition to the local advantages which we haye mentioned 
above, the westerly current and the off-shore wind,—it was common for 
ships bound from Egypt to the westward to be found in this neighbourhood 
when the winds were contrary. It was therefore a natural occurrence, 
and one which could have caused no surprise, when the centurion met in 
the harbour at Myra with an Alexandrian corn-ship on her voyage to 
Italy (v. 6). Even if business had not brought her to this coust, she was 
not really out of her track in a harbour in the same meridian as that of 
her own port.’ Itis probable that the same westerly winds which had 
hindered St. Paul's progress from Czesarea to Myra, had caused the Alex- 
andrian ship to stand to the North. 

Thus the expectation was fulfilled, which had induced the centurion ἐς 
place his prisoners on board the vessel of Adramyttium,? That vessel pro: 
ceeded on her homeward route up the coast of the Avgean, if the weather 
permitted : and we now follow the Apostle through a more eventful part 
of his voyage, ina ship which was probably much larger than those that 
were simply engaged in the coasting trade. From the total number of souls 


1 See the description of this grand and solitary building, and the vignette, in Spratt 
and Forbes. They remark that “as Myra was the capital of the bishopric of Lycia 
for many centuries afterwards, and as there are no remains at Myra itself indicating 
the existence of a cathedral, we probably behold in this ruin the head-church of the 
diocese, planted here from motives of seclusion and security,’’ vol. i. p. 107 

3. Hierocl. Synecd. See Wesseling’s note, p. 684. 

3 The inscription on the granary is given by Beaufort. 

4 App. Β. C. iv. 82. Λέντλος, ἐπι τεμφθεὶς Ανδριάκῃ, Μυρέων ἐπινείῳ, τήν τε ἅλυσιν, 
ἔῤῥηξε τοῦ λιμένος, καὶ ἐς Μύρα ἀν"γε". See above, p. 225, n. 4. 

5 See the references to Socrates, Sozomen, and Philo, in Wetstein. It is possible, as 
Kuincel suggests, that the ship might have brought goods from Alexandria to Lycia, 
and then taken in a fresh cargo for Italy: but not very probable, since she was full 
of wheat when the gale caught her. [A captain in the merchant service told the 
writer that in coming from Alexandria in August he has stood to the north towards 
Asia Minor, for the sake of the current, and that this is a very common cuurse.] 

6 Mr. Lewin supposes ‘that the pan of Julius was changed, in consequence of this 
thip being found in harbour here. ‘“ At Myra the centurion most unluckily changed 
ais plan,” &c., vol. ii. p. 716. 

See above, p. 310. 


MYRA. 517 


on euid (v. 81), and the known fact that the Egyptian merchantmen 
were among the largest in the Mediterranean,’ we conclude that she was a 
vessel of considerable size. Hverything that relates to her construction is 
interesting to us, from the minute account which is given of her misfortunes, 
from the moment of her leaving Myra, The weather was unfavourable 
from the first. They were “‘ many days” before reaching Cnidus (v. 7): 
and since the distance from Myra to this place is only a hundred and thirty 
miles, it is certain that they must have sailed ‘“ slowly” (ib.). The delay 
was of course occasioned by one of two causes, by calms or by contrary 
winds. There can be no doubt that the latter was the real cause, not only 
because the sacred narrative states that they reached Cnidus? “ with diffi- 
culty,” but because we are informed that, when Cnidus was reached, they 
could not mak@good their course® any further, “the wind not suffering them” 
(ibid.). At this point they lost the advantages of a favouring current, a 
weather shore and smooth water, and were met by all the force of the 
sea from the westward : and it was judged the most prudent course, instead 
of contending with a head sea and contrary winds, to run down to the 
southward, and, after rounding Cape Salmone, the easternmost point of 
Crete, to pursue the voyage under the lee 4 of that island. 

Knowing, as we do, the consequences which followed this step, we are 
inclined to blame it as imprudent, unless indeed it was absolutely necessary, 
Four while the south coast of Crete was deficient in good harbours, that of 
Cuidus was excellent,—well sheltered from the north-westerly winds, fully 


1 See the Scholiast on Aristides, quoted by Wetstein. Α νῆες τῶν Αἰγυπτίων μείζους 
εἰσι TOV ἄλλων, ὡς ἄπειρον πλῆθος χωρεῖν. 

2 The Greek word is μόλες, which is only imperfectly rendered by “scarce” in the 
English version. It is the same word which is translated “hardly” in y. 8, and it 
occurs again in v. 10. . 

3 Their direct course was about W. by S.: and, when they opened the point, they 
were uader very unfavourable circumstances even for beating. The words μὴ προ- 
σεῶντος ἡμᾶς τοῦ ἀνέμου Mr. Smith understands to mean that the wind would not 
allow the vessel to hold on her course towards Italy, after Cnidus was passed. So Sir 
C. Penrose, in whose MS. we find the following: “The course from Myra towards 
Italy was to pass close to the Island of Cythera (Cerigo), or the south point of the 
Morea; the island of Rhodes lying in the direct track. It appears that the ship 
passed to the northward of that island, having sailed slowly many days from the light 
and baffling winds, usual in those seas and at that season. Having at last got over 
against Cnidus (C. Crio.), the wind not suffering them to get on in the direct course, 
it having become steady from the west or north-west, they sailed southwards, til) 
coming near to the east end of Crete, they passed, ὅτ.) 

The words may, however, mean that the wind would not allow them to put into the 
harbour of Cnidus. So they are understood by Meyer, De Wette, Humphry, and 
Hackett ; and it must be confessed that this seems the most natural view. But even’ 
if this be the correct interpretation, it is equally evident that the wind must hays beea 
nearly north-west. 


a tw 


¥ nen A sucapev 


318 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


supplied with all kinds of stores, and in every way commodious, if needful, 
for wintering.’ 

And here, according to our custom, we pause again in the narrative, 
that we may devote a few lines to the history and description of the place. 
In early times it was the metropolis of the Asiatic Dorians, who worship. 
ped Apollo, their national Deity, on the rugged headland,’ called the 
Triopian * promontory (the modern Cape Crio), which juts ovt beyond the 
city to the West. From these heights the people of Cnidus saw that en- 
gagement between the fleets of Pisander and Conon, which resulted in the 
maritime supremacy of Athens.‘ ‘To the north-west is seen the island of 
Cos (p. 219) : to the south-east, across a wider reach of sea, is the larger 
island of Rhodes (p. 223), with which, in their weaker and more voluptu- 
ous days,’ Cnidus was united in alliance with Rome, at the beginning of 
the struggle between Italy and the East.6 The position of the city of 
Cnidus is to the east of the Triopian headland, where a narrow isthmug 
uuites the premontory with the continent, and separates the two harbours 
which Strabo has described.? ‘‘ Few places bear more incontestable proofs 
of former magnificence ; and fewer still of the ruffian industry of their 
destroyers. The whole area of the city is one promiscuous mass of ruins ; 
among which may be traced streets and gateways, porticoes and theatres.” 
But the remais which are the most worthy to arrest our attention are 
those of the harbours ; not only because Cnidus was a city peculiarly asso- 
ciated with maritime enterprise,? but because these remains have been less 
obliterated by violence or decay. ‘The smallest harbour has a narrow 
entrance between high piers, and was evidently the closed basin for 

1 Tf the words μὴ προσεῶντος τοῦ ἀνέμου really mean that the wind would not allow 
them to enter the harbour of Cnidus, these remarks become unnecessary. 

3 Herod, i. 174. 

3 For a view of this remarkable promontory, which is the more worthy of notice, 
since St. Paul passed it twice (Acts xxi. 1. xxvii. 7), see the engraving in the Admi- 
ralty Chart, No. 1604. 

4 Xen. Hell, iv. 3, 6. See above, p. 222. 

5 We can hardly avoid making some allusion here to the celebrated Venus of Praxi- 
teles (quam ut viderent multi navigaverunt Cnidum. Plin. Η. Ν. xxxvi. 5,4). This 
object of universal admiration was there when St. Paul passed by ; for it is mentioned 
by Lucian (Amor. c. 11), and by Philostratus, in the life of Apollonius of Tyana. 

6 Dio. xxvii. 6. It was afterwards made “a free city.” Plin. H. N. v. 38. 

7 Strabo xiv. 6. The ruins are chiefly on the east side of the Isthmus (see Hamil- 
ton, as referred to below). Pausanias says that the city was divided into two parts by 
en Euripus, over which a bridge was thrown; one half being towards the Triopian 
promontory, the other towards the east. Eliac.i, 24. Arcad. 30. 

8 Beaufort’s Karamania, p. 81. \The fullest account of the ruins will be found ip. 
the third volume of the Transactions of the Dilettanti Society, and in Hamilton’s Asia 
Minor, vol. i. pp. 39-45. 

9 Τὸ was Sostratus of Cnidus who built the Pharos of Alexandria. The same place 
gave birth to Ctesias and Agatharchides, and others who have contributed much to 
geographical knowledge. 


CNIDUS. 319 


triremes, whicn Strabo mentions.” But it was the southern and larger 
port which lay in St. Paul’s course from Myra, and in which the Alexan: 
drian ship must necessarily have come to anchor, if she had touched at 
Cnidus. ‘This port is formed by two transverse moles ; these noble works 
were carried into the sea to a depth of nearly a hundred feet ; one of them 
is almost perfect ; the other, which is more exposed to the south-west swell, 
can only be seen under water.”' And we may conclude our description, 
by quoting from another traveller, who speaks of “the remains ef an 
ancient quay on the 8. W., supported by Cyclopian walls, and in some 
places cut out of the steep limestone rocks, which rise abruptly from the 
water’s edge.” ? 

This excellent harbour then, from choice or from necessity, was left 
behind by the seamen of the Alexandrian vessel. Instead of putting back 
there for shelter, they yielded to the expectation of being able to pursue 
their voyage under the lee of Crete, and ran down to Cape Salmone: after 
rounding which, the same “ difficulty” would indeed recur (y. 8), but still 
with the advantage of a weather shore. The statements at this particular 
point of St. Luke’s narrative enable us to ascertain, with singular minute- 
ness, the direction of the wind: and it is deeply interesting to observe how 
this direction, once ascertained, harmonizes all the inferences which we 
should naturally draw from other parts of the context. But the argument 
has been so well stated by the first writer who has called attention to this 
question, that we will present it in his words rather than our own “The 
course of a ship cn her voyage from Myra to Italy, after she has reached 
Cnidus, is by the north side of Crete, through the Archipelago, W. by 8. 
Hence a ship which can make good a course of less than seven points from 
the wind, would not have been prevented from proceeding on her course, 
unless the wind had been to the west of N. N. W. But we are told that 
she ‘ran under Crete, over against Salmone,’ which implies that she was 
able to fetch that cape, which bears about 8. W. by 8S. from Cnidus ; but, 
unless the wind had been to the north of W.N.W., she could not have 
done so. The middle point between N.N.W. and W.N.W. is north-west, 
which cannot be more than two points, and is probably not more than one, 
from the true direction, The wind, therefore, would in common language 


1 Here and above we quote from Beaufort. See his Sketch of the Harbour. The 
same may be seen in the Admiralty chart, No. 1533. Another chart gives a larger 
plan of the ruins, ἄρ. Fora similar plan, with views on a large scale, see the third 
volume of the Trans. of the Dilettanti Society. See also the illustrated works of La- 
borde and Texier. A rude plan is given in Clarke’s Travels, ii. 216. Perhaps thera 
is no city in Asia Minor which has been more clearly displayed, both by description 
and engravings. 

? Hamilton, p. 39. 

3 For wat may be necessary to explain the nautical terms, see the compass og 
p. 304. 


820 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


have been termed north-west.”! And then the author proceeds to quote 
what we have quoted elsewhere (Vol. II. p. 221, n. 2), a statement from 
the English Sailing Directions regarding the prevalence of north-westeriy 
winds in these seas during the summer months ; and to poiat out that the 
statement is in complete harmony with what Pliny says of the Etesian 
monsoons.” 

Under these circumstances of weather, a reconsideration of what has 
been said above, with the chart of Crete before us, will show that the 
voyage could have been continued some distance from Cape Salmone 
under the lee of the island, as it had been from Myra to Cnidus,?—but 
that at a certain point (now called Cape Matala), where the coast trends 
suddenly to the north, and where the full force of the wind and sea from 
«he westward must have been met, this possibility must have ceased once 
more, as it had ceased at the south-western corner of the Peninsula. At 
a short distance to the east of Cape Matala is a roadstead, which was 
then called “ Fair Havens,” and still retains the same name,‘ and which 
the voyagers successfully reached and came to anchor, ‘There seems to 
have been no town at Fair Havens ; out there was a town near it called 
Lasea,® a circumstance which St. Luke mentions (if we may presume to 
say so), not with any view of fixing the locality of the roadstead, but 
simply because the fact was impressed on his memory.’ If the vessel was 
detained long at this anchorage, the sailors must have had frequent inter- 
course with Laszea, and the soldiers too might obtain leave to visit it ; 
and possibly also the prisoners, each with a soldier chained to his arm. 
We are not informed of the length of the delay at Fair Havens: but: be- 
fore they left the place, a “considerable time” had elapsed since they 

! Smith, p. 35. 2H. N. ii. 4. See Aristot. De Mundo, ec. 4. 

3 See above. It is of importance to observe here that the pronoun in μόλις παρα- 
λεγόμενοι ἀυτὴν refers, not to Salmone, but to Crete. With the wind from the N.W. 
they would easily round the point: but after this they would “beat up with difficulty 
along the coast” to the neighbourhood of Cape Matala. 

4 It is no doubt the same place which is mentioned by Pococke (ii. 250) under the 
name of Λιμέονες Κάλους, and also the Calismene spoken of in the voyage of Rauwolf 
(in Ray’s Collection), and the Calis Miniones of Fynes Morison. In ancient sailing 
directions, Dutch and French, it is described as “een schoone bay, une belle baie.” 
See all these references in Smith, pp. 30, 38,44. The place was visited by Mr. Pashley, 
but is not described by him. Meyer considers the name euphemistic. As regards 
wintering, the place was certainly ἀνεύθετος ; but as regards shelter from some winds 
(including N.W.), it was a good anchorage. 

5 Mr. Smith says that Lasea is not mentioned by any ancient writer. It is, however, 
probably the Lasia of the Peutingerian Tables, stated there to be sixteen miles to the 
east of Gortyna. [See the short Appendix on the “ Paraplus des Ap. Paulus,” at the 
end of the first volume of Hoeck’s Kreta, p. 439, and compare p. 412.] Some MSS. 
have Lasea, others Alassa. The Vulgate has Thalassa, and Cramer mentions coins of 
a Cretan town so called.—Ancient Greece, iii. 374. 


6 The allusion is, in truth, an instance of the autoptic style of St. Luke, on which 
we have remarked in the narrative of what took place at Philippi. 


FAIR HAVENS. 


FAIR HAVENS. $21 


had suiled from Caesarea! (vy. 9) ; and they had arrived at that season of 
the year when it was considered imprudent to try the open sea. This is 
expressed by St. Luke by saying that “the fast was already past ;” a 
proverbial phrase among the Jews, employed as we should employ the 
phrase “ about Michaelmas,” and indicating precisely that period of the 
year.” The fast of expiation was on the tenth of Tisri, and corresponded 
to the close of September or the beginning of October;* and is exactly 
the time when seafaring is pronounced to be dangerous by Greek and 
Roman writers. It became then a very serious matter of consultation 
whether they should remain at Fair Havens for the winter, or seek some 
better harbour. St. Paul’s advice was very strongly given that they 
should remain where they were. He warned them that if they ventured 
to pursue their voyage, they would meet with violent weather,’ with great 
injury to the cargo and the ship, and much risk to the lives of those on 
board. It is sufficient if we trace in this warning rather the natural prus 
dence aid judgment of St. Paul than the result of any supernatural reve- 
lation ; though it is possible that a prophetic power was acting δ in combi- 
nation with the insight derived from long experience of “ perils in the sea” 
(2 Cor. xi. 26). He addressed such arguments to his fellow-voyagers as 
would be likely to influence all : the master? would naturally avoid what 
might endanger the ship : the owner® (who was also on board) would be 
anxious for the cargo: to the centurion and to all, the risk of perilling 
their lives was a prospect that could not lightly be regarded. That St. 
Paul was allowed to give advice at all, implies that he was already held 
in a consideration very unusual for a prisoner in the custody of soldiers ; 
and the time came when his words held a commanding sway over the 


1 Ἱκανοῦ δὲ χρόνου διαγενομένου καὶ ὄντος ἤδη, κ. τ. A. When they left Cxesarea 
they had every reascuable prospect of reaching Italy before the stormy season. 

? Just so Theophrastus reckons from a Heathen festival, when he says τὴν ϑάλατταν 
ἐκ Διονυσίων πλώϊμον εἶναι. 

3 Levit. xvi. 29. xxiii. 27. See Philo. Vit. Mos. ii. 657, c. 

4 See what the Alexandrian Philo says: Διαγγελείσης οὖν τῆς ὅτι νοσεῖ φήμης, 
ἔτι πλοΐίμων ὄντων" ἀρχὴ γὰρ ἦν μετοπώρου, τελευταῖος πλοῦς τοῖς ϑαλαττεύουσιν, 
ἀπὸ τῶν πανταχόθεν ἐμπορίων εἰς τοὺς οἰκείους λιμένας καὶ ὑποδρόμους ἐπανιοῦσι, 
καὶ μάλιστα οἷς πρόνοια τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάζειν Ext ξένην eotiv. De Virtut. Opp. it 
ὅ48, 14. Compare Hesiod. Op. et Di. 671, and Aristoph. Av. 709 (καὶ πηδάλιον τέτε 
ναυκλήρῳ φράζει κρεμάσαντι καθεύδειν), and Vegetius (v. 9), as quoted by Mr. Smith, 
“Ex die tertio Idaum Novembris, usque in diem sextum iduum Martiarum, maria 
clauduntur, Nam lux minima noxque prolixa, nubium densitas, aéris obscuritas, ven- 
torum imbrium vel nivium geminata sevitia.”’ 

5 "YGpews, v. 10. See again, y. 21. Compare Hor. Od. 1. xi. 14. Ventis debes 
ludibrium. 

6 Observe the vagueness of the words νήσιον τι. 

7 Χυβερνήτης, translated “shipmaster”’ in Rey. xviii. 11 

8 NavxAnpoc. He might be the skipper, or little more than supercarge. For the 
proper relation of the κυβερνήτης to the vav«2npoc, see Xen. Mem. π. vi, 8, mL, ix 11 

von, u.—2l 


«22 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΥ. PAUL. 


whole crew : yet we cannot be surprised that on this occasion the centu- 
rion was more influenced! by the words of the owner and the master than 
those of the Apostle. There could be no doubt that their present anchar- 
age was “ incommodious to winter in” (v. 12), and the decision of “ the 
majority” was to leave it, so soon as the weather should permit. 

On the south coast of the islard, somewhat further to the west, was a 
harbour called Phcenix,? with which it seems that some of the sailors 
‘were familiar. They spoke of it in their conversation, during the delay at 


Γ 


J 
Ji= 
ANAPOLIS7 1) PHOENICE 


se ΞΕ: 
The Soundings are in fathoms. 
| Variation of Compass 13° W. 
SOUNDINGS, FIC., OF LUTRO.3 


i En ἴίθετο. Imperf. 

3 doi So the name is written by St. Luke and by Strabo. See below. The 
name was probably derived from the palm-trees, which are said by Theophrastus and 
Pliny to be indigenous in Crete. See H eck’s Kreta, i. 38, 388. 

3 The writer was kindly permitted to trace this portion of the south coast of Crete 
from the drawing by Capt. Spratt, R.N., just arrived at the Admiralty (April, 1852). 
On comparing it with what is said by Mr. Smith, p. 50, it will be seen to bear out his 
conclusions in all main points. At the time when his work was published, our infor- 
mation regarding the coast of Crete was very imperfect: and he found it to be the 
general impression of several officers acquainted with the navigation of those seas [and 
the writer of this note may add that he has received the same impression from persons 
sngaged in the merchant service, and familiar with that part of the Levant], that there 
are no ship-harbours on the south side of the island. The soundings, however, of 

“Lutro, as here exhibited, settle the question. 

In further corfrmation of the point, Mr. Smith allows us to quote part of a letter 
he received, after the publication of his work, from Mr. Urquhart, Μ.Ρ., who is alluding 
to what occurred to him, when on board a Greek ship of war and chasing a pirate. 
“Tutro isan admirable harbour. You open it likea box; unexpectedly, the rocks stand 
apart, and the town appears within. ... We thought we had cut him off, and that we 


PHCEINTA. 82% 


Fair Havens, and they described it as “looking! toward the south-west 
wind and north-west wind.” If they meant to recommend a harbour, intc 
which these winds blew dead on shore, it would appear to have been up 
sailorlike advice : and we are tempted to examine more closely whether 


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were driving him right upon the rocks. Suddenly he disappeared ;—and, rounding in 
after him, like a change of scenery, the little basin, its shipping and the town, pre- 
sented themselves. . . . Excepting Lutro, all the roadsteads looking to the southward 
are perfectly exposed to the south or east.” Fora view of Lutro, see Pashley’s Tra- 
vels in Crete. 

1 Βλέποντα, which is inadequately translated in the English version, 

‘ This chart is taken from Mr. Smith’s work, with some modifications. The part 


594 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


the expression really means what at first sight it appears to mear, and 
then to enquire further whether we can identify this description with any 
existing harbour. This might indeed be considered a question of mere 
curiosity,—since the vessel never reached Phoenix,—and since the descri~ 
tion of the place is evidently not that of St. Luke, but of the sailors, 
whose conversation he heard.'' But everything has a deep interest for us 
which tends to elucidate this voyage, And, first, we think there caunot 
be a doubt, both from the notices in ancient writers and the continuanco 
of ancient names upon the spot, that Pheenix is to he identified with the 
modern Lutro.? This is a harbour which is sheltered trom the winds above. 
mentioned : and, without entering fully into the discussions which have 
arisen from this subject, we give it as our opinion that the difficulty is te 
be explained, simply by remembering that sailors speak of everything 
from their own point of view, and that such a harbour does “look”— 
from the water towards the land which encloses—in the direction of *‘ south- 
west and northwest.” * 


near Lutro is corrected from the tracing mentioned above. The spot marked “Spring 
and Church of St. Paul”’ is from the English Admiralty survey. The cape marked 
“©, St. Paul”? is so named on the authority of Lapie’s map and last French govern- 
ment chart of the eastern part of the Mediterrancan. The physical features are after 
Lapie and Pashley. For a notice of St. Paul’s Fountain, see Pashley, ii. 259. 

! Observe the parenthetic way in which the description of Phoenix is introduced, v. 12. 

2 Hicrocles, in the Synecdemus, identifies Phoenice with Aradena ; and says that the 
island Claudos was near it. Φοινίκη ἤτοι ᾿Αράδενα" νῆσος Κλαῦδος (Wess. p. 651). 
and Stephanus Byzantinus identifies Aradena with Anopolis. ᾿Αράδην πόλις Κρήτης 
ἡ δὲ ᾿Ανώπολις λέγεται, διὰ τὸ εἶναι ἄνω. And the co-existence of the names Phineka 
Aradhena, and Anopolis, on the modern chart, in the immediate neighbourhood οἱ 
the harbour of Lutro, establish the point beyond a doubt. Moreover Strabo says (x. 
4), that Phoenix is in the narrowest part of Crete, which is precisely true of Lutro; 
and the longitudes of Ptolemy (iii. 17) harmonise with the same result. See Smith 
p. 51, and Pashley’s Travels in Crete, ii. 257. We ought to add that Pashley says that 
Lutro is called Katopolis in reference to the upper towa, i. 193. 

3 It seems strange that this view should not have occurred to the commentators, 
So far as we know, Meyer is the only one who has suggested anything similar. “ Der 
Hafen bildete eine solche Kriummung, dass sich ein Ufer nach Nordwest und das an- 
dere nach Sudwest hin erstreckte.” Such a harbour would have been very “commo- 
dious to winter in;”’ and it agrecs perfectly with Lutro, as delineated in the recent 
survey. To have recommended a harbour because the south-west and north-west 
winds blew into it would have been folly. But whether the commentators felt this or 
not, they have generally assumed that the harbour was open to these winds. 

In controverting the common opinion, Mr. Smith takes another view of κατά. He 
looks from the land and regards κατ᾽ ἄνεμον as equivalent to “down the wind,’ or 
“in the direction of the wind,’ and fortifies his view by Herod. iv. 110, and Arrian 
Peripl. Eux. p. 3. We think this criticism is quite tenable, though unnecessary. 
Hackett strongly controverts it, and quotes Prof. Felton’s authority to shew that the 
passage from Arrian is inconclusive. Thus he abandons the identification of Phoenix 
with Lutro (p. 359), and yet he seems to assume their identity in the following page. 

It appears to us that κατὰ κῦμα καὶ ἄνεμον in Herod. iv. 110, is not decisive. Again, 
in the passage adduced from Arrian, it is evidently possible to translate νεφέλη ἑπανά 


THE STORM. 325 


With a sudden change of weather, the north-westerly wind ceasing, 
and a ligut air springing up from the south, the sanguine sailors “ thought 
that their purpose was already accomplished” (v.13). They weighed 
anchor ; and the vessel bore round Cape Matala, The distance to this 
point from Fair Havens is four or five miles: the bearing is W. by S. 
With a gentle southerly wind she would be able to weather the cape: 
and then the wind was fair to Phoenix, which was thirty-five miles distant 
from the cape, and bore from thence about W.N. W. The sailors already 
saw the high land above Lutro, and were proceeding in high spirits,—per- 
haps with fair-weather sails set,\—certainly with the boat towing astern ἡ 
—forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending dangers. 

The change in the fortunes of these mariners came without a moment’s 
warning.’ Soon after weathering Cape Matala, and, while they were 
pursuing their course in full confidence, close by the coast of Crete4 (v 
13), a violent wind came down’ from the mountains, and struck the ship 
(seizing her, according to the Greek expression,® and whirling her round), 


otaca ἐξεῤῥάγη κατ’ εὗρον, “a cloud towards the east rose and broke.” There is a 
passage in Thucydides which seems at first sight entirely to harmonise with Mr. 
Smith’s view of κατώ. Gylippus is said to have been driven out to sea, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Tarentum, ὑπ' ἀνέμου, ὃς ἐκπλεῖ ταύτῃ μέγας κατὰ βοραν ἑστηκώς, Vi. 104. 
Yet even here there isa doubt. See Mr. Grote’s remarks, Hist. vol. vii. p. 359. The 
passage, however, which has been quoted above from Josephus in the description of 
Cxsarea (p. 280, n. 9) is quite conclusive. 

1 See what is said below in reference to χαλάσαντες τὸ σκεῦος, V. 17. 

? This is certain, from v. 16. 

3 Their experience, however, might have taught them that there was some cause fo! 
fear. Capt. J. Stewart, R. N. as quoted by Mr. Smith, p. 60) observes, in his remarks 
on the Archipelago: “It is always safe to anchor under the lee of an island with a 
northerly wind, as it dies away gradually ; but it would be extremely dangerous with 
southerly winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent northerly wind.” 

4Accov παρελέγοντο (Imperf.). See below. We need hardly notice the ancient 
opinion that we have here a proper name. Thus the Vulgate has “cum sustulissent 
de Asson,’”? and Luther translates as though a place called Assos were the point to- 
ward which they were sailing. In one of the old maps of Crete mentioned in Mr. 
Smith’s preface (p. viii.) the town of Assos is actually inserted on a promontory in the 
Gulf of Messara. | 

5 Here we must venture to controvert the view of Mr. Smith. Kaz’ αὐτῆς refers to 
the preceding word Κρήτην, and it is said of the wind, as it is said of the gods in 
Homer, By δὲ κατ’ Οὐλύμποιο, κ. τ. A. The land of Crete is very high, and indeed the 
ship was nearly close under Mount Ida (see the chart), and the wind came down one 
of the gullies on the flanks of this mountain. Mr. Smith’s criticism indeed is just, that 
@ pronoun may refer to what is uppermost in the writer’s mind, whether expressed or 
not. Yet we must observe that the word used for the ship hitherto has been πλοῖον, 
not ναῦς. [Sir C. Penrose, without reference to the Greek, speaks of the wind as 
“ descending from the lofty hills in heavy squalls and eddies, and driving the now 
almost helpless ship far from the shore, with which her pilots vainly attempted te 
tlose.”’] 

6 Συνασπασθέίντος. 


826. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


50 that it was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course. 
The character of the wind is described in terms expressive of the utmost 
violence. It came with all the appearance of a hurricane:? and the 
name “ Euroclydon,” which was given to it by the sailors, indicates tho 
commotion in the sea which presently resulted? The consequence was 
that, in the first instance, they were compelled to scud before the gale.‘ 
If we wish to understand the events which followed, it is of the utmost 
consequence that we should ascertain, in the first place, the direction οἵ 
this gale. Though there is a great weight of opinion in favour of the 
reading Ewroaquilo, in place of Ewroclydon,*—a view which would deter- 
mine, on critical grounds, that the wind was E.N.K.,—we need not con- 
sider ourselves compelled to yield absolutely'to this authority ; and the 
mere context of the narrative enables us to determine the question with 
great exactitude. The wind came down from the island and drove the 
vessel off the island: whence it is evident that it could not have been 
southerly. If we consider further that the wind struck the vessel when 
she was not far? from Cape Matala (v. 14),—that it drove her towards 
Clauda® (v. 16), which is an island about twenty miles to the 8.W. of 
that point,—and that the sailors “feared” lest it should drive them anto 
the Syrtis® on the African coast (v. 17),—all which facts are mentioned 
in rapid succession,—an inspection of the chart will suffice to show us that 


1 *AvrodOaduciv τῷ ἀνέμῳ, “to look at the wind.’’ See above, p. 305. We see the 
additional emphasis in the expression, if we remember that an eye was painted on 
each side of the bow, as we have mentioned above. Even now the “eyes” of a ship 
is a phrase used by English gailors for the bow. 

® "Aveuog τυφωνικός. 

3 Whatever we may determine as to the etymology of the word εὐροκλύδων, it scems 
clear that the term implies a violent agitation of the water. 

4 'Επιδόντες ἐφερόμεθα. 

5 Mr. Smith argues in favour of the reading ’EvpaxvAwy (Euro-Aquilo. Vulg.), and 
uotes in his Appendix the Dissertations of Bentley and Granville Penn. But we 
save a strong impression that Εὐροκλύδων is the correct reading. The addition of 
the words 6 καλούμενος scems to us to show that it was a name popularly given by the 
sailors to the wind: and nothing is more natural than that St. Luke should use the 
word which he heard the seamen employ on the occasion. Besides it is the more diffi- 
cult reading. Tischendorf retains it. 

6 Falconer supposes that the wind came from the southward, and clumsily attempts 
to explain why (on this supposition) the vessel was not driven on the Cretan coast. 

7 "Aooov παρελέγοντο. The use of the imperfect shows that they were sailing near 
the shore when the gale seized the vessel. Thus we do not agree with Mr. Smith in 
referring μετ’ ob πολὺ to the time when they were passing round Cape Matala, but to 
the time of leaving Fair Havens. The general result, however, is the same. 

8 There is no difficulty in identifying Clauda. It is the Κλαῦδος of Ptolemy and the 
Synecdemus, and the Gaudus of Pomponius Mela. Hence the modern Greek Gaudo 
nesi, and the Ivalian corruption into Gozo. 

® We may observe here, once for all, that the English version, “ the quicksands,” 
does not convey the accurate meaning of τὴν Σύρτιν, which means the notoriously 
dangerous bay between Tunis and Tripoli, 


SEAMANSHIP DURING THE GALE. 327 


the point from which the storm came must have been N.E., or rather 
to the Hast of N.E.,—and thus we may safely speak of it as coming from 
the E.N.E.! 

We proceed now to inquire what was done with the vessel under these 
perilous circumstances. She was compelled at first (as we have seen) to 
scud before the gale. But three things are mentioned in close connection 
with her coming near to Clauda, and running wnder the lee of it* Here 
they would have the advantage of a temporary lull and of comparatively 
smooth water for a few miles:? and the most urgent necessity was atten- 
ded to first. The boat was hoisted on board: but after towing so long, it 
must have been nearly filled with water : and under any circumstances the 
hoisting of a boat on board in a gale of wind is a work accomplished ‘‘ wath 
difficulty.” Soit was in this instance, as St. Luke informs us. To effect 
it at all, it would be necessary for the vessel to be rounded-to, with her 
head brought towards the wind : 4 a circumstance which, for other reasons 
(as we shall see presently) it is important to bear in mind. The next pre. 
caution that was adopted betrays an apprehension lest the vessel should 
spring a leak, and so be in danger of foundering at sea. 'They used the 


1 These arguments are exhibited with the utmost clearness hy Mr. Smith. Adopt 
ing the reading Εὐρακύλων, he has three independent arguments in proof that the 
wind was H.N.E.’4N.; (1) the etymological meaning of the word; (2) the fact that 
the vessel was driven to Clauda, from a point a little west of C. Matala; (3) the fear 
of the sailors lest they might be driven into the Syrtis. 

The view of Admiral Penrose is slightly different. He supposes that the wind began 
from some of the northern points, and drew gradually to: the eastward, as the ship 
gained an offing ; and continued nearly at East, varying occasionally a point or two 
to the North or South. He adds that a Levanter, when it blows with peculiar violence 
some points to the North of East, is called a Gregalia [cf. 6 καλούμενος Ἐὐροκλύδων, 
and that he had seen many such. 

2 See Vv. 16, 17. 

3 “The ship, still with-her boat towing at her stern, was however enabled to run 
under the lee of Clauda, a small island about twenty miles from the south coast of 
Crete, and, with some rocks adjacent, affording the advantage of smooth water for 
about twelve or fifteen miles, while the ship continued under their lee. Advantage 
was taken of this comparative smooth water, with some difficulty to lioist the boat 
into the ship, and also to take the further precaution of undergirding her by passing 
tables or other large ropes under the keel and over the gunwales, and then drawing 
them tight by means of pullies and levers.” Penrose, MS. It is interesting to observe_ 
the coincidence of this passage with what is said by Mr. Smith. 

Sir C. Penrose proceeds to mention another reason for the vessel being undergirded. 
‘This wise precaution was taken, not only because the ship, less strongly built than 
those in modern days, might strain her planks and timbers and become leaky, but 
from the fears, that if the gale continued from the north-east, as it probably began, 
they might be driven into the deep bight on the coast of Africa, where were situated: 
the greater and lesser Syrtis, so much dreaded by the ancients, and by these means of 
security be enabled to keep together l:nger, should they be involved in the quick 
sands.” 

4 Smith, p. 64. 

5 rapping would be of little use in stopping a leak. It way rather a precantior te 


$28 THE IJFE ΑΝ!» EPISTLES OF ST, PAUL. 


tackling, which we have described above, and which provider “lielps” in 
such an emergency. They “ wndergirded” the ship with topes passed round 
her frame and tightly secured on deck.'' And after this, or rather simul- 
taneously (for, as there were many hands on board, these operations might 
all be proceeding together), they ‘lowered the gear.” ‘This is the most 
literal translation of the Greek expression.* In itself it is indeterminate ; 
but it doubtless implies careful preparation for weathering out the storm, 
What precise change was made we are not able to determine, in our igno- 
rance of the exact state of the ship’s gear at the moment. It might mean 
that the mainsail was reefed and set ;* or that the great yard* was lower- 
ed upon deck anda small storm sail hoisted. It is certain that what 
English seamen call the top-hamper® would be sent down on deck. Aste 


prevent the working of the planks and timbers: and thus, since the extensive applica 
tion of iron in modern ship-building, this contrivance has rarely been resorted to 
Besides the modern instances adduced by Mr. Smith, the writer has heard of the fol- 
lowing : (1) A Canadian timber vessel in the year 1846 came frapped to Aberdeen, 
(2) In 1809 or 1810, a frigate (the Venus?) came home from India with hawsers round 
her. (3) The same happened to a merchant vessel which came from India, apparently 
iu the same convoy. (4) Lord Exmouth (then Captain Pellew) brought home the 
Arethusa in this state from Newfoundland. (5) At the battle of Navarin, the Albion 
man-of-war received so much damage during the action, that it became necessary te 
have recourse to frapping, and the vessel had chain cables passed round her under 
‘he keel, which were tightened by others passed horizontally along the sides inter- 
sacing them ; and she was brought home in this state to Portsmouth. See the next 
note. 

1 To the classical instances mentioned above we may add Thucyd. i. 29, where the 
Corcyreans are spoken of as ζεύξαντες τὰς madaiig ναῦς ὥστέ πλωΐμους εἰναι. Dr. 
Arnold says, in his note, that “the Russian ships taken iu the Tagus in 1808 were 
kept together in this manner, in consequence of their age aud unsound condition.” 
Poppo, however, understands the term ζεύξαντες differently. 

? Xaddoavtes τὸ σκεῦος. The same verb is used below (v. 30) in reference to 
lowering the boat into the water. 

3 This suggestion is partly due to a criticism in the Mnglish Review (June 1850, 
Notice of Mr. Smith’s work), based on Isaiah xxxiii. 23 (LXX.). Ἐῤῥάγησαν τὰ 
σχοινία σου, ὅτι οὐκ ἐνίσχυσαν" ὁ ἱστός cov ἔκλινεν, ob χαλάσει τὰ ἱστία, οὐκ ἀρεῖ 
σημεῖον. In reference to this passage, we may remark that χαλάω is equally appli- 
eable to the spreading of a sail which is lowered from a yard, and to the lowering of a 
yard with whatever belongs to it. The reviewer lays stress on the circumstance that 
St. Paul’s ship had probably no sail set when she reached Clauda ; and, as he justly 
remarks, the Alexandrian origin of the Septuagint version should be recollected. 

4 Such is Mr. Smith’s view. 

5 i.e. the gear connected with the fair-weather sails. See Smith, p. 69. We are 
tere allowed to quote from a letter addressed to Mr. Smith by Capt. Spratt, R.N. 
After saying that the translation of σκεύη into “ gear” is borne out by its application 
among the modern Greek sailors to the ropes, &c., he proceeds: “Ships so rigged ag 
those o” the ancients, with only one large square sail, would require very heavy mast- 
head gear; i.e., very large σκεύη, or ropes rove there, to support the yard and sail; 
so that, even when the latter was lowered, considerable top-weight would remain, te 
produce much uneasiness of motion as well as resistance to the wind. Two such come 
bined evils would not be overlooked by sailors, who had a thcught about drifting on a 
lee shore. Presuming the main-sail and yard to be down, and the vesse] snug under 


SEAMANSHIP DURING THE GALE. 323 


those fair-weather sails themselves, which may have been too hastily used 
un leaving Fair Havens, if not taken in at the beginning of the gale they 
must have been already blown to pieces. 

But the mention of one particular apprehension, as the motive of this 
last precaution, informs us of something further. It was because they 
“ feared lest they should be driven into the Syrtis,” that they “lowered the 
gear.” Now to avoid this danger, the head of the vessel must necessarily 
have been turned away from the African coast, in the direction (more or 
less) from which the wind came. To have scudded before the gale under 
bare poles, or under storm-sails, would infallibly have stranded them in the 
Syrtis,—not to mention the danger of pooping, or being swamped by the 
sea breaking over her stern. ΤῸ have anchored was evidently impossible 
Only one other course remained: and this what is technically called by 
sailors dying-to. To effect this arrangement, the head of the vessel is 
brought as near to the wind as possible : asmall amount of canvass is set, 
and so adjusted, as to prevent the vessel from falling off into the trough 
of the sea.! This plan (as is well known to all who have made long voya- 
ges) is constantly resorted to when the object is not so much to make 
progress, as to weather out a gale. 

We are here brought to the critical point of the whole nautical difficul- 
ty in the narrative of St. Paul’s voyage and shipwreck, and it is desirable 
to notice very carefully both the ship’s position in reference to the wind 
and its consequent motion through the water. Assuming that the vessel 
was laid-to, the questions to be answered in reference to its position are 
these. How near the wind did she lie ? and which side did she present 
to the wind? ‘The first question is answered in some degree by a reference 
to what was said in the early part of this Chapter.? If an ancient mer- 
chantmen could go ahead in moderate weather, when within seven points 
of the wind, we may assume that she would make about the same angle 
with it when lying-to in a gales The second question would be practically 


a storm-sail, the heavy σκεύη, or ropes being no longer of use aloft would naturally be 
unroye or lowered, to prévent drift, as a final resource, when the sailors saw tnat the 
gale was likely to be strong and lasting.” 

1 ¢,e. the hull of the vessel is in a direction oblique to the length of the waves 
The following extract from Falconer’s Marine Dictionary under the article Trying 
(an equivalent term), may be useful to those who are not familiar with sea-phrases — 
“The intent of spreading a sail at this time is to keep the ship more steady ; and, by 
pressing her side down in the water, to prevent her from rolling violently; and alsa 
to turn her bow towards the direction of the wind, so that the shock of the waves may 
fall more obliquely on her flank, than when she lies along the trough of the sea. 29 
In this position she advances very little according to the line of her length, but is 
driven considerably to leeward.” 

2 See p. 304. 

3 It is not to be understood, however, that the same absolute position in reference te 
the wind is continually maintained. When a ship is laid-to * gale, a kind of vibra 


330 , THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


determined by the circumstances of the case and the judgment of the 
sailors. It will be scen very clearly by what fcllows that if the ship had 
deen laid-to with her left or port side to the wind, she must have been 
driven far out of her course, and also in the direction of another part of 
the African coast. In order to make sure of sea-room, and at the same 
time to drift to the westward, she must have been laid-to with her right 
side to the wind, or on the starboard tack,—the position which she was 
probably made to assume at the moment of taking the boat on board.' 
We have hitherto considered only vhe ship’s position in reference to the 
wind. We must now consider its motion. When a vessel is laid-to, she 
does not remain stationary, but drifts: and our inquiries of course have 
reference to the rate and direction of the drift. The rate of drift may 
vary, within certain limits, according to the build of the vessel and the in- 
tensity of the gale: but all seamen would agree, that, under the cireum- 
stances before us, a mile and a half in the hour, or thirty-six miles in 
twenty-four hours, may be taken as a fair average.” The direction in which 
she drifts is not that in which she appears to sail, or towards which ha 
bows are turned: but she falls off tolee ward: and to the angle formed 
by the line of the ship’s keel and the line in which the wind blows we 
must add another, to include what the sailors call dee-way :* and this may 
be estimated on an average at six points (67°). Thus we come to the 
conclusion that the direction of drift would make an angle of thirteen 


tion takes place. To use the technical expression, she comes up and falls off—oscillat- 
ing perhaps between five points and nine points. 

1 See Smith, pp. 64, 68, and compare the following: “I ought to assign the reason 
why I consider the ship to have drifted with her starboard side towards the wind, or 
on the starboard tack, as a sailor expresses it. When the south wind blew softly, the 
ship was slowly sailing along the coast of Crete, with her starboard side towards the 
land, or to the North. . . . The storm came on her starboard side, and in this manner, 
with her head to the Westward, she drifted, first to the South West under Clauda, and 
as the wind drew more to the Eastward, her head pointed more towards the North, the 
preper tack to keep farther from the quicksands, whether adopted from necessity or 
from choice.”’—Pcnrose MS. 

5. See the two naval authorities quoted by Mr. Smith, p. 84. The same estimate is 
given in the MS. of Admiral Penrose. ‘ Allowing the degree of strength cf the gale 
to vary a little occasionally, I consider that a ship would drift at the rate of about a 
mile and a half per hour.” 

3 A reference to the compass on p. 304 with the following extracts from Falconer’s 
Marine Dictionary, will make the meaning clear. “Len-Way is the lateral movement 
of a ship to leeward of her course, or the angle which the line of her way makes with 
the keel, when she is closehauled. This movement is produced by the mutual effort 
of the wind and sea upon her side, forcing her to leeward of the line on which she 
appears to sail.” “CLOSEHAULED (aw plus pres, Fr.). The general arrangement of ἃ 
ehip’s saila, when she endeavours to make a progress in the nearest direction possible 
towards that point of the compass from which the wind bloweth. .. . In this manner 
of sailing the keel commonly makes an angle of six points with the line of the wind. 
The angle of leeway, however, enlarges in proportion to the increase of the wind and 
pea.’ 


i>] 


SUFFERINGS DURING THE GALI. 892 


points (147¢) with the direction of the wind. If the wind was E.N.B, 
the course of the vessel would be W. by N. 

We have becn minute in describing the circumstances of the ship ἃ. 
this moment ; for it is the point upon which all our subsequent conclusions 
must turn.” Assuming now that the vessel was, as we have said, laid-to 
on the starboard tack, with the boat on board and the hull undergirded, 
drifting from Clauda in a direction W. by N. at the rate of thirty-six 
miles in twenty-four hours, we pursue the narrative of the voyage, without 
anticipating the results to which we shall be brought. ‘The more marked 
incidents of the second and third days of the gale are related to us (vv. 
18,19). The violence of the storm continued without any intermission.? 
On “the day after” they left Clauda, ‘they began to lighten‘ the ship” 
by throwing overboard whatever could be most easily spared. From this 
we should infer that the precaution of undergirding had been only par- 
tially successful, and that the vessel had already sprung a leak. This is 
made still more probable by what occurred on the “third day.” Both 
sailors and passengers united * in throwing out all the “spare gear” into 
the sea. Then followed “several days” of continued hardship and anxie- 
ἐγ. No one who has never been in a leaking ship ina long continued 


1 Again, our two authorities are in substantial agroement. ‘ Supposing the Le- 
vanter (as is the most probable, it being the most usual) after the heavy Gregalia, 
which first drove the ship off the coast of Crete, and under the lee of Clauda, took 
upon the average the direction of Hast,—the mean direction of the drift of such a ship, 
lying-to, as before described, would be between W.N.W. and W. by N.; and such is 
nearly the bearing of the North coast of Malta from the South side of Clauda.”’ Pen- 
rose MS. Compare Smith. 

7 It is at this point especially that we feel the importance of having St. Paul’s voy- 
age examined in the light of practical seamanship. The two investigators, who have 
so examined it, have now enabled us to understand it clearly, though all previous 
commentators were at fault, and while the ordinary charts are still full of error and 
confusion. The sinuosities in this part of the voyage, as exhibited in the common 
maps of St. Paul’s Travels, are only an indication of the perplexity of the compilers. 
The course from Clauda to Malta did not deviate far from a straight line. 

3 Σφοδρῶς χειμαζομένων ἡμῶν. 

4 Observe the imperfect ἐκβολὴν ἐποιῦυντο, as contrasted with the aorist ἐῤῥιψαμεν 
in the next verse. 

5 'Αυτόχειρες ἐῤῥίψαμεν. Observe the change from the third person to the first. St. 
Luke’s hands, and probably St. Paul’s, aided in this work. 

6 We cannot determine precisely what is meant here by τὴν σκεύην τοῦ πλοίου. Mr. 
bmith thinks the mainyard is meant, “an immense spar, probably as long as the ship, 
and which would require the united efforts of passengers and crew to launch over- 
board,”—adding that “the relief which a ship would experience by this, would be of 
the same kind as in a modern ship when the guns are thrown overboard.’”’? But would 
sailors in danger of foundering willingly lose sight of such a spar as this, which would 
he capable of supporting thirty or forty men in the water? 

7 The narrative of the loss of the Ramillies supplies a very good illustration of tha 
state of things on board St. Paul’s vessel during these two days. “At this time she 
bad six feet of water in her hold, and the pumps would not free her, the water having 
worked out all the oakum The admiral therefore gave orders for all the buckets to 


332 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUT. 


gaie' can know what is suffered under such circumstances. The stram 
both of mind and body—the incessant demand for the labour of all the 
crew—the terror of the passengers—the hopeless working at the pumps-— 
the labouring of the ship’s frame and cordage—the driving of the storm— 
the benumbing effect of the cold and wet,—make up a scene of no ordina 
ty confusion, anxiety, and fatigue. But in the present case these evils were 
much aggravated by the continued overclouding of the sky (a circumstance 
not unusual during a Levanter) which prevented the navigators from 
taking the necessary observations of the heavenly bodies. In a modern 
ship, however dark the weather might be, there would always be a light 
in the binnacle, and the sbip’s course would always be known: but in an 
ancient vessel, “when neither sun nor stars were seen for many days,” the 
case would be far more hopeless. It was impossible to know how near 
they might be to the most dangerous coast. And yet the worst danger 
was that which arose from the leaky state of the vessel. This was so bad, 
that at length they gave up all hope of being saved, thinking that nothing 
could prevent her foundering.* To this despair was added a further suffer- 
ing from want of food,? in consequence of the injury done to the provisions, 


be remanned, and every officer to help towards freeing the ship: this enabled her to 
sailon....... In the evening it was found necessary to dispose of the forecastle and 
aftermost quarter-deck guns, together with some of the shot and other articles of very 
great weight; and the frame of the ship having opened during the night, the admi- 
ral was next morning prevailed upon, by the renewed and pressing remonstrances of 
his officers, to allow ten guns more to be thrown overboard. The ship still continuing 
to open very much, the admiral ordered tarred canvass and-hides to be nailed fore and 
aft, from under the cills of the ports on the main deck and on the lower deck. Her 
increasing damage requiring still more to be done, the admiral directed all the guna 
on the upper deck, fhe shot, both on that and the lower deck, with various heavy 
stores, to be thrown overboard.” 

1 Χειμῶνος οὐκ ὀλίγου ἐπικειμένου. 

3 Λοιπὸν περιῃρεῖτο ἐλπὶς πᾶσα τοῦ σώζεσθαι ἡμᾶς. 

3 Mr. Smith illustrates this by several examples. We may quote an instance from 
a very ordinary modern voyage between Alexandria and Malta, which presents some 
points of close resemblance in a very mitigated form. 

“The commander came down, saying the night was pitch dark and rainy, with 
symptoms of a regular gale of wind. This prediction was very speedily verified. A 
violent shower of hail was the precursor, followed by loud peals of thunder, with vivid 
flashes of forked lightning, which played up and down the iron rigging with fearful 
rapidity..... She presently was struck by a sea which came over the paddle-boxes, 
soon followed by another, which coming over the forocastle, effected an entrance 
through the skylights, and left four feet of water in the officers’ cabin. The vessei 
seemed disabled by this stunning blow; the bowsprit and fore part of the ship were 
for some moments under water, and the officer stationed at that part of the ship de- 
scribed her as appearing during that time to be evidently sinking, and declared that 
for many soconas he saw only the sea. The natural buoyancy of the ship at last al- 
lowed her to right herself, and during the short lull (of three minutes) her head tous 
turned, to avoid the danger of running too near the coast of Lybia, which to the 
more experienced was the principal cause of alarm; for had the wheels given way 
which was not improbable from the strain they had undergone, nothing could have 


ΒΤ. PAULS VISION 998 


and the impossibility of preparing any regular meal. Hence we see the 
force of the phrase! which alludes to what a casual reader might suppose 
an unimportant part of the suffering, the fact that there was “ much absti- 
nence.” It was in this time of utter weariness and despair that to the 
Apostle there rose up “light in the darkness :” and that light was made 
the means of encouraging and saving the rest. While the heathen sailors 
were vainly struggling to subdue the leak, Paul was praying ; and God 
granted to him the lives of all who sailed with him. A vision was vouch- 
safed to him in the night, as formerly, when he was on the eve of convey- 
ing the Gospel from Asia to Europe, and more recently in the midst of 
those harassing events, which resulted in his voyage from Jerusalem to 
Rome. When the cheerless day came, he gathered the sailors round him * 
on the deck of the labouring vessel, and, raising his voice above the storm, 
said : 


Sirs, ye should have hearkened to my counsel, and not have 
set sail from Crete: thus would you have been spared 3 this harm ‘ 
and loss. , 

And now I exhort you to be of good cheer: for there shall 
be no loss of any man’s life among you, but only of the ship. 
For there stood by me this night an angel of God, whose I am, 
and whom I serve,’ saying, “ Fear not, Paul, thou must stand 
before Cesar: and, lo! God hath given thee all who sail with 
thee.” Wherefore, Sirs, be of good cheer; for I believe God, 
that what hath been declared unto me shall come to pass. Never- 
theless, we must be cast upon a certain island. 


saved us, though we had been spared all other causes for apprehension....... With 
daylight the fearful part of the hurricane gave way, and we were now in the direction 
of Candia, no longer indeed contending against the wind, but the sea still surging and 
impetuous, and no lull taking place during twelve hours, to afford the opportunity of 
regaining our tack, from which we had deviated about 150 miles. The sea had so 
completely deluged the lower part of the ship, that it was with difficulty that suffi- 
cient fire could be made to afford us even coffee for breakfast. Dinner was not to 
be thought of.’—Mrs. Damer’s Diary in the Holy Land, vol. ii. 

1 Πολλῆς ἀσιτίας ὑπαρχούσης. See below, the narrative of the meal at daybreak, 
vy. 33, 34. The commentators have done little to elucidate this, which is in fact no 
difficulty to those who are acquainted with sea-voyages. The strangest comment is in 
& book, which devotionally is very useful,—Lectures on St. Paul, by the late Rev. Ἡ, 
Blunt, of Chelsea,—who supposes that a religious fast was observed by the crew 
Juring the storm. 

3 Σταθεὶς ἐν μέσῳ αὐτῶν. 

3 Κερδῆσαι means “to be spared,’’ not “to gain.” (A.V.) We should observe that 
St. Paul’s object in a luding to the correctness of bis former advice, is not to taunt 
those who had rejected it, but to induce them to give credit to his present assertions, 

4 The ὕβριν was to their persons, the ζημίαν to their property. 

3 Aatpedw. Compare Rom. i. 9, and note. 


5a4 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ. PAUL. 


We are not told how this address was received. But sailors, however 
reckless they may be in the absence of danger, are peculiarly open to re 
ligious impressions : and we cannot doubt that they gathered anxiously 
round the Apostle, and heard his words as an admonition and encourage- 
ment from the other world ; that they were nerved for the toil and difficul- 
ty which was immediately before them, and prepared thenceforward to 
listen to the Jewish prisoner as to a teacher sent with a divine commission. 

The gale still continued without abatement. Day and night succeeded, 
and the danger seemed only to increase; till fourteen days had elapse 
during which they had been “ drifting through the sea of Adria”! (v.27). 
A gale of such duration, though not very frequent, is by no means unpre- 
cedented in that part of the Mediterranean, especially towards winter.*> At 
the close of the fourteenth day, about the middle of the night the sailors 
suspected that they were nearing land? There is little doubt as to what 
were the indications of land. The roar of breakers is a peculiar sound, 
which can be detected by a practised ear,‘ though not distinguishable from 
the other sounds of astorm by those who have not “‘ their senses exercised” 
by experience of the sea. When it was reported that this sound was 
heard by some of the crew, orders were immediately given to heave the 
lead, and they found that the depth of the water was ‘‘ twenty fathoms.” 
After a short interval, they sounded again, and found “fifteen fathoms.” 
Though the vicinity of land could not but inspire some hope, as hoiding 
out the prospect of running the ship ashore® and so being saved, yet the 


1 By this is meant, as we shall see’ presently, that division of the Mediterranean 
which lies between Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece with Crete on the east 
See above, p. 302, n. 3, and p. 306, n. 4. 

2 The writer has heard of easterly and north-easterly gales lasting for a still longer 
period, both in the neighbourhood of Gibraltar and to the eastward of Malta. A cap- 
tain in the merchant service mentions a fruit vessel near Smyrna hindered for a fort- 
night from loading by a gale from the N.E. She was two days in beating up a little 
bay a mile deep. He adds, that such gales are prevalent there towards winter. An- 
other case is that of a vessel bound for Odessa, which was kept three weeks at Milo 
with an easterly gale. This, also, was late in the year (October). A naval officer 
writes thus: “‘ About the same time of the year, in 1839, I left Malta for the Levant in 
the ‘Hydra,’ a powerful steam-frigate, and encountered Ewroclydon (or, as we call it, 
a Levanter) in full force. I think we were four days without being able to sit down 
at table to a meal; during which time we saw ‘neither sun nor stars.’ Happily she 
was a powerful vessel, and we forced her through it, being charged with dispatches, 
though with much injury to the vessel. Had we been a mere log on the water, like 
ot. Paul’s ship, we should have drifted many days. 

3 Ὑπενοοῦν οἱ ναῦται προσάγειν τινὰ αὐτοῖς χώοαν. Mr. Smith (p. 78) truly re- 
marks, that this is an instance of “the graphic language of seamen, to whom the ship 
is the principal object.” 

4 It is hardly likely that they saw the breakers. To suppose that they became 
aware of the land by the smell of fragrant gardens (an error found in a recent work) 
is absurd; for the wind blew from the ship towards the land. 

s “They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship and run her ashore: 


ANCHORING IN THE NIGHT. δῦ 


alarm of the sailors was great when they perceived how rapidly they were 
shoaling the water. It scems also that they now heard breakers ahead. 
However this might be, there was the utmost danger lest the vessel should 
strike and go to pieces. No time was to be lost. Orders were immedi 
utely given to clear the anchors. But, if they had anchored by the bow, 
there was good ground for apprehending that the vessel would have swung 
round and gone upon the rocks. They therefore let go ‘four anchors by 
the stern.” For a time, the vessel’s way was arrested: but there was too 
much reason to fear that she might part from her anchors and go ashore, 
if indeed she did not founder in the night: and “they waited anxiously 
for the day.” 

The reasons are obvious why: she anchored by the stern, rather than in 
the usual way. Besides what has been said above, her way would be 
more easily arrested, and she would be in a better position for being ran 
ashore’? next day. But since this mode of anchoring has raised some ques- 
tions, it may be desirable, in passing, to make a remark on the subject. 
That a vessel can anchor by the stern is sufficiently proved (if proof were 
needed) by the history of some of our own naval engagements. So it was 
at the battle of the Nile. And when ships are about to attack batteries, 
it is customary for them to go into action prepared to anchor in this way. 
This was the case at Algiers. There is still greater interest in quoting 
the instance of Copenhagen, not only from the accounts we have of the 
precision with which each ship let go her anchors astern as she arrived 
nearly opposite her appointed station,’ but because it is said that Nelson 
stated after the battle, that he had that morning been reading the twenty- 
seventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles But, though it will be 
granted that this manceuvre is possible with due preparation, it may be 
doubted whether it could be accomplished in a gale of wind on a 166 shore, 


but to do so before it was day would have been to have rushed on certain destruction - 
they must bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on till day-break, &e.”’ 
—Smith, p. 88. 

1 Mr. Smith (p. 91) seems to infer this from the words φοβούμενοι μήπως εἰς τραχεῖς 
τόπους ἐκπέσωσιν. But the word μήπως (or μήπου, according to Tischendorf’s read- 
ing) would rather imply that the fear was a general one. We should observe that the 
correct reading (and the more natural one) is ἐκπέσωμεν. 

* We must carefully observe that, in anchoring,—besides the proximate cause, viz 
the fear of falling on rocks to leeward,—* they had also an ulterior object in view, 
which was to run the ship ashore as soon .as daylight enabled them to select a spot 
where it could be done with a prospect of safety: for this purpose the very best posi- 
tion in which the ship could be was to be anchored by the stern.”—Smith, p. 92. 

1 See Southey’s Life of Nelson: “All the line-of-battle ships were to anchor by the 
stern, abreast of the different vessels composing the enemy’s line; and for this purpose 
they had already prepared themselves with cables out of their stern-ports.” 

4 This anecdote is from a private source, and docs not appear in any of the printed 
rarratives of the battle. 


836 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUT. 


without any previous notice. The question in fact is, whether ancient ships 
in the Mcditerranean were always prepared to anchor in this way. Some 
answer to this doubt is supplied by the present practice of the Levantine 
eaiques, which preserve in great measure the traditionary build and rig 
οἵ ancient merchantmen. ‘These modern Greek vessels may still be seen 
anchoring by the stern in the Golden Horn at Constantinople, or on the 
coast of Patmos.‘ But the best illustration is afforded by one of the paint 
ings of Herculaneum, which represents ‘‘aship so strictly contemporancons 


with that of St. Paul, that there is nothing impossible in the supposition, 
that the artist had taken his subject from that very ship, on loosing from 
the pier at Puteoli.”? There is this additional advantage to be obtained 
from an inspection of this rude drawing, that we see very clearly how the 
rudders would be in danger of interfering with this mode of anchoring,— 
a subject to which our attention will presently be required. Our supposed 
objector, if he had a keen sense of practical difficulties, might still insist 
that to have anchored in this way (or indeed in the ordinary way) would 
have been of little avail in St. Paul’s ship: since it-could not be supposed 
that the anchors would have held in such a gale of wind. To this we can 
only reply, that this course was adopted to meet a dangerous emergency. 
The sailors could not have been certain of the result. They might indeed 


1 The first of these instances is supplied by a naval officer ; the second by a captain 
who has spent a long life in the merchaut service. 
> Smith, p. 94. 3 See ν΄ 40. 


WAITING FOR THE DAY. 337 


Lave had confidence in their cables: but they could not be sure of their 
holding ground. 

This is one of the circumstances which must be taken into account, 
when we sum up the evidence in proof that the place of shipwreck was 
Malta. At present we make no such assumption. We will net anticipate 
the conclusion, till we have proceeded somewhat farther with the narra- 
tive. We may, however, ask the reader to pause for a moment, and re- 
consider what was said of the circumstances of the vessel, when we described 
what was done under the lee of Clauda. We then saw that the direction 
in which sbe was drifting was W. by N. Now an inspection of the chart 
will show us that this is exactly the bearing of the northern part of Malta 
from the south of Clauda. We saw, moreover, that she was drifting at 
the rate of about a mile and a half in every hour, or thirty-six miles in the 
twenty-four hours. Since that time thirteen days had elapsed : for the 
first of the ‘‘fourteen days” would be taken up on the way from Fab 
Havens to Clauda.'’ The ship therefure had passed over a distance of 
about 468 miles. The distance between Clauda and Malta is rather lex 
than 480 miles. The coincidence? is so remarkable, that it seems hardly 
possible to believe that the land, to which the sailors on the fourteenth 
night “deemed that they drew nigh,”—the “certain island,” on which it 
was prophesied that they should be cast,—could be any other place than 
Malta. The probability is overwhelming. But we must not yet assume 
the fact as certain: for we shall find, as we proceed, that the conditions 
are very numerous, which the true place of shipwreck will be required to 
satisfy. 

We return then to the ship, which we left labouring at her four anchors. 
The coast was invisible, but the breakers were heard in every pause of 
the storm. The rain was falling in torrents ;? and all hands were weak- 
ened by want of food. But the greatest danger was lest the vessel should 
founder before daybreak. The leak was rapidly gaining, and it was ex- 

1 All that happened after leaving Fair Havens before the ship was undergirded and 
laid-to, must evidently have occupied a great part of a day. 

® In the general calculation Mr. Smith and Sir C. Penrose agree with one another; 
and the argument derives great force from the slight difference between them. Mr. 
Smith (pp. 83-89) makes the distance 476-6 miles, and the time occupied thirteen days 
one hour and twenty-one minutes. With this compare the following: ‘Now, with 
respect to the distance, allowing the degree of strength of the gale to vary a little oc 
casionally, I consider that a ship would drift at the rate of about one mile and a half 
per hour, which, at the end of fourteen complete days, would amount to 504 miles ; 
but it does not appear that the calculation is to be made for fourteen entire ‘lays: it 
was on the fourteenth night that the anchors were cast off the shores of Melita. The 
distance frory the S. of Clauda to the N. of Malta, measured on the best chart I have, 
is ahout 490 miles; and is it possible for coincident calculations, of such a nature, to 
he more exact? In fact, on one chart, after I had calculated the supposed drift, as 8 
seaman, to be 504 miles, I measured the distance to be 503.” 


2 See xxviii. 2, διὰ τον ὑετὸν τὸν ἐφεστῶτα. 
VUL, 11.-.-92 


8238 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


pected that cach moment might be the last. Under these circumstances 
we find the sailors making a selfish attempt to save themselves, and leave 
the ship and the passengers to their fate. Under the pretence of carrying 
out some anchors from the bow, they lowered the boat over the ship’s side 
‘y. 80). The excuse was very plausible, for there is no doubt that the 
vessel would have been more steady if this had been done ; and, in order 
to effect it, it would be necessary to take out anchors in the boat. But 
their real intention was to save their own lives and leave the passengers.' 
St. Paul penetrated their design, and either from some divine intimation 
of the instruments which were to be providentially employed for the 
safety of all on board,—or from an intuitive judgment, which shewed him 
that those who would be thus left behind, the passengers and soldiers, 
would not be able to work the ship in any emergency that might arise, 
—he saw that, if the sailors accomplished their purpose, all hope of 
deing saved would be gone.? With his usual tact, he addressed not a 
word to the sailors, but spoke to the soldiers and his friend the centu- 
rion ;* and they, with military promptitude held no discussion on the 
subject, but decided the question by immediate action. With that short 
sword, with which the Roman legions cleft their way through every ob- 
stacle to universal victory, they “cut the ropes ;”'and the boat fell off, 
and, if not instantly swamped, drifted off to leeward into the darkness, 
and was dashed to pieces on the rocks. 

Thus the prudent counsel of the Apostle, seconded by the prompt 
action of the soldiers, had been the means of saving all on board. Each 
successive incident tended to raise him, more and more, into a position of 
overpowering influences Not the captain or the ship’s crew, but the 
passenger and the prisoner, is looked to now as the source of wisdom and 
safety. We find him using this influence for the renewal of their bodily 
strength, while at the same time he turned their thoughts to the providen- 
tial care of God. By this time the dawn of day was approaching.® <A faint 

1 Ζητούντων φυγεῖν ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου. 

2 "Edy μὴ οὗτοι μείνωσιν ἔν τῷ πλοίῳ, ὑμεῖς σωθῆναι οὐ δύνασθε. We observe that 
in ὑμεῖς the soldiers are judiciously appealed to on the score of their own safety. 
Much has been very unnecessarily written on the mode in which this verse is to be 
narmonised with the unconditional assurance of safety in ver. 22-24. The same diffi- 
culty is connected with every action of our lives. The only difference is, that, in the 
narrative before us, the Divine purpose is more clearly indicated, whereas we usually 
see only the instrumentality employed. 

3 Τῷ Exarovtdpyn καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις. 

4*Ezacav αὐτὴν ἐκπεσεῖν. In the words above (χαλασάντων τὴν σκάφην εἰς τὴν 
θάλασσαν) it is clear that the boat, which was hoisted on deck at the beginning of the 
gale, had been half lowered from the davits. 

5 The commanding attitude of St. Paul in this and other scenes of the narrative is 
forcibly pointed out by the Review of Mr. Smith’s work in the North British Review 
for May 1849, 

ὁ "Ape od ἤμελλεν ἡμέρα γένεσθαι, v. 33. See v. 39. 


SHIPWRECK. 339 


hght shewed more of the terrors of the storm, and the objects on board 
the ship began to be more distinctly visible. Still towards the land, all 
was darkness, and their eyes followed the spray in vain as it drifted off 
to leeward. A slight effort of imagination suffices to bring before us an 
impressive spectacle, as we think of the dim light just shewing the hag- 
gard faces of the 276 persons, clustered on the deck, and holding on Ὀὴ 
the bulwarks of the sinking vessel. In this hour of anxiety the Apostle 
stands forward to give them courage. He reminds them that they had 
“eaten nothing ” for fourteen days; and exhorts them now to partake of 
a hearty meal, pointing out to them that this was indced essential to their 
safety,? and encouraging them by the assurance that “not a heir? cf their 
head” should perish. So speaking, he set the example of the cheerful use 
of God’s gifts and grateful acknowledgment of the Giver, by taking bread, 
“ giving thanks to God before all,” and beginning to eat. Thus encour- 
aged by his calm and religious example, they felt their spirits revive,‘ and 
“they also partook of food,” and made themselves ready for the labour 
which awaited them.® 

Instead of abandoning themselves to despair, they proceeded actively 
to adopt the last means for relieving the still sinking vessel. The cargo of 
wheat was now of no use. It was probably spoilt by the salt water. 
And however this might be, it was not worth a thought ; since it was 
well known that the vessel would be lost. Their hope now was to run 
ler on shore and so escape to land. Besides this, it is probable that, 
the ship having been so long in one position, the wheat had shifted over 
to the port side, and prevented the vessel from keeping that upright posi- 
tion, which would be most advantageous when they came to steer her 
towards the shore. 'The hatchways were therefore opened, and they pro- 


1 It is at this point of the narrative that the total number of souls on board is men- 
tioned. 

3 Τοῦτο γὰρ προς τῆς ὑμετέρας σωτηρίας ὑπάργει. 

3 Our Lord uses the same proverbial expression. Luke xxi. 18, 

4 Εύϑυμοι γενόμενοι παντες. 

5 «(Α]} hands now, crew and passengers, bond or free, are assembled on the deck, 
anxiously wishing for day, when Paul, taking advantage of asmaller degree of mo- 
fion [would this necessarily be the case?] in the ship than when drifting with her side 
to the waves, recommends to them to make use of this time, before the dawn would 
require fresh exertions, in making a regular and comfortable meal, in order to refresh 
them after having so long taken their precarious repasts, probably without fire or any 
kind of cooking. He begins by example, but first, by giving God thanks for their 
preservation hitherto, and hopes of speedy relief. Having thus refreshed themselves, 
they cast out as much of the remaining part of the cargo (wheat) as they could, to 
enable them by a lighter draft of water either to run into any small harbour, or at 
ieast closer in with dry land, should they be obliged to run the ship on the rocks or 
beach.””—Penrose, MS. 

6 The following extract from Sir C. Penrose’s papers supplies an addition to Mr. 
Smith’s remarks: “ With respect to throwing the wheat into the sea after anchoring, 


840 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


ceeded to throw the grain into the sea. This work would occupy some” 
time ; and when it was accomplished, the day had dawned, and the land 
was visible.' 

The sailors looked hard at the shore, but they could not recognise it.* 
Though ignorant, however, of the name of the coast, off which they were 
anchored, they saw one feature in it which gaye them a hope that they 
might accomplish their purpose of running the ship aground. They per- 
ceived a small bay or indentation, with a sandy or pebbly beach :° and 
their object was, “ if possible,” so to steer the vessel that she might take 
the ground at that point. To effect this, every necessary step was care- 
fully taken. While cutting the anchors adrift, they unloosed the lashings 
with which the rudders had been secured,‘ and hoisted the foresail.§ 
These three things would be done simultaneously,® as indeed is implied by 
St. Luke, and there were a sufficient number of hands on board for the 
purpose. The free use of the rudders would be absolutely necessary . 
nor would this be sufficient without the employment of some sail? It 
does not appear quite certain whether they exactly hit the point at which 
they aimed.* We are told that they fell into “a place between two 
seas” (a feature of the coast which will require our consideration pre- 
seutly) and then stranded the ship. The bow stuck fast in the shore and 


it may be remarked, that it was not likely that, while drifting, the hatchways could 
have been opened for that purpose ; and when anchored by the stern, I doubt not that 
it was found, that, from the ship having been so long pressed down on one side the 
cargo had shifted, i. e. the wheat had pressed over towards the larboard side, so that 
the ship, instead of being upright, heeled to the larboard, and made it useful to throw 
out as much of the wheat as time allowed, not only to make her specifically lighter, 
but to bring her upright, and enable her to be more accurately steered and navigated 
towards the land at daybreak.” 

1 "Ore δὲ ἡμέρα ἐγένετο. 

3 τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἐπεγίνωσκον. Observe the tense, and compare ἐπέγνωμεν below 
(xxviii. 1), from which it appears that the island was recognised immediately on 
larding. 

3 Κόλπον τινα κατενόουν ἔχοντα αἰγιαλόν. In illustration of the last word (as op- 
posed to ἀκτή) see Mat. xiii. 2. Acts xxi. 5. 

4 When they anchored, no doubt the paddle rudders had been hoisted.up and lashed, 
lest they should foul the anchors. 

5. For the proof that ἀρτεμών is the foresail, we must refer to the able and nes 
mvestigation in Mr. Smith’s dissertation on ancient ships, pp. 155-162. The word 
does not occur in any other Greek writer, but it is found in the old nautical phraseo- 
logy of the Venetians and Genoese, and it is used by Dante and Ariosto. The French 
still employ the word, but with them it has become the mizensail, while the mizen has 
become the foresail. 

6 ‘Aue. 

7 “The mainsail [foresail] being hoisted shewed good judgment, though the dis. 
tance was so small, as it would not only enable them to steer more correctly than 
without it, but would press the ship further on upon the land, and thus enable them 
the more easily to get to the shore.”—Penrose, MS. 

® See below. 


PROOF HAT THE PLACE WAS MALTA. 941 


remained unmoved ; bat the stern began immediately to go to pieces 
under the action of the sea. 

Aud now another characteristic incident is related. The soldiers, wha 
were answerable with their lives for the detention of their prisoners, were 
ifraid lest some of them should swim out and escape: and therefore, in 
the spirit of true Roman cruelty, they proposed to kill them at once. 
Now again the influence of St. Paul over the centurion’s mind * was made 
the means of saving both his own life and that of his fellow-prisoners. 
For the rest he might care but little ; but ne was determined to secure 
Paul’s safety. He therefore prevented the soldiers from accomplishing 
their heartless intention, and directed‘ those who could swim to ‘cast 
themselves into the sea” first, while the rest made use of spars and broken 
pieces of the wreck. Thus it came to pass that all escaped safely ὃ through 
the breakers to the shore. 

When the land was safely reached, it was ascertained that the island 
on which they were wrecked was Melita. The mere word does not ab- 
solutely establish the identity of the place: for two islands were anciently 
called alike by this name. This, therefore, is the proper place for sum- 
ming up the evidence which has been gradually accumulating in proof 
that it was the modern Malta. We have already seen (p. 835) the 
almost irresistible inference which follows from the consideration of the 
direction and rate of drift since the vessel was laid-to under the lee of 
Clauda. But we shall find that every succeeding indication not only 
tends to bring us to the shore of this island, but to the very bay (the 
Cala di San Paolo) which has always been the traditionary scene of the 
wreck. 

In the first place we are told that they became aware of land by the 
presence of breakers, and yet without striking. Now an inspection of the 
chart will shew us that a ship drifting W. by N. might approach Koura 
point, the eastern boundary of St. Paul’s Bay, without having fallen in 
previously with any other part of the coast: for, towards the neighbour- 
hood of Valetta, the shore trends rapidly to the southward.* Again, the 
character of this point, as described in the Sailing Directions, is such that 
there must infallibly have been violent breakers upon it that night.7 Yet 
a vessel drifting W. by N. might pass it, within a quarter of a mile, 

1 Ἐλύετο. 2'O ἑκατοντάρχης βουλομενος, κ. τ. A. 3 Διασῶσαι τὸν Παῦλον. 
4 ’Exédevoev, The military officer gives the order. The ship’s company are not 


mentioned. Are we to infer that they fell into the background, in consequence of 
their cowardly attempt to save themselves? 

5 Διασωθῆναι, xxvii. 44 ; διασωθέντες, xxviii. 1 ; διασωθέντα, xxviii. 4. 

8. See the Chart. 

7 Smith, p. 79, 89. “With north-easterly gales, the sea breaks upon this point 
with such violence, that Capt. Smyth, in his’ view of the headland, has made the 
breakers its distinctive character.’ 


342 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


without striking on the rocks. But what are the soundings at this point? 
They are now twenty fathoms. If we proceed a little further we find 
Jifteen fathoms, It may be said that this, in itself, is nothing remark. 
able. But if we add, that the fifteen fathom depth is an the direction of 


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the vessel’s drift (W. by N.) from the twenty fathom depth, the coinci- 
dence is startling.? But at this point we observe, on looking at the chart, 
that now there would be breakers ahead,—and yet at such a distance 


1 Reduced from the Admiralty Chart. 
2 Smith, p. 91. 


ST. ῬΑΌΙ, Κ BAY. 48 


ahead, that there would be teme for the vessel to anchor, before actually 
striking on the rocks.!. All these conditions must necessarily be fulfilled 
and we see that they are fulfilled without any attempt at ingenious expla 
nation. But we may proceed farther. The character of the coast on the 
farther side of the bay is such, that though the greater part of it is 
fronted with mural precipices, there are one or two indentations,’ which 
exhibit the appearance of “a creek with a [sandy or pebbly} share.” And 
again we observe that the island of Salmonetta is so placed, that the 
sailors, looking from the deck when the vessel was at anchor, could not 
possibly be aware that it was not a continuous part of the mainland ; 
whereas, while they were running her aground, they could not help ob- 
serving the opening of the channel, which would thus appear (like the 
Bosphorus*) ‘‘a place between two seas,” and would be more likely to 
attract their attention, if some current resulting from this juxtaposition of 
the island and the coast interfered with the accuracy of their steering.‘ 
And finally, to revert to the fact of the anchors holding through the 
night (a result which could not confidently be predicted), we find it stated, 
in our English Sailing Directions,® that the ground in St. Paul’s Bay is so 
good, that, “whale the cables hold, there 1s no danger, as the anchors will 
sever start.” Ἴ 

Malta was not then the densely crowded island which it has become 
during the last half century.© Though it was well known to the Ro- 
mans as a dependency of the province of Sicily,?7 and though the harbour 
now called Valetta must have been familiar to the Greek mariners who 

1 Smith, p. 91. 

3 One place, at the opening of the Mestara Valley (see Chart) has still this character. 
At another place there has been a beach, though it is now obliterated. See the re- 
marks of Mr. Smith, who has carefully examined the bay, and whose authority in any 
question relating to the geology of coasts is of great weight. 

3 This illustration is from Strabo, who uses the very word διθώλασσος of the Bos- 
phorus. It would, of course, be equally applicable to a neck of land between two 
seas, like the Isthmus of Corinth. 

4 Though we are not to suppose that by “ two seas” two moving bodies of water, or 
two opposite currents, are meant, yet it is very possible that there might be a currert 
between Salmonetta and the coast, and that this affected the steering of the vessel. 

5 Purdy, p.180. In reference to what happened to the ship when she came aground 
(ver. 4), Mr. Smith lays stress upon the character uf the deposits on the Maltese coast. 
The ship “ would strike a bottom of mud, graduating into tenacious clay, into which 
the forepart would fix itself, and be held fast, whilst the stern was exposed to the force 
of the waves.”’—p. 104. 

6 The density of the Maltese population, at the present day, is extraordinary ; but 
this state of things is quite recent. In Boisgelin (Ancient and Modern Malta, 1805) 
we find it stated that in 1530 the island did not contain quite 15,000 inhabitants, and 
that they were reduced to 10,000 at the raising of the siege in the grand mastership of 
La Valeita. Notwithstanding the subsequent wars, and the plagues of 1592 and 1676 
the numbers in 1798 were 90.000. (Vol. I. pp. 107, 108.) Similar statements are in 


Miége. Histoire de Malte. 
? The mention of it in Cicero’s Verrine orations (II. iv. 46) is well known. 


. 
344 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


traded between the East ard the West,'—much of the island was dcubt 
less uncultivated and overrun with wood. Its population was of Pheeni- 
cian origin,—speaking a language which, as regards social intercourse, 
had the same relation to Latin and Greek, which modern Maltese has to 
English and Italian.2 The inhabitants, however, though in this sense 

“barbarians,” were favourably contrasted with many Christian wreckers 
in their reception of those who had been cast on their coast. . They 
shewed them no “ordinary kindness ;” for they lighted a fire and welcomed 
them all to the warmth, drenched and shivering as they were in the rain 
and the cold. The whole scene is brought very vividly before us ™ the 
sacred narrative. One incident has become a picture in St. Paul’s life, 
with which every Christian child is familiar. The Apostle had gathered 
with his own hands a heap of sticks and placed them on the fire, when a 
viper came “out of the heat” and fastened on his hand. The poor super- 
stitious people, when they saw this, said to one another, “This man must 
be a murderer: he has escaped from the sea: but still vengeance suffers 
him not to live.” But Paul threw off tho animal into the fire and suffered 
noharm. ‘Then they watched him, expecting that his body would become 
swollen, or thatfhe would suddenly fall down dead. At length, after they 
had watched for along time in vain, and saw nothing happen to him, 
their feelings changed as violently as those of the Lystrians had done in 
an opposite direction ;4 and they said that he wasa God. We are not 
told of the results to which this occurrence led, but we cannot doubt that 
while Paul repudiated, as formerly at Lystra,> all the homage which 
idolatry would pay to him, he would make use of the influence acquired 
by this miracle, for making the Saviour known to his uncivilised bene- 
factors. 

St. Paul was enabled to work many miracles during his stay at Malta. 
The first which is recorded is the healing of the father of Publius, the 
governor of the island,® who had some possessions’? neay the place where 

1 Diodorus Siculus (vy. 12) speaks of the manufactures of Malta, of the wealth of its 
inhabitants, and of its nandsome buildings, such as those which are now characteristic 
of the place. As to the ancient manufactures, see Cicero, as quoted above, and Sil. 
Ital. Punic. xiv. 251. Compare Ov. Fast. iii. 567. 

* See the essay on Mr. Smith’s work in the North British Review (p. 208) for some 
remarks on the Maltese language, especially on the Arabic name of what is still called 
the Apostle’s fountain, (4yn-tal-Ruzzul.) 

3 It is sufficient to refer to Rom i 14. 1 Cor. xiv. 11. Col. iii. 11 for the meaning 
of the word in the N. T. 

4 VioleLiup. 190. δ Th. p. 193. 

3 We observe that the name is Roman. In the phrase τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς νήσου there 
is every appearance of an official title, more especially as the father of the person called 
“first of the island” was alive, A Greek and Latin inseription, with tne words 


ΠΡΩΤῸΣ MEAITAIQN and MEL. PRIMUS, are adduced by Ciantar ; but Mr. Smith 
was unable to find them. 


- 


7 Ἔν τοῖς περὶ τὸν τύπον éxévov ὑπσύργε χώρια τῷ π. τῆς. v. These possessions 


ST. PAUL'S BAY. 


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OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED. 345 


the vessel was lost, and who had given a hospitable reception tu the ship- 
wrecked strangers, and supplied their wants for three days. The diséase 
ander which the father of Publius was suffering was dysentery in an 
ageravated form.' St. Paul went in to him and prayed, and laid his 
rands on him: and he recovered. This being noised through the island, 
other sufferers came to the Apostle and were healed. Thus was he em- 
powered to repay the kindness of these islanders by temporal services in- 
tended to lead their minds to blessings of a still higher kind. And they 
were not wanting in gratitude to those, whose unexpected visit had 
brought so much good among them. They loaded them with every honour 
in their power, and, when they put to sea again, supplied them with 
everything that was needful for their wants (ver. 10). 

Before we pursue thg concluding part of the voyage, which was so 
prosperous that hardly any incident in the course of it is recorded, it may 
be useful to complete the argument by which Malta is proved to be the 
scene of St. Paul’s shipwreck, by briefly noticing some objections which 
have been brought against this view. It is true that the positive evidence 
already adduced is the strongest refutation of mere objections ; but it is 
desirable not to leave unnoticed any of the arguments which appear to 
have weight on the other side. Some of them have been carelessly 
brought together by a great writer, to whom, on many subjects, we might 
be glad to yield our assent. Thus it is argued, that, because the vessel 
is said to have been drifting in the Adriatic, the place of sh.pwreck must 
have been, not Malta to the south of Sicily, but Meleda in the Gulf of 
Venice. It is no wonder that the Benedictine of Ragusa* should have 
must therefore have been very near the present country residence of the English gov- 
ernor, near Citta Verchia. 

1 Πυρετοῖς καὶ δυσεντερίᾳ συνεχόμενον. 

? “ The belief that Malta is the island on which St. Paul was wrecked is so rooted in 
the common Maltese, and is cherished with such a superstitious nationality, that the 
government would run the chance of exciting a tumult, if it, or its representatives, 
unwarily ridiculed it. The supposition itself is quite absurd. Not to argue the matter 
at length, consider these few conclusive facts :—The narrative speaks of the ‘ barbarous 
people,’ and ‘barbarians,’ of the island. Now, our Malta was at that time fully | 
peopled and highly civilized, as we may surely infer from Cicero and other writers. 
A viper comes out from the sticks upon the fire being lighted: the men are not sur- 
prised at the appearance of the snake, but imagine first a murderer, and then a god, 
from the harmless attack. New, in our Malta, there are, I may say, no snakes at all; 
which, to be sure, the Maltese attribute to St. Paul’s having cursed them away. Me 
lita in the Adriatic was a perfectly barbarous island as to its native population, and 


was, and is now, infested with serpents. Besides, the context shews that the scene is in 
the Adriatic.”—Coleridge’s Table Talk, pp. 185. 

3 We have not been able to see the treatise of Padre Georgi. It is entitled “ Paulus 
Apostolus in mari, quod nune Venetus sinus dicitur, naufragus.’? Ven. 1730. Other 
treatises followed, on the two sides of the question by Ciantar 1738, 8. Caspare 1739, 
Bciugliaga 1757, and De Soldanis 1753, all published at Venice. Georgi, however, waa 
not the first who suggested that the Apostle was wrecked on Melida in the Adriatio 


840 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


been jealous of the honour of his order, which had a conv at on that 
small island. But it is more surprising, that the view should have been 
maintained by other writers since.!’ For not only do the classical poets " 
use the name “ Adria” for all that natural division of the Mediterranean 
which lies between Sicily and Greece, but the same phrascology is found 
in historians and geographers. Thus Ptolemy*® distinguishes clearly be 
tween the Adriatic Sea and the Adriatic Gulf. Pausanias‘ says that the 
Straits of Messene unite the Tyrrhene Sea with the Adriatic Sea ; and 
Procopius® considers Malta as lying on the boundary of the latter. Nor 
are the other objections more successful. It is argued that Alexandrian 
sailors could not possibly have been ignorant of an island so well known 
as Malta was then. But surely they might have becn very familiar with 
the harbour of Valetta, without being able to yecognise that part of the 
coast on which they came during the storm. A modern sailor who had 
made many passages between New York and Liverpool might yet be 
perplexed if he found himself in hazy weather on some part of the coust of 
Wales. Besides, we are told that the seamen did recognize the island as 
soon as they were ashore.? It is contended also that the people of Malta 
would not have been called barbarians. But, if the sailors were Greeks 
(as they probably were), they would have employed this term, as a 
matter of course, of those who spoke a different language from their own.® 
Again it is argued that there are no vipers—that there is hardly any 
wood—in Malta. But who does not recognize here the natural changes 
which result from the increase of inhabitants® and cultivation? Within 


We find in Const. Porphyrog. de Adm. imp. c. 36, mentioned among the islands of this 
gulf, Νῆσος ἑτέρα μεγάλη τὰ Μέλετα ἤτοι τὸ Μαλοζείται, ἣν ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι τῶν 
ἀποστύλων ὁ ἅγιος Λούκας μέμνηται, Μελίτην ταύτην προσαγορεύων ἐν ἡ καὶ ἔχις 
τὸν ἅγιον Παῦλον ἀπὸ τοῦ δακτύλου προσήψατο, ἣν καὶ τῷ πίύρι ὁ ἅγιος ἸΙαὔλος 
κατέφλεξε : 111. p. 164, ed. Bonn. Compare p. 140. 

\ Mr. Smith has effectually disposed of all Bryant’s arguments, if such they can be 
called. See especially his dissertation on the island Melita. Among those who have 
adopted Bryant’s view, we have referred by name only to Falconer. 

* See Ovid, Fast. iv. Trist.i.12. Hor. Ep. 

3 See various passages in the third book. 4 Eliac. v. 

5 The passage from the Vandal War has been quoted above. See again the Gothic 
War, iii. 40. Thucydides speaks of the Adriatic sea in the same way. We should 
also bear in mind the shipwreck of Josephus, which took place in “ Adria.” Some (οι 
g. Mr. Sharpe, the author of the History of Egypt) have identified the two shipwrecks: 
but it is difficult to harmonise the narratives. 

6 Even with charts he might have a difficulty in recognising a part of the coast, 
which he had never seen before. And we must recollect that the ancient mariner had 
no charts. 

7 xxviii. 1. _ 8 See above. 

9 See above, note on the population of Malta. Sir C. Penrose adds a circumstance, 
which it is important to take into account in considering this question, viz. that, in the 
time of the Knights, the bulk of the population was at the east end of the island, and 


SYRACUSE. 34} 


a very tew years there was wood close to St. Paul’s Bay ;' and it is well 
known how the Fauna of any country varies with the vegetation? An 
argument has even been built on the supposed fact, that the discase of 
Publius is unknown in the island. To this it is sufficient to reply by a 
simple denial. Nor can we close this rapid survey of objections without 
noticing the insuperable difficulties: which lie against the hypothesis of the 
Venetian Meleda, from the impossibility of reaching it, except by a 
miracle, under the above-related circumstances of weather,‘—from the dis 
agreement of its soundings with what is required by the narrative of the 
shipwreck,*—and by the inconsistency of its position with what is related 
of the subsequent voyage.® 

To this part of the voyage we must now proceed. After three months 
they sailed again for Italy in a ship called the Castor and Pollux.?7 Syrar 
cuse was in their track, and the ship put into that famous harbour, and 
staid there three days. Thus St. Paul was in a great historic city of th. 


that the neighbourhood of St. Paul’s Bay was separated off by a line of fortification 
built for fear of descents from Barbary cruizers. 

1 This statement rests on the authority of an English resident on the island. 

? Some instances are given by Mr. Smith. 

3 It happens that the writer once spent an anxious night in Malta with a fellow 
traveller, who was suffering previscly in the same way. 

4 “Tf Euroclydon blew in such a direction as to make the pilots afraid of being 
driven on the quicksands (and there were no such dangers to the south-west of them), 
how could it be supposed that they could be driven north towards the Adriatic? In 
truth, it is very difficult for a well appointed ship of modern days to get from Crete 
into and up the Adriatic at the season named in the narrative, the north winds being 
then prevalent, and strong. We find the ship certainly driven from the south coast 
of Crete, from the Fair Havens towards Clauda (now Gozzi), on the south-west, and 
during the fourteen days’ continuance of the gale, we are never told that Euroclydon 
ceased to blow, and with either a Gregalia or Levanter blowing hard. St. Paul's ship 
could not possibly have proceeded up the Adriatic.”—Penrose, MS. He says again: 
“ How is it possible that a ship at that time, and so circumstanced, could have got up 
the difficult navigation of the Adriatic? To have drifted up the Adriatic to the island 
of Melita or Melida, in the requisite curve, and to have passed so many islands and 
other dangers in the route, would, humanly speaking, have been impossible. The 
distance from Clauda to this Melita is not less than 780 geographical miles, and the 
wind must have long been from the south to make this voyage in fourteen days. Now, 
from Clauda to Malta, there is not any one danger in a direct line, and we see that 
the distance and direction of drift will both agree.” 

> This is clearly shown on the Austrian chart of that part of the Adriatic. 

6 From the Adriatic Melida it would have been more natural to have gone to Brun- 
dusium or Ancona, and thence by land to Rome; and, even in going by sea, Syracuse 
would have been out of the course, whereas it is in the dircct track from Malta. 

~ It is natural to assume that such was its name, if such was its παρώσημον, i. 6. the 
sculptured or painted figures at the prow. It was natural to dedicate ships to the 
Dioscuri, who were the hero-patrons of sailors. They were supposed to appear in 
those lights which are called by modern sailors the fires of St. Elmo; and in art they 
are represeited as stars. See these stars (lucida sidera, Hor. Od. i. iii. 2; alba stella, 
{b. viii. 27) on the cvin of Rhegium engraved below. 


348 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΕἸ. PAUL. 


corn oF syracusn.) 


West, after spending much time in those of greatest note in the Hast, 
We are able to associate the Apostle of the Gentiles and the thougl.ts of 
Christianity with the scenes of that disastrous expedition which closed the 
progress of the Athenians towards/our part of Europe,—and with. those 
Punic Wars, which ended in bringing Africa under the yoke of Rome. 
We are not told whether St. Paul was permitted to go on shore at 
Syracuse ; but from the courtesy shewn him by Julius, it is probable that 
this permission was not refused. If he landed, he would doubtless find 
Jews and Jewish proselytes in abundance, in so great a mercantile 
emporium ; and would announce to them the glad tidings which he was 
commissioned to proclaim “to the Jew first and also to the Gentile.” 
Hence we may without difficulty give credit to the local tradition, which 
regards St. Paul as the first founder of the Sicilian church, 

Sailing out of that beautiful land-locked basin, and past Ortygia, once 
an island,’ but then united in one continuous town with the buildings 
under the ridge of Epipole,—the ship which carried St. Paul to Rome 
shaped her course northwards towards the straits of Messina. The weather 
was not favourable at first: they were compelled to take an indirect 
course,* and they put into Rhegium, a city whose patron divinities were, 
by a curious coincidence, the same hero-protectors of seafaring men, “ the 
Great Twin Brethren,” to whom the ship itself was dedicated. 


1 From the British Museum. In earlier types of this magnificent coin, the fish are 
seen moving in the same direction round the head. An ingenious theory suggesta 
that this was the case so long as the old city on Ortygia was an island, and that the 
change in the coins symbolised the joining of Ortygia to the mainland. 

? See note on the coin. The city has now shrunk to its old limit. 

3 Mr. Smith’s view that περιελθόντες means simply “ beating ”’ is more likely to be 
correct than that of Mr. Lewin, who supposes that “as the wind was westerly, and 
they were under shelter of the high mountainous range of Etna on their left, they 
were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so come to Rhegium 
by a circuitous sweep.” ΠΕ adds in a note, that he “was informed |y a friend that 
when he made the voyage from Syracuse to Rhegium, the vessel in which he sailed 
took a similar circuit for a similar reason.” 

4 Macaulay’s Lays of Rome (Battle of Lake Regillus). See the coin, which ex: 
hibits the heads of the twin-divinities with the stars. 


RHEGIUM. 349 


Here they remained one day (ver. 13), evidently waiting for a ἴ ἢ} 
wind to take them through the Faro; for the springing up of a wind 
from the south is expressly mentioned in the following words. This wind 
would be favourable not only for carrying the ship through the straits, 
but for all the remainder of the voyage. If the vessel was single masted,. 
this wind was the best that could blow: for to such a vessel the most 


2 
COLIN OF RHWGIUM. 


advantageous point of sailing is to run right before the wind 15 and 
Puteoli lies nearly due north from Rhegitm. The distance is about 182 
miles. If then we assume, in accordance with what has been stated 
above (p. 806), that she sailed at the rate of seven knots an hour,’ the 
passage would be accomplished in. about twenty-six hours, which agrees 
perfectly with the account of St. Luke, who says that, after leaving 
Rhegium, they came “ the next day” to Puteoli. 

Before the close of the first day’ they would see on the left the 
volcanic cone and smoke of Stromboli,’ the nearest of the Liparian islands. 
In the course of the night they would have neared that projecting part of 
the mainland, which forms the southern limit of the bay of Salerno.’ 
Sailing across the wide opening of this gulf, they would, ina few hours, 
enter that other bay, the bay of Naples, in the northern part of which 
Puteoli was sitvated. No long description need be given of that bay, 
which has been made familiar, by every kind of illustration, even to 
those who have never seen it. Its southeastern limit is the promontory of 
Minerva,’ with the island of Capres opposite, which is so associated with 


1 We cannot assume this to have been the case, but it is highly probable. Sce above. 
We may refer here to the representation of the harbour of Ostia on the coin of Nero, 
given below. It will be observed that all the ships in the harbour are single-masted. 

* Trom the British Museum. 3 Smith, p. 180. 

4 We cannot agree with the N. Brit. Reviewer in doubting the correctness of Mr. 
Smith’s conclusion on this point. i 

6 The ancient Στρογγυλη, the most conspicuous island of the Lips: ian islands, called 
also the Vulcanian and Afolian islands. “The sea about them is frequently agitated 
by sudden storms.”—Purdy, p. 134. They are described in Captain Smyth’s work on 
Sicily. 

6 See the Sailing Dircctions, 129-133, with the Admiralty charts, for the appear- 
ance of the coast between Cape Spartivento (Pr. Palinurum) and Cape Campanella 
(Pr. Minerva). 

7 Sce the quotation from Sencea’s letters below. The early writers say that Ulysses 
raised there a temple to the goddess. Strabo, v. The point was also called the Cape 
of Surrentum and the Cape of the Sirens. The beauty of this part of the coast Ul 
Aencribed by Satius. ἔχιν. ii. 12 


850 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


the memory of Tiberius, that its cliffs still seem to rise from the blue 
waters as a monument of hideous vice in the midst of the fairest scenes of 
nature. The opposite boundary was the promontory of Misenum, where 
one of the imperial fleets’ lay at anchor under the shelter of the islands of 
Ischia and Procida. In the intermediate space tke Campanian coast 
curves round in the loveliest forms, with Vesuvius as the prominent feature 
of the view. But here one difference must be marked between St. Paul’s 
day and our own. The angry neighbour of Naples was not then an un 
sleeping volcano, but a green and sunny background io the bay, with its 
westward slope covered with vines.* No one could have suspected that 
the time was so near, when the admiral of the fleet at Misenum would be 
lost in its fiery eruption ;* and little did the Apostle dream, when he 
looked from the vessel’s deck across the bay to the right, that a puin, 
like that of Sodom and Gomorrah, hung over the fair cities at the base of 
the mountain, and that the Jewish princess, who had so lately conversed 
with him in his prison at Ceesarea, would find her tomb in that ruin, with 
the child she had borne to Felix.‘ 

By this time the vessel was well within the island of Caprese and the 
promontory of Minerva, and the idlers of Puteoli were already crowding 
to the pier to watch the arrival of the Alexandrian corn-ship. So we may 
safely infer from a vivid and descriptive letter preserved among the cor- 
respondence of the philosopher Seneca.’ He says that all ships, on round- 
ing into the bay within the above-mentioned island and promontory, were 
obliged to strike their topsail, with the exception of the Alexandrian 
corn-vessels, which were thus easily recognised, as soon as they hove in 
sight ; and then he proceeds to moralise on the gathering and crowding of 
the people of Puteoli, to watch these vessels coming in. Thus we are fur- 


1 The fleet of the “Upper Sea”? was stationed at Ravenna, of the “ Lower” at 
Misenum. 

2 “Hic est pampineis viridis modo Vesuvius umbris.’’—Mart. iv. 44. “ Vesvia 
rura.”’—Colum. x. ‘‘ Vineta Vesevi.”—Auson. Idyll. x. See Lucr. vi. 747. Virg. 
Georg. ii. 224. Strabo (v. 24) describes the mountain as very fertile at its base, 
though its summit was barren, and full of apertures, which shewed the traces of earlier 
voleanic action. , 

3 See the younger Pliny’s description of his uncle’s death. Ep. vi. 16. 

4 Josephus. See above, p. 273. 

5 “Suhito hodie nobis Alexandrine nayes apparuerunt, que premitti solunt et nun- 
tiare secuture classis adventum. Tabellarias vocant. -Gratus illarum Campanie 
adspectus est. Omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit, et ex ipso genere velorum 
Alexandrinas, quamvis in magna turba navium, intelligit. Solis enim licet supparem 
intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves..... Cum intravere Capreas et promon- 
torium, ex quo 

Alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas, 
ceteree velo jubentur esse content: supparum Alexandrinarum insigne est. In hoe 
omnium discursu properantium ad litus, magnam ex pigritia mea sensi voluptatem,’ 
&c.—Senee. Ep. 77. 


PUTEOLI. 901 


nished with new circumstances to aid our efforts to realise the arrival οἱ 
the Castor and Pollux, on the coast of Italy, with St. Paul on board 
And if we wish still further to associate this event with the history and 
the feelings of the times, we may turn to an anecdote of the Emperor 
Augustus, which is preserved to us by Suetonius.!. The Emperor had been 
seized with a feverish attack—it was the beginning of his last illness—and 
was cruising about the bay for the benefit of his health, when an Alexan- 
drian corn-ship was coming to her moorings, and passed close by. The 
sailors recognised the old man, whom the civilised world obeyed as master, 
and was learning to worship as God: and they brought forth garlands 
and incense, that they might pay him divine honours, saying that it was 
by his providence that their voyages were made safe and that their trade 
was prosperous. Augustus was so gratified by this worship, that he im- 
mediately distributed an immense sum of gold among his suite, exacting 
from them the promise that they weuld expend it all in the purchase of 
Alexandrian goods. Such was the interest connected in the first century 
with the trade between Alexandria and Puteoli. Such was the idolatrous 
homage paid to the Roman Emperor. The only difference, when the 
Apostle of Christ came, was that the vice and corruption of the Empire 
had increased with the growth of its trade, and that the Emperor now was 
not Augustus but Nero. 

Jn this wide and sunny expanse of blue waters, no part was calmer or 
more beautiful than the recess in the northern part of the bay, between 
Baie and Puteoli. It was naturally sheitered by the surrounding coasts, 
and seemed of itself to invite both the gratification of luxurious ease, and 
the formation of a mercantile harbour. Baise was, devoted to the former 
purpose : it was to the invalids and fashionable idlers of Rome like a com- 
bination of Brighton and Cheltenham. Puteoli, on the opposite side of 
this inner bay, was the Liverpool of Italy. Between them was that in- 
closed reach of water, called the Lucrine Lake, which contained the 
oyster-beds for the luxurious tables of Rome, and on the surface of which 
the small yachts of fashionable visitors displayed their coloured sails. 
Still further inland was that other calm basin, the Lacus Avernus, which 
an artificial passage connected with the former, and thus converted into a 
harbour. Not far beyond was Cume, once a flourishing Greek city, but 
when the Apostle visited this coast, a decayed country town, famous only 
for the recollections of the Sibyl? 

1 “Forte Puteolanum sinum pretervehenti, vectores nauteque de navi Alexandrina, _ 
que tantum quod appulerat, candidati, coronatique et thura libantur, fausta omina et 
eximias laudes congesserant : Per illum vivere: per illum navigare : libertate atque 
fortunis per illum frui. Qua re admodum exhilaratus, quadragenos aureos comitibua 
divisit, jusquejurandum et cautionem exegit a singulis, non alic datam summam, quam 


τῷ ermptionem Alexandrinarum mercium absumpturos.’’—Suet. Aug. 98. 
2 « Quamvis digressu veteris confusus amici 


852 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


We must return to Puteoli. We have seen above (p. 309) bow it 
divided with Ostia! the chief commerce by sea between Rome and the 
provinces. Its early name, when the Campanian shore was Greek rather 
than Italian, was Dicwarchia. Under its new appellation (which seems 
to have had reference to the mineral springs of the neighbourhood? (it 
first began to have an important connection with Rome in the second 
Punic war. It was the place of embarkation for armies proceeding to 
Spain, and the landing-place of ambassadors from Carthage. Ever after- 
wards it was an Italian town of the first rank. In ine time of Vespasian 
it became the Flavian Colony,‘ like the city in Palestine from which St. 
Paul had sailed:* but even from an earlier period it had colonial privi- 
leges, avd these had just been renewed under Nero.’ It was intimately 
associated both with this emperor and with two others who preceded him 
in power and in crime. Close by Baia, across the bay, was Bauli, where 
the plot was laid for the raurder of Agrippina.? Across these waters 
Caligula built bis fantastic bridge ; and the remains of ἐξ were probably 
visible when St. Paul landed. Tiberius had a more honvurable monu- 
ment in a statue (cf which a fragment is still seen by English travellers 
at Pozzuoli), erected during St. Paul’s life to commemorate the restitu- 
tion of the Asiatic cities overthrown by an earthquake.® But the ruins 
which are the most interesting to us are the seventeen piers of the ancient 
mole, on which the lighthouse ’ stood, and within which the merchantmen 
were moored. Such is the proverbial tenacity of the concrete which was 
used in this structure," that it is the most perfect ruin existing of any 


Laudo tamen vacuis quod sedem figere Camis 
Destinet, atque wnwm civem donare Sibyllia.’—Juv. iii. 1. 

1 See Suet. Claud. 25, for a notice of the troops quartered at Ostia and Puteoli. 

2 Tt was named either from the springs (@ putezs), or from their stench (a putendv), 
Strabo says, after describing Baia: 'Ἑξῆς δ᾽ εἰσὶν ai περὶ Δικαιαρχίωαν ἀκταὶ, καὶ αὐτὴ 
ἡ πόλις. Ἦν δὲ πρότεοον μὲν ἐπίνειον Ἑξυμαΐων, ἐπ’ ὄφ,υος ἱδρυμενον" κατὰ δὲ τὴν 
Ἀννίβα στρατείαν, Ovy- cay ‘Femaiot, καὶ μετονόμασαν ἹΠοτιόλους, ἀπὸ τῶν ὠὀρεατω»" 
οἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς δυσωδίας τὼν ὑδάτων, ἅπαν τὸ χώριον ἐκεῖ μέχρι Βαΐων, καὶ τῆς Κυμαίας, 
ὅτι θείου πλῆρές ἐστι καὶ πυρὸς, καὶ θεύμῶν ὑδάτων.---τ. iv. 

3 hiv xxty. 4 See Orelii’s Inscriptions, No. 3698. 

5 See above on Cesarea, p. 279, n. 5. 

6 “Tn Italia vetus oppidum Puteoli jus colonize ef cognomentum a Nerone apiscun 
tur.’—Tac. Hist. xiv. 27. It appears, however, that this was a renewed privilege, 
Sce Liv. xxxiv. 42. Vell. Pat.i.15. Val. Max. ix. 3, 8. 

7 Nero had murdered his mother about two years before St. Paul’s coming. Tac, 
Ann. xiv. 1-9. 

8 Some travellers have mistaken the remains of the mole for those of Caligula’s 
bridge. But that was only a wooden structure. See Suet. Calig. 19. 

® The pedestal of this statue, with the allegorical representations of the towns, is 
still extant. This “ Marmorea basis” is described in the seventh volume of Grono 
vius, pp. 433-503. 

10 See Cramer. There is, however, some inaccuracy in his reference to Pliny. 

1 The well-known Pozzolana which is mentioned also by Pliny, H. N. xxxv. 13, 47 


PUTEOLI. 353 


ancient Roman harbour. In the early part of this chapter, we spoke of 
the close mercantile relationship which subsisted between Egypt and this 
city. And this remains on our minds as the prominent and significant fact 
of its history,—whether we look upon the ruins of the mole and think of 
such voyages as those of Titus and Vespasian,’ or wander among the 
broken columns of the Temple of Serapis,? or read the account which 
Philo gives of the singular interview of the Emperor Caligula with the 
Jewish ambassadors from Alexandria.* 

Puteoli, from its trade with Alexandria and the East, must necessa- 
rily have contained a colony of Jews, and they must have had a close con- 
nection with the Jews of Rome. What was true of the Jews, would pro- 
bably find its parallel in the Christians. St. Paul met with disciples here 54 
and, as soon as he was among them, they were in prompt communication 
on the subject with their brethren in Rome.? The Italian Christians had 
long been looking for a visit from the famous Apostle, though they had 
not expected to see him arrive thus, a prisoner in chains, hardly saved 
from shipwreck. But these sufferings would only draw their hearts more 
closely towards him. They earnestly besought him to stay some days 
with them, and Julius was able to allow this request to be complied with.¢ 
Even when the voyage began, we saw that he was courteous and kind 
towards his prisoner ; and, after all the varied and impressive incidents 
which have been recounted in this chapter, we should indeed be surprised 
if we found him unwilling to contribute to the comfort of one by whom 
his own life had been preserved. 


οὐ 


COIN OF MELITA. (From the British Museum.) 


See Strabo, l. c. Ἢ δὲ πόλις ἐμπορεῖον γεγένηται μέγιστον, χειροποιήτους ἔχουσα 
tppoug διὰ τὴν εὐφυΐαν τοῦ ἅμμου" σύμμετρος γάρ ἐστι τῇ τιτάνῳ, καὶ κόλλησιν 
ἰσχυοὰν καὶ πῆξιν λαμθάνει. διόπερ τῇ χάλικι καταμίξαντες τὴν ἀμμοκονίαν, προβώλ- 
λουσι χώματα ἐς τὴν θάλατταν, καὶ κολποῦσι τὰς ἀναπεπταμένας ἠϊόνας, ὥστ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς 
ἐνορμίζεσθαι τᾶς μεγίστας ὁλκάδας. 

1 See p. 309. 

3 This is one of the most remarkable ruins at Pozzuoli. It is described in the guide 
books. 

3 Philo Leg. ad Caium. 4 Οὗ εὑρόντες ἀδελφοὺς. κ. τ. A. 

δ See ver. 15. Κἀκεῖθεν οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἀκούσαντες. 

6 Παρεκλήθημεν ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς ἐπιμεῖναι ἡμέρας ἑπτά. It is not clearly stated who 
urged this stay. Possibly it was Julius himself. It is at all events evident from ver. 
15, that they did stay ; otherwise there would not have been time for the intelligence 
of St. Paul’s landing to reach Rome so long before his own arrival there. 

VOL. 11.—23 


354 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


In Tiberim defluxit Orontes.—Jvv. iii. 62. 


He APPIAN WAY. —APPII FORUM AND THE THREE TAVERNS.—ENTRANSE INTO 
ROME.—TIUHE PRATORIAN PREZFECT.--DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY.—Iis 
POPULATIUN.— THE JEWS IN ROME.—THE ROMAN CHURCH.—ST. PAUL'S 
INTERVIEW WIYH THE JEWS.—HIS RESIDENCE IN ROME. 


Tne last chapter began with a description of the facilities possessed by 
the ancients for travelling by sea: this must begin with a reference to 
their best opportunities of travelling by land. We have before spoken of 
some of the most important roads through the provinces of the Empire :+ 
now we are about to trace the Apostle’s footsteps along that road, which 
was at once the oldest and most frequented in Italy,? and which was 
called, in comparison with all others, the “ Queen of Roads.” We are no 
longer following the narrow line of compact pavement across Macedonian 
plains and mountains,’ or through the varied scenery in the interior of 
Asia Minor :4 but we are on the most crowded approach to the metro- 
polis of the world, in the midst of prators and proconsuls, embassies, 
legions, and turms of horse, ‘‘to their provinces hasting or on return,” 
which Milton,'—-in his description of the City enriched with the spoils 
of nations,—has called us to behold “in various habits on the Appian 
road.” 
Leaving then all consideration of Puteoli, as it was related to the 
sea, and to the various places on the coast, we proceed to consider its 
1 An animated description of one of the post stations on one of the roads in Asia 
Minor is given by Gregory of Nazianzus. (De Vita sua, 32.) Ile is describing hig 
own parish, and says: 
Κόνις τὰ πάντα, καὶ ψόφοι σὺν ἅρμασι, 
Θρῆνοι, στεναγμοὶ, πρώκτορες, στρεβλαι, πέδαε. 
Λαὺς δ' ὅσοι ξένοι τε καὶ πλαγώμενο:. 
Attn Σασίμων τῶν ἐμῶν ἐκκλησία. 
“ Appia longarum teritur Regina viarum.” 


Stat. Silv. 11, 2. See below. 

3 For the Via Egnatia. see Vol. I. pp. 316, 317. 

4 In making our last allusion to Asia Minor, we may refer to the description which 
Basil gives of the scenery round his residence, a little to the east ef the inland region 
thrice traversed by St. Paul. See Humboldt’s Kosmos, vol. ii. p. 26. (Sabine’s Eng, 
Trans.) 

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JOURNEY FROM PUTEOLI. 35d 


communications by land with the towns of Campania and Latium. The 
great line of communication between Rome and the southern part of the 
peninsula was the Way constructed by Appius Claudius, which passed 
through Capua,! and thence to Brundusium on the shore of the Adriatic.’ 
Puteoii and its neighbourhood lay some miles to the westward of this 
main road: but communicated with it easily by well-travelled cross-roads. 
One of them followed the coast from Puteoli northwards, till it joineu the’ 
Appian Way at Sinuessa, on the borders of Latium and Campania? It 
appears, however, that this road was not constructed till the reign of 
Domitian.* Our attention, therefore, is called to the other cross-road 
which led directly to Capua. One branch of it left the coast at Cume, 
another at Puteoli. It was called the ‘Campanian Way,”® and also the 
“Consular Way.”® It seems to have been constructed during the Re- 
public, and was doubtless the road which is mentioned, in an animated 
passage of Horace’s Epistles, as communicating with the baths and villas 
of Baize.’ 


1 The Via Appia, the oldest and most celebrated of Roman roads, was constructed 
as far as Capua, A. τ. c. 442, by the censor Appius Claudius. (Liv. ix. 29.) Eight 
hundred years afterwards, Procopius was astonished at its appearance. He describes 
it as broad enough for two carriages to pass each other, and as made of stones brought 
from some distant quarry, and so fitted to each other, that they seemed to be thus 
formed by nature, rather than cemented by art. He adds that, notwithstanding the 
traffic of so many ages, the stones were not displaced, nor had they lost their original 
smoothness. (Bell. Got. i. 14.) There is great doubt as to the date of the continua- 
tion by Beneventum to Brundusium, ner is the course of it absolutely ascertained. 
Bergier, in his great work on Roman roads (in the tenth volume of Grevius) makes 
little reference to the Appian Way. We have used chiefly Romanelli and Pratilli, ag 
referred to below, with Cramer’s Ancient Italy. 

5. Here it came to the customary ferry between the Greek and Italian peninsulas, 
and was succeeded on the other side by the Via Egnatia. Strabo, v.3. vi. 3. Com- 
pare Vol. I. p. 317. 

3 The stages of this road from Sinuessa appear as follows in the Peutingerian Table : 
—Savonem Fi. ΠΙ. ; Vulturnum, VII.; Liternum, VII.; Cumas, VI.; Lacum Aver- 
num, II.; Puteolos, II. Thence it proceeds by Naples to Herculaneum, Pompeii, 
Stabie, and Surrentum. In the Antonine Itinerary it is entitled, “Iter a Terracina 
Neapolim,’”’ and the distances are slightly different. A direct road from Capua to 
Neapolis, by Atella, is mentioned in the Tab. Peut. 

4 This is the road wkich is the subject of the pompous yet very interesting poem of 
Statius, Silv. iv. 

5 Suet. Aug. 94. ; 

6 Pliny says, after speaking of the District called Laboria, “Finiuntur Laborie via 
ab utroque latere consulari, que a Puteolis et que a Cumis Capuam ducit.” HH. N, 
xviii. 29. 

7 See the vivid passage in the beginning of Ep. 1. xv., where we see that the road 
was well-travelled at that period, and where its turning out of the Via Appia ia 
searly indicated : 

“ Mutandus locus est, et diversoria not 
Prateragendus eques. Quo tendis? Non mihi Baias 
Est iter aut Cumas, Jeva stomachosus habena 
Dicet eques.”? 


856 ὙΠῈ LIFE ΑΝΙ, EPISTLES OF 571. PAUL. 


The first part then of the route which Julias took with his prisoners 
was probably from Puteoli to Capua. All the region near the coast, how- 
ever transformed in the course of ages by the volcanic forces, which are 
still at work, is recognised as the scene of the earliest Italian mythology, 
and must ever be impressive from the poetic images, partly of this world 
and partly of the next, with which Virgil has filled it. From Cume to 
Capua, the road traverses a more prosaic district:' the “ Phlegrean 
fields” are left behind, and we pass from the scene of Italy’s dim mytho- 
logy tu the theatre of the most exciting passages of her history. The 
whole line of the road? can be traced at intervals, not only in the close 
neighbourhood of Puteoli and Capua, but through the intermediate villages, 
by fragmeuts of pavements, tombs, and ancient milestones. 

Capua, after a time of disgrace had expiated its friendship with Han- 
nibal,4 was raised by Julius Cesar to the rank of a colony :5 in the reign 
of Augustus it had resumed all its former splendour :* and about the 
very time of which we are writing, it received accessions of dignity from 
the emperor ΝΌΤΟΣ It was the most important city on the whole line 
of the Appian Way, between Rome and Brundusium. That part of the 
\ine with which we are concerned, is the northerly and most ancient por- 
gon. The distance is about 125 miles; and it may be naturally divided 
into two equal parts. The division is appropriate, whether in regard to 
the physical configuration of the country, or the modern political bounda- . 
ries. The point of division is where Terracina is built at the base of 
those cliffs, on which the city of Anxur was of old proudly situated, and 
where a narrow pass, between the mountain and the sea, unites the Papal 
States to the kingdom of Naples. 

The distance from Capua to Terracina? is about seventy Roman miles, 


1 On the left was a district of pine woods, notorious for banditti (Gallinaria pinus), 
Juv. iii. 305 ; now Pineta di Castel Volturno. 

2 This road is noticed by Romanelli in the Diatriba Seconda on the Appian Way 
and its branches, at the end of the second volume of his Antica Topografia istorica del 
Regno di Napoli (1819). But the fullest details are given by Pratilli, in book ii. ch. 
viii. of his work Della Via Appia (1745). After mentioning some of the milestones 
found at Giugliano and Aversa, he says: “Per questa strada l’Apostolo S. Paolo, 
dappoiché fu approdato in Pozzuoli, dovette con centurione suo custode passare a 
Capoa, 6 di 1a poi a Roma.” 

3 The road seems to have left Puteoli by the Solfatara, where Romanelli says that 
the old pavement is visible. 

4 Liv. xxii. 5 Cas. B.C. i. 14. Vell. Pat. ii. 44 

6 Appian, B. C. iv. 3. Dio Cass. xlix. Strabo, v. 

7 Plin. H. N. xiv. 6. Tac. Ann. xiii. 31. 

8 The molern Terracina is by the sea at the base of the cliffs, and the present το 
passes that way. The ancient road ascended to Anxur, which was on the summit. 
(“ Subimus impositum saxis Anxur.”’—Hor. Ep. 1. v. 25.) A characteristic view is 
given in Milman’s Horace. See below. 

9 The stages are as follows (reckoning from Terracina) in the Antonine Itinerary 


THE APPIAN WAY. aot 


At the third mile, the road crossed the river Vulturnus at Casilinum, a 
vown then falling into decay.! Fifteen miles further it crossed the Sava 
by what was then called the Campanian Bridge.* Thence, after three 
miles, it came to Sinuessa on the sea,? which in St. Paul’s day was 
reckoned the first town in Latium. But the old rich Campania extended 
further to the northward, including the vine-clad hills of the famous 
Falernian district through which we pass, after crossing the Savo.t The 
last of these hills (where the vines may be seen trained on elms, as of 
old) is the range of Massicus, which stretches from the coast towards 
the Apennines, and finally shuts out from the traveller, as he de 
scends on the farther side, all the prospect of Vesuvius and the 
coast near Puteoli At that season, both vines and elms would have 
a winterly appearance. But the traces of spring would be visible in 
the willows ;* among which the Liris’ flows in many silent windings— 
from the birthplace of Marius in the mountains*—to the city and the 
swamps by the sea, which the ferocity of his mature life has rendered illus- 
trious.? After leaving Minturne, the Appian Way passes on to another 
place, which has different associations with the later years of the republic. 
We speak of Formie, with its long street by the shore of its beautiful 


FUNDIS. XVI. F'ORMIS. XIII. MINTURNIS. IX. SINUESSA. IX. CAPUA. xxvI. The dis- 
tances are rather smaller in the Jerusalem Itinerary, where a mutatio Ponte Campano 
and a mutatio ad octavum are inserted between Sinuessa and Capua. Casilinum is 
mentioned only in the Peutingerian Table. 

1 Morientis Casilini reliquix.” (Plin. iii. 5.) For notices of its more eminent days 
see Liv. xxii. 15. xxiii. 17, 18, &c. Casilinnm is “New Capua,” which rose on ita 
ruins in the ninth century, and which appears under the name of Casilino in medieval 
chronicles. (Romanelli, iii. 586.) 

3 Campano Ponti. Hor. Sat. 1. v. 45. 

3 Plotius et Varius Sinuesse, Virgiliusque Occurrunt.””—Ib. 40. 

4 Pliny extends Campania to the Liris. “Hine felix illa Campania est. Ab hoo 
sinu incipiunt vitiferi colles, et temulentia nobilis succo per omnes terras inclyto, atque 
ut veteres dixere: Summum Liberi patris cum Cerere certamen.”’? (H.N. iii. 5.) It 
is difficult to fix the limits of the Falernus ager, which extended from the Massic 
Hills towards the Volturnus. See Virg. Georg. ii. 95. Hor. Od.1.xx. Propert. iv. 6. 
Sil. Ital. vii. 159. 

5 See Eustace. The ancient road, however, seems to have followed the coast. 

6 “March 22. We cross the Liris by a suspension bridge. It is a large stream— 
truly a taciturnus amnis—winding like the Trent among willow-trees, which showed 
nearly the first symptoms of spring we had seen.”? (Extract from a private jourzal.) 
We have already scen that St. Paul’s journey through Campania and Latium was very 
early in spring. 

7 


τ Rura, que Liris quieta 
Mordet aqua taciturnus amnis.”’ 
Hor. Od. 1. 31. 
C Liris nutritus aquis, qui fonte quieto 
Dissimulat cursum.’’—Sil. Ital. iv. 350. 
No description of the Garigliano could be more exact. 
* The Garigliano rises near Arpinum, which was also the birthplace of Horace, 
® The Marmurrarum urbs of Horace, Sat. 1, v. 37. 


358 THE LIFE ANL £PISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


bay, and with its villas on the sea side and above it ; among which was 
one of Cicero’s favourite retreats from the turmoil of the political world, 
and where at last he fell by the hand of assassins... Many a lectica,? or 
palanquin, such as that in which he was reclining when overtaken by his 
murderers, may have been ret by St. Paul in his progress,—with other 
carriages, with which the road would become more and more crowdcd,— 
the cesewm,* or light cabriolet, of some gay reveller, on his way to Baie,— 
or the four-wheeled rheda,‘ full of the family of some wealthy senator quit- 
ting the town for the country. At no great distance from Formie the 
road left the sea again, and passed, where the substructions of it still re- 
main, through the defiles* of the Czecuban hills, with their stony but pro- 
ductive vineyards. Thence the traveller looked down upon the plain of 
Fundi, which retreats like a bay into the mountains, with the low lake of 
Amycle between the town and the sea. Through the capritious care, 
with which time has preserved in one place what is lost in another, the 
pavement of the ancient way is still the street of this, the most northerly 
town of the Neapolitan kingdom in this direction. We have now in front 
of us the mountain line, which is both the frontier of the Papal States, 
aud the natural division of the Apostle’s journey from Capua to Rome. 
Whiere it reaches the coast, in bold limestone precipices, there Anxur was 
situated, with its houses and temples high above the sea.‘ 


1 See Plutarch’s description of his death. 

3 The /ectice, or couches carried by bearers, were in constant use both for men and 
women ; and a traveller could hardly go from Puteoli to Rome without seeing many 
of them. For a description of the lectica and other Roman carriages, see the Excursus 
in Becker’s Gallus, Eng. Trans. p. 257. 

3 For the cisium see two passages in Cicero: “ Inde cisio celeriter ad urbem advectus 
domum venit capite involuto.” (Phil. ii. 31.) “ Decem horis nocturnis sex et quin- 
quaginta millia passuum cisiis pervolavit.” (Rose. Am.7.) From what Seneca says 
(“ Quadam sunt, que possis et in cisio scribere.’’ Ep. 72), we must infer that such 
carriages were often as comfortable as those of modern times. See Ginzrot, Wagen 
u. Fahrwerke der Griechen u. Romer, i. p. 218. 

4 “Tota domus rheda componitur una.” (Juv. iii. 10.) Cf. Mart. iii. 47. The re- 
mark just made on the cisium is equally applicable to the larger carriage. Cicero 
says in one of his Cilician letters (Att. v. 17): “ Hane epistolam dictavi sedens in 
rheda.” Ginzrot gives, from a painting at Constantinople, a representation of a state- 
carriage or rbeda containing prisoners. [Did Julius and his prisoners travel in this way 
from Puteoli?] The rheda meritoria used by Horace (Sat. i. v. 36) was the common 
hack-carriage. We may allude to another well-known scene on the Appian Way, 
where the rheda is mentioned, Cic. Mil. 10. 

5 Itri is in one of these defiles. The substructions of the ancient way show that it 
nearly followed the line of the modern road between Rome and Naples. 

6 “Tmpositum saxis late candentibus Anxur.” (Hor. Sat. Lv. 26.) ‘“ Superbus 
Anxur.”? Mart vi. 42.) “ Arces superbi Anxuris.” (Stat. Silv. i. 3.) “ Praecipites 
Anxuris arces.”? (Lucan, iii. 64.) ‘“Scopulosi verticis Anxur. (Sil. Ital. viii. 392.) 
There are still the substructions of large temples, one of them probably that of Jupiter, 
to whom the town was dedicated. 


ΑΡΡΙΙ FORUM AND THREE 'TAVERNS. 3859 


After leaving Anxur,' the traveller observes the high land retreating 
again from the coast, and presently finds himself in a wide and remarka- 
ble plain, enclosed towards the interior by the sweep of the blue Volscian 
mountains, and separated by a belt of forest from the sea. Here are the 
Pomptine marshes,—“ the only marshes ever dignified by classic celebrity.” 
The descriptive lines of the Roman satirist have wonderfully concurred 
with the continued unhealthiness of the half-drained morass, in preserving 
a living commentary on that fifteenth verse in the last chapter of the 
Acts, which exhibits to us one of the most touching passages in the 
Apostle’s life. A few miles beyond Terracina, where a fountain, grateful 
to travellers, welled up near the sanctuary of Feronia,’ was the termina- 
tion of a canal, which was formed by Augustus for the purpose of drain- 
ing the marshes, and which continued for twenty miles by the side of the 
road. Over this distance, travellers had their choice, whether to proceed 
by barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way itself! It 
is impossible to know which plan was adopted by Julius and his prisoners. 
If we suppose the former to have been chosen, we have the aid of 
Horace’s Epistle to enable us to imagine the incidents and the company, 
in the midst of which the Apostle came, unknown and unfriended, to the 
corrupt metropolis of the world. And yet he was not so unfriended as 
he may possibly have thought himself that day, in his progress from 
Anxur across the watery, unhealthy plain. On the arrival of the party 
at Appii Forum, which was a town where the mules were unfastened, at 
the other end of the canal, and is described by the satirist as full of low 


1 The stages during the latter half of the journey, reckoning from Rome, appear 
thus in the Antonine Itinerary: ARICIAM. XVI. TRES TABERNAS. XVU. APPI FORO. X. 
TARRACINA. Xv. In the Peutingerian Table Boville intervenes between Rome and 
Aricia, and Sublanuvio between Aricia and Tres Taberne. The Jerusalem Itinerary 
has a Mutatio ad nono corresponding nearly to Bovilla, and a Mutatio ad medias 
between Appii Forum and Terracina: it makes no mention of Tres Tabernz, but haa 
instead a Mutatio sponsas, for which Wesseling and Romanelli would read ad pontes. 


2 “ Ora manusque tua lavimus Feronia lympha, 
Millia tum pransi tria repimus,” ὅσο. 
Hor. Sat. I. 24. 

3 “Qua Pomptinas via dividit uda paludes.” (Lucan, iii. 85.) The length of the 
canal was nineteen miles. See Procop. de Bell. Got. i. 11: Πεδία πολλὰ ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν 
ἱππόβοτα' pet δὲ καὶ ποταμὸς, ὃν Δεκαννόβιον (Decennovium) τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ 
καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, ὅτι δὴ ἐννεακαίδεκα περιιών σημεῖα (milliaria), ὅπερ ξύνεισιν 
ke τρεῖς καὶ δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους, οὕτω δὴ ἐκβάλλει ἐς θάλασσαν ἀμφὶ πόλιν 
Ταρακίνην. 

4 With Horace’s account of his night-journey on the canal, compare Strabo, v. 8. 
Πλησίον τῆς Ταῤῥακινῆς βαδίζοντι ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης παραβέβληται τῇ ὁδῷ TH ᾿Αππίᾳ 
διῶουξ ἐπὶ πολλοὺς τόπους πληρουμένη τοῖς ἐλείοις τε καὶ τοῖς ποταμίοις ἴδασᾳ 
πλεῖται δὲ μάλιστα νύκτωρ, dor’ ἐμβάντας ἐφ᾽ ἑσπέρας ἐκβαίνειν πρωΐας καὶ βαδίζειν 
τὸ λοιπὸν τῇ ὁδῷ τῇ ᾿Λππία" ἀλλὰ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ῥεμουλκεῖται δι’ ἡυ:όνων. 


860 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tavern-keepers and bargemen,'—at that meeting-place whore travellers 
from all parts of the empire had often crossed one another's path,——on 
that day, in the motley and vulgar crowd, some of the few Christians 
who were then in the world, suddenly recognised one another, and emo- 
tions of holy joy ard thanksgiving sanctified the place of coarse vice and 
vulgar traffic. The disciples at Rome had heard of the Apostle’s arrival 
at Puteoli, and hastened to meet him on the way ; and the prisoner was 
startled to recognise some of those among whom he had laboured, and 
whom he had loved, in the distant cities of the East. Whether Aquila 
and Priscilla were there it is needless to speculate. Whoever might be 
the persons, they were brethren in Christ, and their presence would be an 
instantaneous source of comfort and strength. We have already seen, on 
other occasions of his life? how the Apostle’s heart was lightened by the 
presence of his friends. 

About tén miles farther he received a second welcome from a singulat 
group of Christian brethren. Two independent companies had gone to 
meet him: or the zeal and strength of one party had outstripped the 
other. At a place called the Three Taverns,’ where a cross road from 
the coast at Antium came in from the left, another party of Christians 
was waiting to welcome and to honour “the ambassador in bonds.” 
With a lighter heart, and a more cheerful countenance, he travelled the 
remaining seventeen miles, which brought him along the base of the 
Alban Hills, in the midst of places well known and famous in early Ro- 
man legends, to the town of Aricia. The Great Apostle had the sympa- 
thies of human nature ; he was dejected and encouraged by the same 
causes which act on our spirits ; he too saw all outward objects in “hues 
borrowed from the heart.” The diminution of fatigue—the more hopeful 
prospect of the future—the renewed elasticity of religious trust—the sense 
of a brighter light on all the scenery round him—on the foliage which 
overshadowed the road—on the wide expanse of the plain to the left—on 
the high summit to the Alban Mount,—all this, and more than this, is in- 
volved in St. Luke’s sentence,—‘‘ when Paul saw the brethvea, he thanked 
Ged, axd took courage.” 

The mention of the Alban Mount reminds us that we are approaching 
the end of our journey. The isolated group of hills, which is called by 
this collective name, stands between the plain which has just been tra 


1 “Jnde Forum Appi, 
Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.”’ 

This place is also mentioned by Cicero ad Div. ii. 10. Its situation was near the pre- 
sent Treponti. 

2 See especially Vol. 1. p. 362. 

3 This place is mentioned by Cicero when on a journey from Antium to Rome. Att 
11. 12. From the distances in the Itineraries it seems to have been not very far from 
ghe modern Cisterna, 


APPROACH TO ROME. 361 


versed and that other plain which is the Campagna of Rome. All the 
pases of the mountain were then (as indeed they are partially now) clus 
vered round with the villas and gardens of wealthy citizens. The Appian 
Way climbs and then descends along its southern slope. After passing 
Lanuvium' it crossed a crater-like valley on immense substructions, which 
still remain.? Here is Aricia, an easy stage from Rome? The town was 
above the road ; and on the hill side swarms of beggars beset travellers 
as they passed.# On the summit of the next rise, Paul of Tarsus would 
obtain his first view of Rome. There is no doubt that the prospect was, 
in many respects, very different from the view which is now obtained from 
the same spot. It is true that the natural features of the scene are un- 
altered. The long wall of blue Sabine mountains, with Soracte in the 
distance, closed in the Campagna, which stretched far across to the sea 
and round the base of the Alban hills. But ancient Rome was not, like 
modern Rome, impressive from its solitude, standing alone, with its one 
conspicuous cupola, in the midst of a desolate though beautiful waste. 
St Paul would see a vast city, covering the Campagna, and almost con- 
tinuously conneeted by its suburbs with the villas on the hill where he 
stood, and with the bright towns which clustered on the sides of the 
mountains opposite. Over all the intermediate space were the houses and 
gardens, through which aqueducts and roads might be traced in converg- 
ing lines towards the confused mass of edifices which formed the city of 
Rome. Here no conspicuous building, elevated above the r st, attracted 
the eye or the imagination. Ancient Rome had neither cupola® nor cam- 
panile. Still less had it any of those spires, which give life to all the 
landscapes of Northern Christendom. It was a wide-spread aggregate of 
buildings, which, though separated by narrow streets and open squares, 
appeared, when seen from near Aricia, blended into one indiscriminate 
mass: for distance concealed the contrasts which divided the crowded 


1 Sub Lanuvio is one of the stations in the Tab. Peut. (See above.) The ancient 
Lanuvium was on a hill on the teft, near where the Via Appia (which can be traced 
here, by means of the tombs, as it ascends from the plain) strikes the modern road by 
Velletri. 

2 The present road is carried through the modern town of Laricia, which occupies 
the site of the citadel of ancient Aricia. The Appian Way went across the valley, 
below. Sec Sir W. Gell’s Campagna, under Aricia and Laricia: see also an article, 
entitled “ Excursions from Rome in 1843,” in the first volume of the Classical Museum, 
p. 322. The magnificent causeway or viaduct, mentioned in the text, is 700 fect long, 
and in some places 70 feet high. It is built of enormous squared blocks of peperino, 
with arches for the water of the torrents to pass through. 

3 “ Heressum magna me excipit Aricia Roma.” Compare Epictetus as quoted bere 
by Orelli: οὐκοὺν ἐν ᾿Αρικίᾳ ἀριστήσομεν. The distance from Rome was sixteen milea 

4 The cavus Aricinus is repeatedly mentioned as swarming with beggars. Juv, 
Sat. iv. 117. Pers. Sat. vi. 56. Mart. Epig. xii. 32. 

5 The Pantheon was indeed built; but the world had not seen any instance of ar 
nlevated dome, like that of St. Sophia, St. Peter’s, or St. Paul’s. 


862 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


habitations of the poor and the dark haunts of filth and misery—frum 
he theatres and colonnades, the baths, the temples and palaces with 
gilded roofs, flashing back the sun. 

The road descended ito the plain of Bovillz, six miles from Aricia : Ὁ 
and thence it procceded in a straight line,? with the sepulchres of illustri- 
ous families on either hand.? One of these was the burial-place of the 
Julian gens,‘ with which the centurion who had charge of the prisoners 
was in some way connected. As they proceeded over the old pavement, 

among gardens and modern houses,® and approached nearer the busy me 

tropolis—the “ conflux issuing forth or entering in”? in varicus costumes 
and on various errands,—vehicles, horsemen and foot-passengers, soldiers 
and labourers, Romans and foreigners,—became more crowded and con- 
fusing. The houses grew closer. They were already in Rome. It was 
impossible to define the commencement of the city. Its populous portions 
extended far beyond the limits marked out by Servius. The ancient wall, 
with its once sacred pomeerium, was rather an object for antiquarian inte- 
rest, like the walls of York or Chester, than any protection against the 
enemies, who were kept far aloof by the legions on the frontier. 

Yet the Porta Capena is a spot which we can hardly leave without 
lingering for a moment. Under this arch—which was perpetually drip- 
ping ® with the water of the aqueduct® that went over it—had passed all 


1 Bovillee (not far from Fratocchie) is memorable as the place where Clodius was killed. 

3 The modern road deviates slightly from the Via Appia; but by aid of the tombs 
the eye can easily trace the course of the ancient way, which was, as Nibby says, 
“Vandicalmente distrutta anno 1791 per resarcire la strada moderna, che a sinistra 
se vede.” (Viaggio, p. 146.) 

3 The sentence in Cicero is well known: “ An tu egressus porta Capena, cum Cala- 
tini, Scipionum, Serviliorum, Metellorum, sepulchra vides, miseros putes iiios?”” For 
an account of the tombs of the Scipios, see the Beschreibung Roms, iii. 612. That of 
Cecilia Metella is engraved on our map of Rome. Pompey’s tomb was also on the 
Appian Way, but nearer to Aricia. 

4 Sir W. Gell, on what appears to be a memorial of the burying-place of the Gens 
Julia, near Boville. See Tac. Ann. ii. 41. xv. 33. 

5 Ile might be a freeborn Italian (like Cornelius, see Vol. I. p. 115), or he might be 
a freed man, or the descendant of a freed man, manumitted by some member of the 
Julian house. 

6 Much building must have been continually going on. Juvenal mentions the car- 
rying of building materials as one of the annoyances of Rome, 

7 Paradise Regained, iv. 62. 

8 “ Capena grandi porta que pluit gutta.” (Mart. iii. 47.) Hence valled the moist, . 
gate by Juvenal, iii. 10. Compare Mart. iv. 18. It was doubtless called Capena, as 
being the gate of Capua. Its position is fully ascertained to have been at the point of 
union of the valleys dividing the Aventine, Ceelian, and Palatine. See Becker’s 
Romische Alterthiimer, 167; also 121,210. Both the Via Latina and Via Appia 
issued from this gate. The first milestone on the latter was found in the first vine- 
yard beyond the Porta S. Sebastiano (see map). 

9 This was a branch of the Marcian aqueduct. “ Marcia autem parte sui post hortoa 
Pallantianos in rivum, qui vocatur Herculaneus, dejecit se per Celium. Fuctus 


THE PRETORIAN PRAFECT. 368 


those who, since a remote period of the republic, had travelled by the 
Appian Way,—victorious generals with their legions, returning from 
foreign scrvice,—emperors and courtiers, vagrant representatives of every 
form of heathenism, Greeks and Asiatics, Jews and Christians.’ From 
this point entering within the city, Julius and his prisoners moved on, with 
the Aventine on their left, close round the base of the Ccelian, and 
through the hollow ground which lay between this hill and the Palatine : 
thence over the low ridge called Velia,? where afterwards was built the 
arch of Titus, to commemorate the destruction of Jerusalem ; and then 
descending,? by the Sacra Via,‘ into that space which was the centre of 
imperial power and imperial magnificence, and associated also with the 
most glorious recollections of the republic. The Forum was to Rome, 
what the Acropolis® was to Athens, the heart of all the characteristic 
interest of the place® Here was the Milliartwm Awrewm, to which the 
roads of all the provinces converged. All around were the stately build- 
ings, which were raised in the closing years of the republic, and by the 
earlier emperors.’ In front was the Capitoline Hill, illustrious long before 
the invasion of the Gauls. Close on the left, covering that hill, whose 
name is associated in every modern European language with the notion of 
imperial spiendour,’ were the vast ranges of the palace—the “ house of 
Cesar” (Phil. iv. 22). Here were the household troops quartered in a 
preatorium® attached to the palace. And here (unless, indeed, it was in 


ipsius montis usibus nihil ut inferior subministrans, finitur supra portam Capenam.”’ 
(Frontinus de Aquieductibus, in the fourth volume of Greevius, 1644.) 

1 We must not forget that close by this gate was the old sanctuary of Egeria, which 
in Juvenal’s time was occupied by Jewish beggars. See Sat. iii. 13, vi. 542, which we 
have already quoted (Vol. I. p. 147). 

3 “The ridge on which the arch of Titus stands, was much more considerable than 
the modern traveller would suppose: the pavement, which has been excavated at this 
point, is firty-three feet above the level of the pavement in the Forum. This ridge ran 
from the Palatine to the Esquiline, dividing the basin in which the Colosseum stands, 
from that which contained the Forum: it was called Velia. Publicola excited popular 
suspicion and alarm by building his house on the elevated part of this ridge.” Com- 
panion-Volume to Mr. Cookesley’s Map of Rome, p. 30. (See Liv. ii. 7. Cic. de Rep. 
ii. 81. Dionys. Hal. v. 19.) 

3 This slope, from the arch of Titus down to the Forum, was called the Sacer Clivus, 
Hor. Od. rv. ii. 33. Mart. 1. Ixxi. 5. rv. Ixxix. 7. 

4 So the name ought to be written. Becker, 1, 219. 

5 See Vol. 1. p. 356. 

6 See a fine passage on the Forum in Becker’s Alterthumer, i. 215. 

7 We must not enter into any discussion concerning the relative positions of the 
Fora of Julius Cesar and Augustus. See Chevalier Bunson’s Treatises, ‘Les Forum 
fle Rome,” 1837. His general plan is attached to the third of Mr. Bunbury’s articles 
on the Topography of Rome, in the Classical Museum, voi. iv. p. 116, 

8 See Becker, i. 415. 

9 We think that Wieseler has proved that the πραιτώριον in Phil. i. 13 denotes the 
quarters of the household troops attached to the Emperor's residence on the Pa‘atine 


864 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


the g.eat Pretortan camp ' outside the city wall) Julius gave up his pri 
aoner to Burrus, the Pratorian Prefect,’ whose official duty it was te 
keep in custody ail accused persons who were to be tried before the Em- 
peror.® 3 

This doubt, which of two places, somewhat distant from each other, 
was the scene of St. Paul’s meeting with the commander-in-chief of the 
Praetorian guards, gives us the occasion for entering on a general descrip- 
uon of the different parts of the city of Rome. It would be nugatory 
to lay great stress, as is too often done, on its “ seven hills :” for a great 
city at length obliterates the -original features of the ground, especially 
where those features were naturally not very strongly marked. The 
description, which is easy in reference to Athens or Edinburgh, is hard in 
the instance of modern London or ancient Rome. Nor is it easy, in the 
case of one of the larger cities of the world, to draw any marked lines of 
distinction among the different classes of buildings. It is true, the con- 
trasts are really great ; but details are lost in a distant view of so vast an 
ageregate. The two scourges to which ancient Rome was most exposed, 
revealed very palpably the contrast, both of the natural ground and the 
human streetures, which by the general observer might be unnoticed or 
forgotten. When the Tiber was flooded, and the muddy waters converted 
all the streets and open places of the lower part of the city into lakes and 
canals,‘ it would be seen very clearly how much lower were the Forum 
and the Campus Martius, than those three detached hills (the Capitoline, 
the Palatine, and the Aventine) which rose near the river ; and those 
four ridges (the Ccelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal, and the Quirinal) 
which ascended and united together in the higher ground on which the 
Pretorian camp was situated. And when fires swept rapidly from roof to 
roof,> and vast ranges of buildings were buried in the ruins of one night, 


1 The establishment of this camp was the work of Tiberius. Its place is still clearly 
visible in the great rectangular projection in the walls, on the north of the city. Jn 
St. Panl’s time it was strictly outside the city. The inner wall was pulled down by 
Constantine. Zos. ii. 17. 

? This is the accurate translation of τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ (Acts xxviii. 16). The 
Prefectus Pretorio was already the most important subject of the Emperor, though 
he had not yet acquired all that extensive jurisdiction which was subsequently con- 
ferred upon him. At this time (a. p. 61) Burrus, one of the best of Nero’s advisers, 
was Prectorian Pracfect. 

3 Trajan says (Plin. Ep. x. 65) of such a prisoner, “vinctus mitti ad Praefectoa 
Pretorii mei debet.”” Compare also Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6 quoted by Wieseler, p. 393. 

4 The writer has known visits paid in the Ripetta (in the Campus Martius) by means 
of boats brought to the windows of the first story. Dio Cassius makes three distinet 
references to a similar state of things. ‘O Τίβερις πελαγίσας πᾶσαν τὴν ἐν τοῖς 
πεδίοις Ῥώμην κατέλαβεν, ὥστε πλεῖσθαι, 1111. 20. Compare 1111, 33. Ilvii. 14. 

5 Suetonius mentions floods and fires together. ‘“ Urbem inundationibus incendiisque 
obnoxiam, excoluit adeo, ut jure sit gloriatus, marmoream se relinquere, quam lateri- 
ciam accepisset.” Aug. 29. ‘ Adversus incendia excubias nocturnas vigilesyue com 


ΣΕΒΟΕΙΡΤΙΟΝ OF ROME. 368 


that cortrast between the dwellings of the poor and the palaces of the 
ric, which has supplied the Apostle with one of his most forcible images, 
would be clearly revealed,—the difference between structures of ‘“ sump: 
tuous marbles, with silver and gold,” which abide after the fire, and the 
bovels of “ wood, hay, stubble,” which are burnt (1 Cor. iii. 10-15). 

If we look at a map of modern Rome, with a desire of realising to 
ourselves the appearance of the city of Augustus and Nero, we must in 
the first place obliterate from our view that circuit of waiis, which is due 
in various proportions, to Aurelian, Belisarius, and Pope Leo 1V.' The 
wall, through which the Porta Capena gave admission, was the old Ser: 
vian euclosure, which embraced a much smaller area: though we must 
bear in mind, as we have remarked above, that the city had extended it- 
self beyond this limit, and spread through various suburbs, far into the 
country. In the next place we must observe that the hilly part of Rome, 
which is now half occupicd by gardens, was then the most populous, 
_while the Campus Martius, now covered with crowded streets, was compas 
ratively open. It was only about the close of the republic that many builde 
ings were raised on the Campus Martius, and these were chiefly of a 
public or decorative character. One of these, the Pantheon, still remains, 
as ἃ monument of the reign of Augustus. This, indeed, is the period 
from which we must trace the beginning of all the grandeur of Roman 
buildings. ‘Till the civil war between Pompey and Ceesar, the private 
houses of the citizens had been mean, and the only public structures of 
note were the cloacee and the aqueducts. But in proportion as the an- 
cient fabric of the constitution broke down, and while successful gene- 
rals brought home wealth from provinces conquered and plundered on 
every shore of the Mediterranean, the city began to assume the appearance 
of a new and imperial magnificence. ΤῸ leave out of view the luxurious 
and splendid residences which wealthy citizens raised for their own uses,’ 
Pompey erected the first theatre of stone,* and Julius Cesar surrounded 
the great Circus with a portico.s From this time the change went on 
rapidly and incessantly. oe increase of public business led to the crec- 


mentus est. Ad coercendas inundationes, alveum Tiberis laxavit et repurgavit.” 
Ib. 30. The jire-police of Augustus seems to have been organized with great care. 
The care of the river, as we learn from inscriptions, was committed to a Curator alvei 
Tiberis. 

1 The wall of Leo IY. is that which encloses the Borgo (said to be so called from 
the word burgh, used by Anglo-Saxon pilgrims) where St. Peter’s and the Vatican are 
situated. 

? Till the reign of Augustus, the houses of private citizans bad been for the most 
part of sun-dried bricks, on a basement of stone. The houses of Crassus and Lepidus 
were amoug the earlier exceptions. 

3 This theatre was one of the principal ornaments of the Campus Martius. Some 
parts of it still remain. 

4 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24,1. Suet. Cars. 39 


366 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tion of enormous Basilicas.!. The Forum was embellished on all sidea 

The Temple of Apollo on the Palatine,s and those other temples the re 
mains of which are still conspicuous at the base of the Capitoline,* were 
only a small part of similar buildings raised by Augustus. The triumphal! 
arch raised by Tiberius near the same place * was only one of many struc- 
tures, which rose in rapid succession to decorate that busy neighbourhood. 
And if we wish to take a wider view, we have only to think of the aque- 
ducts, which rose in succession between the private enterprises of Agrippa 
in the reign of Augustus, and the recent structures of the Emperor Clau- 
dius, just before the arrival of the Aposile Paul.6 We may not go fur- 
ther in the order of chronology. We must remember that the Colosseum, 
the Basilica of Constantine, and the baths of other emperors, and many 
other buildings which are now regarded as the conspicuous features of 
ancient Rome, did not then exist. We are describing a period which is 
anterior to the time of Nero’s fire. Even after the opportunity which 
that calamity afforded for reconstructing the city, Juvenal complains of 
the narrowness of the strects.? Were we to attempt to extend our de- 
scription to any of these streets,—whether the old Vicus Tuscus,® with its 
cheating shopkeepers,’ which led round the base of the Palatine, from the 
Forum to the Cireus,—or the aristocratic Curine along the slope of the 
Esquiline,'’°—or the noisy Suburra, in the hollow between the Viminal and 
Quirinal, which had sunk into disrepute,’ thow;h once the residence of 
Julius Cxsar,'*—we should only wander into ew uess perplexity. And we 


1 The Roman Basilica is peculiarly interesting to us, since it contains the germ of 
the Christian cathedral. Originally they were rather open colonnades than enclosed 
halls; but, before the reign of Nero, they had assumed their ultimate form of a nave 
with aisles. We shall refer again to the Basilicas in our account of St. Paul’s last 
trial. 

2 Three well known Corinthian columns, of the best period of art under the Empe- 
rors, remain near the base of the Palatine. They are popularly called the remains of 
the Temple of Jupiter Stator: perhaps they are part of the Temple of Castor and Pol- 
lux. Sce the Beschreibung Roms, iii. 272; also Bunsen’s “Les Forum,’ ἄρ. ; and 
Bunbury’s second article in the Classical Museum, p. 19. 

3 Suet. Aug. c. 29. Dio Cass. liii. 1. : 

4 For the true names of these temples, see Bunsen and Bunbury. The larger rnin, 
on the lower side of the Clivus Capitolinus, is believed to be the Temple of Vespasian, 
and was not built till after St. Paul’s death. The temples of Concord and of Saturn 
were of earlier date. 

5 It was built in commemoration of the recovery of the standards of Varus. 

6 See Frontinus. 

7 Juv. Sat. iii. 193, 199, 225, 236. vi. 78. 

8 See Liv. xxvii 37. In another place (ii. 14) he says it was so called from the 
Etruscans, who settled there. 

9 Hor. Sat. π. iii, 228. 10 Virg. Ain. viii. 36. Hor. Ep. 1. vii. 48. 

1 Juv. wi. 5. x. 156, xi. 50), Pers. v.32. Mart. v. xxii. 5: x: xix. 5. 

12 ὦ TJabitait primo in Suburra modicis edibus ; post autem pontificatum maximum, 
In Sacra Via, lomo publica.” (Suet. Cas. c. 46.) 


POPULATION OF ROME. 367 


should be equally lost, if we were to attempt to discriminate’ihe mixed 
multitude, which were crowded on the various landings of those inswe, 
or piles of lodging houses, which are perhaps best described by comparing 
them to the houses in the old town of Edinburgh. 

If it is difficult to.describe the outward appearances of the city, it is 
stil more dificult to trace the distinctive features of all the parts of that 
colossal population which filled it. Within a circuit of little more than 
twelve miles* more than two millions? of inhabitants were crowded. It 
is evident that this fact is only explicable by the narrowness of the 
streets, with that peculiarity of the houses which has been alluded to 
above. In this prodigious collection of human beings, there were of 
course all the contrasts whi¢h are seen in a modern city,—all the painful 
lines of separation between luxury and squalor, wealth and want. But in 
Rome all these differences were on an exaggerated scale, and the institue 
tion of slavery modified further all social relations. The free citizens 
were more than a million :4 of these, the senators were so few in number, 
as to be hardly appreciable : > the knights, who filled a great proportion 
of the public offices, were not more than 10,000: the troops quartered in 
the city may be reckoned at 15,000: the rest were the Plebs urbana 
That a vast number of these would be poor, is an obvious result of the 
most ordinary causes. Dut, in ancient Rome, the luxury of the wealthier 
classes did not produce a general diffusion of trade, as it does in a modern 
city. The handicraft employments, and many of what we should call 
professions,° were in the hands of slaves ; and the consequence was, that 
a vast propertion of the Plebs urbana lived on public or private charity.’ 
Yet were these pauper citizens proud of their citizenship, though many 
of them had no better sleeping-place for the night than the public por. 
ticos or the vestibules of temples. They cared for nothing beyond bread 
for the day, the games of the Circus,’ and the savage delight of gladiato- 

1 A decree was issued by Augustus, defining the height to which these insula 
might be raised. : 

? This is of course a much wider circuit than that of the Servian wall. The preseni 
wall, as we have said above, did not then exist. 

3 This is Hoeck’s calculation, 1. ii. 131. Bunsen, in the Beschreibung Roms, i. 183, 
makes a somewhat lower calculation. Each estimate is based, though in different 
ways, on the Monumentum Ancyranum. For remarks on the very low estimate of M 
Dureau de la MaJle, in his Economie Politique des Romains, see Hoeck in the ἔχου» 
mis at the end of the second part of his first volume, and Milman’s note on Gibbon’s 
thirty-first chapter. 

4 Hoeck. 

5 Before Augustus there were 1000 senaters; he reduced them to about 700. Die 
Cass. 111. 42, liv. 14. 

6 Some were physicians, others were engaged in education, Xe. 

7 See, on this whole subject, Hoeck’s Romische Geschichte, book v chap. ii. 


8 “Panem et Circenses;” such is the satirist’s account of the only two things fos 
which the Roman populace was really anxious. 


868 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


rial shows.’ Manufactures and trade they regarded as the business of the 
slave and the foreigner. ‘The number of slaves was perhaps about a mil- 
lion. ‘The number of the strangers or peregrint was much smaller ; but it 
is impossible to describe their varieties. Every kind of nationality and 
religion found its representative in Rome. But it is needless to pursue 
these details. The most obvious comparison is better than an elaborate 
description. Rome was like London with all its miseries, vices, and fol: 
lies exaggerated, and without Christianity. 

One part of Rome still remains to be described, the “ Trastevere,” or 
district beyond the river.!| This portion of the city has been known in 
modern times for the energetic and intractable character of its population. 
In earlier times it was equally notorious, though not quite for the same 
reason. It was the residence of a low rabble, and the place of the 
meanest merchandise.? There is, however, one reason why our attention 
is particularly called to it. It was the ordinary residence of the Jews— 
the “ Ghetto” of ancient Rome:? and great part of it was doubtless 
squalid and miserable, like the Ghetto of modern Rome,‘ though the Jews 
were often less oppressed under the Cesars than undcr the Popes. Here 
. then—on the level ground, between the windings of the muddy river and 
the base of that hill* from the brow of which Porsena, looked down on 
early Rome, and where the French within these few years have planted 
their cannon—we must place the home of those Israelitish families among 
whom the Gospel bore its first-fruits in the metropolis of the world : and it 
was on these bridges,°—-which formed an immediate communication from 
the district beyond the Tiber to the Emperor’s household and the guards 
on the Palatine,—that those despised Jewish beggars took their stand, te 


1 Whether the wall of Servius included any portion of the opposite side of the river 
or not (a question which is disputed among the topographers of the Italian and Ger- 
man schools), a suburb existed there under the imperial régime. 

2 “Mercis ablegande Tiberim ultra.” (Juv. xiv. 202.) ‘ Transtiberinus ambula- 
tor, Qui pallentia sulfurata fractis Permutat vitreis.” (Mart. 1. 42, Compare i. 109. 
vi. 93.) 

3 Philo says of Augustus: Πῶς οὖν ἀπεδέχετο; τὴν πέραν τοῦ Τιβέρεως ποταμοὺ 
μεγάλην τῆς Ῥώμης ἀποτομὴν, ἣν οὐκ ἠγνόει κατεχομένην καὶ οἰκουμένην πρὸς 
πουδαίων. (ii. ὅθ8, ed. Mangey.) The remembrance of the fact may, perhaps, elucidate 
ἃ difficult passage of Horace. The exclamation, “ Hodie tricesima sabbata’’ (Sat. τ. 
ix. 69) is more explicable if supposed to be made in the midst of the Jewish popula- 
tion, and near some synagogue; and Horace just above (18) represents himself as 
going to see a friend, who is lying ill “trans Tiverim.” 

4 The modern Ghetio is the filthy quarter between the Capitoline Hill and the old 
Fabrician Bridge, which leads to the island, and thence to the Trastevere. It is sur- 
rounded by walls, and the gates are closed every night hy the police. The number of 
Jews is about 8000, in’a total population of 150,000. 

3 The Janiculum. 

9 “Pontis exul.” Mart. x. 5. See Juv. iv. 116. v.8 xiv. 134. 


THK JEWS IN ROME. 3869 


whom in the place of their exile had come the hopes of a better citizen 
ship than that which they had lost. 

The Jewish community thus established in Rome, had its first begin 
nings in the captives brought by Pompey after his eastern campaign. 
Many of them were manumitted ; and thus a great proportion of the Jews 
in Rome were freedmen.? Frequent accession to their numbers were 
made as years went on—chiefly from the mercantile relations which sub- 
sisted between, Rome and the East. Many of them were wealthy, and 
large sums were sent annually for religious purposes from Italy to the 
mother country.2. Even the proselytes contributed to these sacred funds.‘ 
It is difficult to estimate the amount of the religious influence exerted by the 
Roman Jews upon the various Heathens around them; but all our sources 
of information lead us to conclude that it was very considerable.6 Se 
long as this influence was purely religious, we have no reason to suppose 
that any persecution from the civil power resulted. It was when commo- 
tions took place in consequence of expectations of a temporal Messiah, or 
when vague suspicions of this mysterious people were more than usually 
excited, that the Jews of Rome were cruelly treated, or peremptorily 
banished. Yet from all these cruelties they recovered with elastic force, 
and from all these exiles they returned ; and in the early years of Nero, 
which were distinguished for a mild and lenient government of the empire,‘ 


1 See Vol. I. p. 18, and Remond’s Geschichte der Ausbreitung des Judenthums, 
referred to there. The first introduction of the Jews to Rome was probably the em- 
bassy of the Maccabees. 

2 "Ῥωμαῖοι ἧσαν οἱ πλείους ἀπελευθερωθέντες " αἰχμαλωτοί γὰρ ἀχθέντες εἰς Ἰταλίαν 
ὑπὸ τῶν κτησαμένων ἠλευθερώθησαν οὐδὲν τῶν πατρίων παραχαράξαι βιασθέντες 
Philo. Ib. 

3 “Cum aurum, Judzorum nomine, quotannis ex Italia, et ex omnibus provinciis 
Hierosolyma exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto, ne ex Asia exportari liceret’ 
(Cic. pro Flacco, ὁ. 28.) Again, Philo says, in the passage quoted above, Ἠπίέστατο 
καὶ χρήματα ovvaydyovtag ἀπὸ τῶν ἀπαρχῶν ἱερὰ, καὶ πέμποντας εἰς ᾿Ιεοουσόλυμα 
διὰ τῶν τᾶς θυσιάς ἀναξόντων. 

4 See Tac. Hist. v. 5. ‘‘Ceetera instituta sinistra foeda pravitate valuere. Nam 
pessimus quisque, spretis religionibus patriis, tributa et stipes illuc gerebat: unde 
aucta Judorum res.” 

5 The very passages which express hatred of the Jews imply a sense of their influence. 
See Juv. xiv. and Cic. pro Flacco; and compare Hor Sat. 1. vy. 100 with 1. iv. 142 
Many Jews were Roman citizens, like Josephus and St. Paul : and there were numerous 
proselytes at Rome, especially among the women (see for instance Joseph. Ant. xviii. 
3,5). Asin the case of Greece, the conquest of Judea brought Rome under the in- 
fuence of her captive. Hence Seneca’s remark in reference to the Jews: Victi vie 
toribus leges dederunt. And Rutilius says, grouping together the campaigns of 
Pompey and Titus: 

Atque utinam nunquam Judza subacta fuisset 
Pompeii bellis imperioque Titi. 
Latius excise pestis contagia serpunt 
Victoresne suos natio victa premat. 
© The good ae of Nero’s reign— the first guinguennium—had not yet expired 
WoL. 11.--- 


“ 


370 THE LIFZ AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the Jews in Rome seem to have enjoyed complete toleration, and to Lave 
been a numerous, wealthy, and influential community. 

The Christians doubtless shared the protection which was extended to 
the Jews. They were hardly yet sufficiently distinguished as a self-existent 
community, to provoke any independent hostility. It is even possible that 
the Christians, so far as they were known as separate, were more toler- 
ated than the Jews ; for, not having the same expectation of an earthly 
hero to deliver them, they had no political ends in view, and would not 
be in the same danger of exciting the suspicion of the government. Yet 
we should fall into a serious error, if we were to suppose that all the 
Christians in Rome, or the majority of them, had formerly been Jews or 
Proselytes ; though this was doubtless true of its earliest members, who 
may have been of the number that were dispersed after the first Pente- 
eost, or, possibly, disciples of our Lord Himself. It is impossible to arrive 
at any certain conclusion concerning the first origin and early growth of 
the Church in Rome ;! though, from the manifold links between the city 
and the provinces, it is easy to account for the formation of a large and 
flourishing community. Its history before the year 61 might be divided 
into three periods, separated from each other by the banishment of the 
Jews from Rome in the reign of Claudius,’ and the writing of St. Paul’s 
letter from Corinth. Even in the first of these periods there might be 
points of connection between the Roman Church and St. Paul; for 
some of those whom he salutes (Rom. xvi. 7, 11) as ‘‘ kinsmen,” are also 
said to have been “ Christians before him.” In the second period it can- 
not well be doubted that a very close connection began between St. Paul 
and some of the conspicuous members and principai teachers of the Roman 
Church. The expulsion of the Jews in consequence of the edict of Clau- 
dius, brought them in large numbers to the chief towns of the Levant ; 

and there St. Paul met them in the synagogues. We have seen what 
results followed from his meeting with Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth, 
They returned to Rome with all the stores of spiritual instruction which 
he had given them ; and in the Epistle to the Romans we find him, as is 
natural, saluting them thus :—‘ Greet Priscilla and Aquila, my helpers 
in Jesus Christ : who have for my sake laid down their own necks ; unto 
whom not only I give thanks, but also all the Churches of the Gentiles. 
Likewise greet the Church that is in their house.” All this reveals to us 
The fuli toleration of the Jews in Rome is implied in the narration of S4. Paul’s meet 
ing with the elders, and in the lines of Persius : 
Herodis venere dies unctaque fenestra 
Disposite pinguem nebulam vomuere lucerns, 
1 A very good discussion of this subject, and of the tradition concerning St. Peter’s 
first visit to Rome, will be found in Hemsen’s Paulus, pp 400-404. Sve above. iv 


this Volume, pp. 155, 156 
* VoL L p. 385. 3 Vol. IL. p. 155 


THE ROMAN CHURCH. 37) 


a great amount of devoted exertion on behalf of one large congregation ia 
Rome ; and all of it distinctly connected with St. Paul. And this is per: 
haps only a specimen of other cases of the like kind. Thus he sends u 
greeting to Epsnetus, whom he names “‘ the first-fruits of Asia’! (ver. 5), 
and who may have had the same close relation to him during his long 
ministration at Ephesus (Acts xix.), which Aquila and Priscilla had at 
Corinth. Nor must we forget those women, whom he singles out for. 
special mention,—‘ Mary, who bestowed much labour on him” (ver. 6) ; 
‘the beloved Persis, who laboured much in the Lord” (ver. 12) ; with 
fryphxna and Tryphosa, and the unknown mother of Rufus (ver. 18). 
We cannot doubt, that, though the Church of Rome may have received 
its growth and instruction through various channels, many of them were 
connected, directly or indirectly, with St. Paul; and accordingly he 
writes, in the whole of the letter, as one already in intimate relation with 
a Church which he has never seen.*, And whatever bonds subsisted be- 
tween this Apostle and the Roman Christians, must have been drawn 
still closer when the letter had been received ; for from that time they 
were looking forward to a personal visit from him, in his projected journey 
to the West. Thenceforward they must have taken the deepest interest 
in all his movements, and received with eager anxiety the news of his 
imprisonment at Cesarea, and waited (as we have already seen) for his 
arrival in Italy. It is indeed but too true that there were parties among 
the Christians in Rome, and that some had a hostile feeling against St. 
Paul himself ;* yet it is probable that the animosity of the Judaizers was 
less developed, than it was in those regions which he had personally 
visited, and to which they had actually followed him. As to the un 
converted Jews, the name of St. Paul was doubtless known to them ; 
yet were they comparatively little interested in his movements. Their 
proud contempt of the Christian heresy would make them indifferent. 
The leaven of the Gospel was working around them to an extent of 
which they were hardly aware. The very magnitude of the population 
of Rome had a tendency to neutralise the currents of party feeling. For 
these reasons the hostility of the Jews was probably less violent than in 
any other part of the empire. 

Yet St. Paul could not possibly be aware of the exact extent of their 
enmity against himself. Independently, therefore, of his general principle 
of preaching, first to the Jew and then to the Gentile, he had an addi- 
tior.al reason for losing no time in addressing himself to his countrymen. 
Thus, after the mention of St. Paul’s being delivered up to Burrus, and 
allowed by kim to be separate from the other prisoners,‘ the next scene te 

1 For the reading here, see p. 193, n. 1. 


* See Hemsen, p. 404. 3 See Phil i. 15. 
‘ Ka ἑαυτὸν ; an indulgence probably due to the influence of Sulina 


372 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


which the sacred historian introduces us is among the Jews. After 
three days! he sent for the principal men among them to his lodging, 
and endeavoured to conciliate their feelings towards himself and the 
Gospel. 

It was highly probable that the prejudices of these Roman Jews were 
already roused against the Apostle of the Gentiles ; or if they had not yet 
conceived an unfavourable opinion of him, there was a danger that they 
would now look upon him as a traitor to his country, from the mere fact 
that he had appealed to the Roman power He might even have beep 
represented to them in the odious light of one who had come to Rome as 
an accuser of the Sanhedrin before the Emperor. St. Paul, therefore, ad- 
dressed his auditors on this point at once, and shewed that his enemies 
were guilty of this very appeal to a foreign power, of which he had him- 
self been suspected. He had committed no offence against the holy 
nation, and the customs of their fathers; yet his enemies at Jerusalem 
had delivered him,—one of their brethren—of the seed of Abraham—of 
the tribe of Benjamin—a Hebrew of the Hebrews—into the hands of the 
Romans. So unfounded was the accusation, that even the Roman 
sovernor had been ready to liberate the prisoner ; but his Jewish enemies 
opposed his liberation, They strove to keep a child of Israel in Roman 
chains. So that he was compelled, as his only hope of safety, to appeal 
unto Cesar. He brought no accusation against his countrymen before the 
tribunal of the stranger: that was the deed of his antagonists. In fact, 
his only crime had been his firm faith in God’s deliverance of his people 
through the Messiah promised by the Prophets. “‘ For the hope of Israel,” 
he concluded, “ I am bound with this chain.” 4 

Their answer to this address was reassuring. They said that they 
had received no written communication from Judea concerning St. Paul, 
and that none of “the brethren” who had arrived from the East had 
spoken any evil of him. They further expressed a wish to hear from him- 
self a statement of his religious sentiments, adding that the Christian sect 
was everywhere spoken against.s There was perhaps something hardly 
honest in this answer; for it seems to imply a greater ignorance with 
regard to Christianity than we can suppose to have prevailed among the 


1 Μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς, Which need not mean three complete days. 

2 ᾿Ἐγένετο συγκαλέσασθαι αὐτὸν τοὺς ὄντας τῶν "lovdaiwy πρώτους. With regard 
to εἰς τὴν ξενίαν, we are convinced, with Wieseler, that it is to be distinguished from 
τὸ ἴδιον μίσθωμα mentioned below. The latter was a hired lodging, which he took 
for his permanent residence; and the mention of the money he received from the 
Philippians (Phil. iv.) serves to shew that he would not need the means of hiring a 
lodging. The fevia (hospitium) implies the temporary residence of a guest with 
friends, as in Philemon 22. Nothing is more likely than that Aquila and Priscilla 
were his hosts at Rome, as formerly at Corinth. 

3 See Wieseler, p. 397. 4 Ver. 17-20 5 Ver. 21 22. 


INTERVIEW WITH THE JEWS. 818 


Roman Jews. But with regard to Paul himself, it might well be true 
that they had little information concerning him. Though he had bees 
imprisoned long at Cesarea, his appeal had been made only a short time 
before winter. After that time (to use the popular expression), the sea 
was shut ; and the winter had been a stormy one ; so that it was natural 
enough that his case should be first made known to the Jews by himself. 
All these circumstances gave a favourable opening for the preaching of the 
Gospel, and Paul hastened to take advantage of it. A day was fixed 
for a meeting at his own private lodging.’ 

They came in great numbers? at the appointed time. Then followed 
an impressive scene, like that at Troas (Acts xxi.)—the Apostle pleading 
long and earnestly,—bearing testimony concerning the kingdom of God, 
and endeavouring to persuade them by arguments drawn from their own . 
Scriptures,—“ from morning till evening.”* The result was a division 
among the auditors (—“ not peace but a sword,”—the division which has 
resulted ever since, when the Truth of God has encountered, side by side, 
earnest conviction with worldly indifference, honest investigation with 
bigoted prejudice, trustful faith with the pride of scepticism. After ἃ 
long and stormy discussion, the unbelieving portion departed ; but not 
until St. Paul had warned them, in one last address, that they were bring- 
‘ng upon themselves that awful doom of judicial blindness, which was de- 
nounced in their own Scriptures against obstinate unbelievers ; that the 
salvation which they rejected would be withdrawn from them, and the 
inheritance they renounced would be given to the Gentiles.* The sentence 
with which he gave emphasis to this warning was the passage in Isaiah, 
which is more often quoted in the New Testament than any other words 
from the Old,—which recurring thus with solemn force at the very close 
of the Apostolic history, seems to bring very strikingly together the Old 
Dispensation and the New, and to connect the ministry of Our Lorp with 
that of His Apostles :—‘ Go wnto this people and say: Hearing ye shall 
hear and shall not understand, and seeing ye shall see and shall not perceive : 
for the heart of this people 1s waxed gross, and their ears are dull of hear- 
ing, and their eyes have they closed ; lest they should see with their eyes, and 
hear with their ears, and wnderstand with their heart, and should be con- 
verted, and I should heal them.” 5 

A formal separation was now made between the Apostle of the Gen- 
tiles and the Jews of Rome. They withdrew, to dispute concerning the 

1 Taldusvoe αὐτῷ ἡλέραν. 3 "Hrov πλείονες. a Vers 20. 

4 Καὶ of μὲν ἐπείθοντο τοῖς λεγομένοις, οἱ δὲ innatovy' ἀσύμφωνοι δὲ ὄντες πρὸς 
ἐλλήλους, kK. τ. 2. 

» Ver, 24-28. 


ὁ Isa. vi. 9,10. (LXX.) Quoted also by Our Lorp (Mat. xiii. 15), and referred to 
hy St. John (John xii. 10). 


814 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


“ sect” which was making such inroads on their prejudices (ver. 29), He 
remained in his own hired house,' where the indulgence of Burrus per 
mitted him to reside, instead of confining him within the walls the Praeto- 
tian barrack. We must not forget, however, that he was still a pri- 
soner under military custody,—chained by the arm,’ both day and night, 
to one of the imperial bodyguard,—and thus subjected to the rudeness 
and caprice of an insolent soldiery. This severity, however, was indis- 
pensable, according to the Roman law ; and he received every indulgence 
which it was in the power of the Prefect to grant. He was allowed to 
receive all who came to him (ver. 30), and was permitted, without hind- 
rance, to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and teach the things of the 
Lorp Jesus Curist (ver. 31). 

Thus was fulfilled his long cherished desire ‘‘ to proclaim the Gospel 
to them that were in Rome also (Rom. i. 15). Thus ends the Apostolic 
History, so far as it has been directly revealed. Here the thread of sa- 
cred narrative, which we have followed so long, is suddenly broken. Our 
knowledge of the incidents of his residence in Rome, and of his subse- 
quent history, must be gathered almost exclusively from the letters of the 
Apostle himself. 

1 Ἐν ἰδίῳ μισθώματι. See above on εἰς τὴν ξενίαν. 
3 Σὺν τῷ φυλάσσοντι αὐτὸν στρατιώτῃ. Acts xxviii. 16. Sce above, pp. 288, 289, 
and compare Eph. vi. 20 (πρεσβεύω ἐν ἁλύσει), Col. iv. 18. Ph‘l.i. 13. Possibly twe 


soldiers guarded him by night, according to the sentence of the Roman law— nox 
custodiam geminat,’”’—quoted by Wieseler. 


DELAY OF 51. PAUL’S TRIAL. 3Té 


CHAPTER ΧΧΥ. 
TIAYAOZ Ὁ AEXMIOS TOY XPIZTOY. (Eph. iii. 1.) 


DELAY OF Si. PAUL'S TRIAL.—HIS OCCUPATIONS AND COMPANIONS DURING HIS IMPRISON 
MENT.—HE WRITES THE EPISTLE 10 PHILEMON, THE EPISTLE 70 THE COLOSSIANS 
AND THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 


We have seen that St. Paul’s accusers had not yet arrived from Pales- 
tine, and that their coming was not even expected by the Roman Jews. 
This proves that they had not left Syria before the preceding winter, and 
consequently that they could not have set out on their journey till the fol 
lowing spring, when the navigation of the Mediterranean was again oper 
Thus, they would not reach Rome till the summer or autumn of the yea. 
61 4.p.!. Meanwhile, the progress of the trial was necessarily suspended, 
for the Roman courts required? the personal presence of the prosecutor. 
It would seem that, at this time,* an accused person might be thus kept in 
prison for an indefinite period, merely by the delay of the prosecutor tc 
proceed with his accusation ; nor need this surprise us, if we consider 
how harshly the law has dealt with supposed offenders, and with what in- 
difference it has treated the rights of the accused, even in periods whose 


1 About this period (as we learn from Josephus) there were two embassies sent from 
Jerusalem to Rome; viz., that which was charged to conduct the impeachment of 
Felix, and that which was sent to intercede with Nero on the subject of Agrippa’s 
palace, which overlooked the Temple. The former seems to have arrived in Rome in 
A.D. 60, the latter in a.p. 61. (See note on the Chronological table in Appendix.) It 
is not impossible that the latter embassy, in which was included Ishmael the High 
Priest, may have been intrusted with the prosecution of St. Paul, in addition to their 
other business, 

2 See Geib, Romisch. Criminal-Process, pp. 508, 511, 595, 689. It should be ob- 
served that the prosecutor on a criminal charge, under the Roman law, was not the 
state (as with us the Crown), but any private individual who chose to bring an accusa- 
tion. (Geib, p. 515.) 

3 Ata later period the suspension on the part of the prosecutor of the proceedings 
during a year, was made equivalent to an abandonment of it, and amounted to an 
abolitio of the process. See Geib, Romisch. Criminal-Process, p. 586. In the time of 
Nero the prosecutors on a public charge were liable to punishment if they abandoned 
t from corrupt motives, by the Senatus Consultum Turpilianum. See Tacitus, Ann. 
xiv. 41: “Qui talem operam emptitasset vendidissetve, perinde poena teneretur, ac si 
publico judicio calumnie condemnatus.”’ This law was passed 4.D. 61, and was after: 
wards interpreted by the jurisconsults as forbidding an accuser to withdraw his aceu 
sation (Geib, pp. 582-586, and 690.) 


810 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


civilization was not only more advanced than that of the Roman empire, 
but also imbued with the merciful spirit of Christianity. And even when 
the prosecutors were present, and no ground alleged for the delay of the 
trial, a corrupt judge might postpone it, as Felix did, for months and 
years, to gratify the enemies of the prisoner. And if a provincial Gover- 
nor, though responsible for such abuse of power to his master, might ven- 
ture to act in this arbitrary manner, much more might the Emperor him- 
self, who was responsible tu no man. Thus we find that Tiberius was in 
the habit of delaying the hearing of causes, and retaining the accused in 
prison unheard, merely out of procrastination.' So that, even after St. 
Paul’s prosecutors had arrived, and though we were to suppose them 
anxious for the progress of the trial, it might still have been long delayed 
by the Emperor’s caprice. But there is no reason to think that, when 
they came, they would have wished to press on the cause. From what 
had already occurred they had every reason to expect the failure of the 
prosecution. In fact it had already broken down at its first stage, and 
Festus had strongly pronounced his opinion of the innocence? of the ac- 
cused. ‘Their hope of success at Rome must have been grounded either 
on influencing the Emperor’s judgment by private intrigue, or on produc- 
ing farther evidence in support of their accusation, For both these ob- 
jects delay would be necessary. Moreover, it was quite in accordance 
with the regular course of Roman jurisprudence, that the Court should 
grant a long suspension of the cause, on the petition of the prosecutor, 
that he might be allowed time to procure the attendance of witnesses? 
from a distance. The length of time thus granted would depend upon 
the remoteness of the place where the alleged crimes had been committed. 
We read of an interval of twelve months permitted during Nero’s reign, 
in the case of an accusation against Suilius,‘ for misdemeanours committed 
during his government of Proconsular Asia. The accusers of St. Paul 
might fairly demand a longer suspension ; for they accused him of offences 
committed not only in Palestine (which was far more remote than Pro- 
consular Asia from Rome), but also over the whole*® empire. Their wit- 
nesses must be summoned from Judea, from Syria, from Cilicia, from Pi- 
sidia, from Macedonia ; in all cities from Damascus to Corinth, in all 

1 Ti6épiog . . . εἶχεν αὐτὸν δέσμιον, μελλήτης εἰ Kai τις ἑτέρων βασιλέων γενόμενος 
oe ee ὅθεν καὶ δεσμωτῶν ἀκροάσεως ἀπερίοπτος ἦν (Joseph. Ant. 18, quoted by Wie 
seler). 

* Acts xxv. 25, and xxvi. 32. 

3 “Silvanum magna vis accusatornm circumsteterat, poscebatque tempus evocan- 
dorum testium.” (Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 52.) This was in a case where the accused had 
been proconsul in Africa. We may observe that the attendance of the witnesses fox 
the prosecution could be legally enforced. (Geib, p. 630.) 


4 Tac. Ann. xiii. 43: “ Inquisitionem annuam impetraverant.” 
£ Κινοῦντα στάσιν πῶσι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις κατὼ τὴν οἰκουμένην, Acts xxiv. 5. 


HIS OCCUPATIONS DURING HIS IMPRISONMENT. 377 
ountries, from Jerusalem round about unto Illyricum, must testimony be 
sought to prove the seditious turbulence of the ringleader of the Naza- 
renes. The interval granted them for such a purpose could not be less 
than a year, and might well be more.'' Supposing it to be the shortest 
possible, and assuming that the prosecutors reached Rome in August, 
a.D. ΕἸ, the first stage of the trial would be appointed to commence not 
before August a.p. 62. And when this period arrived, the prosecutors 
and the accused, with their witnesses, must have been heard on each of 
the charges separately (according to Nero’s regulations),? and sentence 
pronounced on the first charge before the second was entered into. Now, 
the charges against St, Paul were divided (as we have seen) into three 
separate heads of accusation. Consequently, the proceedings, which 
would of course be adjourned from time to time to suit the Emperor’s 
convenience, may well have lasted till the beginning of 63, at which time 
St. Luke’s narrative would lead us to fix their termination. 

During the long delay of his trial, St. Paul was not reduced, as he 
had been at Caesarea, to a forced inactivity. On the contrary, he was 
permitted the freest intercourse with his friends, and was allowed to re- 
side in a house of sufficient size to accommodate the congregation which 
flocked together to listen to his teaching. The freest scope was given to 
his labours, consistent with the military custody under which he was 
placed. We are told, in language peculiarly emphatic, that his preaching 
was subjected to no restraint whatever.» And that which sesmed at first 
to impede, must really have deepened the impression of his eloquence ; 
for who could see without emotion that venerable form subjected by iron 
links to the coarse control of the soldier who stood beside him? how 
often must the tears of the assembly have been called forth by the up 
raising of that fettered hand, and the clanking of the chain which checked 
its energetic action | 

We shall see hereafter that these labours of the imprisoned Confessor 
were not fruitless; in his own words, he begot many children in his 


1 Another cause of delay, even if the prosecutors did not make the demand for sus- 
pension, would have been the loss of the official notice of the case forwarded by 
Festus. No appeal (as we have before observed) could be tried without a rescript 
(called Apostoli or litere dimissorie) from the inferior to the superior judge, stating 
full particulars of the case. See Geib, p. 689. Such documents could scarcely have 
been saved in the wreck at Malta. 

* It was Nero’s practice, as Suetonius tells us, “Ut continuis actionibus omissis 
singillatim queque per vices ageret.’”’? (Suet. Nero, 15.) 

3 See above, p. 282. 

4 We need not notice the hypothesis of Bottger, that St. Paul’s imprisonment af 
Rome only lasted five days. It has already been refuted by Neander (1. 428) and by 
Wieseler, pp. 411-415. 

* Acts xxviii. 31: Κηρύσε ov , μετὰ πάσης παρρησίας ἀκωλύτως. 


378 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


chains.- Meanwhile, he had a wider sphere of action than even the me 
tropolis of the world. Not only “the crowd which pressed apon bim. 
daily,”? but also “the care of all the churches,” demanded his constant 
vigilance and exertion. Though himself tied down to a single spot, he 
kept up a constant intercourse, by his delegates, with his converts 
throughout the empire ; and not only with his own converts, but with the 
other Gentile Churches, who, as yet, had not seen his face in the flesh. 
To enable him to maintain this superintendence, he manifestly needed 
many faithful messengers ; men who (as he says of one of them) ren- 
dered him profitable service ;* and by some of whom he seems to have 
been constantly accompanied, wheresoever* he went. Accordingly we 
find him, during this Roman imprisonment, surrounded by many of his 
oldest and most valued attendants. Luke,® his fellow-traveller, remained 
with him during his bondage ; Timotheus,® his beloved son in the faith, 
ministered to him at Rome, as he had done in Asia, in Macedonia, and in 
* Achaia. Tychicus,7 who had formerly borne him company from Corinth 
to Ephesus, is now at hand to carry his letters to the shores which they 
had visited together. But there are two names amongst his Roman com- 
panions which excite a peculiar interest, though from opposite reasons,— 
the names of Demas and of Mark. The latter, when last we heard of 
him, was the unhappy cause of the separation of Barnabas and Paul. 
He was rejected by Paul, as unworthy to attend him, because he had 
previously abandoned the work of the Gospel out of timidity or indo- 
lence.’ It is delightful to find him now ministering obediently to the 
very Apostle who had then repudiated his services ; still more, to know 
that he persevered in this fidelity even to the end,® and was sent for by 
St. Paul to cheer his dying hours. Demas, on the other hand, is now a 
faithful “ fellow-labourer” of the Apostle ; but in a few years we shall 
find that he had “ forsaken” him, ‘having loved this present world.” 
Perhaps we may be allowed to hope, that as the fault of Demas was the 
same with that of Mark, so the repentance of Mark may have been pa- 
ralleled by that of Demas. 

Amongst the rest of St. Paul’s companions at this time, there were 


1 Philem. 10. ? 2 Cor. xi. 28. 

3 2 Tim. iv. 11. 

4 Comp. Acts xix. 22, Ato τῶν διακονούντων αὐτῷ. 

5 Col. iv. 14. Philem. 24. Luke seems, however, to have been absent from Rome 
when the Epistle to the Philippians was written. 

6 Philem. 1. Col. i. 1. Philip. i. 1. 

7 Col.iv. 7. Eph. vi. 21; cf. Acts xx. 4; and Tit. iii, 12, 

8 Voi. I. pp. 162 and 251. 

92 Tim. iv. 11: Mapxov ἀναλαθὼν dye μετὼ σεαυτοῦ" ἐστὶ γάρ pot εὔγρηστος τῷ 
διακονίαν. 

10 Σύνεργος, Philem. 24; cf. Col. iv. 14. 


HIS COMPANIONSHIP DURING HIS IMPRISONMENT. 37$ 


two whom he distinguishes by the honourable title of his ‘ fellow-prisom 
ers.” One of these is Aristarchus,' the other Epaphras.?” With regard 
to the former, we know that he was a Macedonian of Thessalonica, one of 
“ Paul’s companions in travel,” whose life was endangered by the mob at 
Ephesus, and who embarked with St. Paul at Caesarea when he set sail 
for Rome. ‘The other, Epaphras, was a Colossian, who must not be iden- 
tified with the Philippian Epaphroditus, another of St. Paul’s fellow-la. 
bourers during this time. It is not easy to say what was the exact sense 
in which these two disciples were peculiarly fellow-prisoners® of St. Paul. 
Perhaps it only implics that they dwelt in his house, which was alsa his 
prison. 

But of all the disciples now ministering to St. Paul at Rome, none has 
for us a greater interest than the fugitive Asiatic slave Onesimus. He 
belonged to a Christian named Philemon, a member of the Colossian + 
Church. But he had robbed * his master, and fled from Colossx, and at 
last found his way to Rome. It is difficult to imagine any portion of 
mankind more utterly depraved than the associates among whom a runa- 
way pagan slave must have found himself in the capital. Profligate and 
unprincipled as we know even the highest and most educated society tc 
have then been, what must have been its dregs and offal? Yet from this 
lowest depth Onesimus was dragged forth by the hand of Christian love. 
Perhaps some Asiatic Christian, who had seen him formerly at his mas- 
ter’s house, recognised him in the streets of Rome destitute and starving, 
and had compassion on him ; and thus he might have been brought te 
hear the preaching of the illustrious prisoner. Or it is not impossible 
that he may have already known St. Paul at Ephesus, where his master 
Philemon had fermerly been himself converted ® by the Apostle. However 
this may be, it is certain that Onesimus was led by the providence of God 
to listen to that preaching now which he had formerly despised. He was 
converted to the faith of Christ, and therefore to the morality of Christ. 
He confessed to St. Paul his sins against his master. The Apostle seems 
to have been peculiarly attracted by the character of Onesimus ; and he 
perceived in him the indications of gifts which fitted him for a more im- 
portant post than any which he could hold as the slave of Philemon, He 
wished? to keep him at Rome, and employ him in the service of the Gos 
pel. . Yet he would not transgress the law, nor violate the rights of Phi. 
lemon, by acting in this matter without his consent. He therefore decided 


1 Col. iv. 10; ef. Acts xix. 29, and Acts xxvii. 2, and Philem. 23. 

Ὁ CoLi.7. Philem. 23. 

3 The same expression is used of Andronicus and Junias (Rom. xvi. 7), but of ne 
sthers except these four. 

¢ For the proof of this see Paley’s Hors Paulina on Philemon (10-12). 

5 Philem. 18. 

“ Philem. 10 appears to state this. (See Vol. If. p. 21.) 7 Poilem. 13. 


380 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


that Onesimus must immediately return to his master ; and, to make this 
duty less painful, he undertook himself to discharge the sum of which 
Philemon had been defrauded. An opportunity now offered itself ta 
Onesimus to return in good company ; for St. Paul was sending Tychicus 
to Asia Minor, charged, amongst other commissions, with an epistle to 
Colosse, the home of Philemon. Under his care, therefore, he placed 
the penitent slave, who was now willing to surrender himself to his 
offended master. Nevertheless, he did not give up the hope of placing 
his new convert in a position wherein he might minister no longer to a 
private individual, but to the Church at large. He intimated his wishes 
on the subject to Philemon himself, with characteristic delicacy, in a letter 
which he charged Onesimus to deliver on his arrival at Colosse. This 
letter is not only a beautiful illustration of the character of St. Paul, but 
also a practical commentary upon the precepts concerning the mutual 
relations of slaves! and masters given in his cotemporary epistles. We 
see here one of the earliest examples of the mode in which Christianity 
operated upon these relations ; not by any violent disruption of the or- 
ganisation of socicty, such as could only have produced another Servile 
War, but by gradually leavening and interpenetrating society with the 
spirit of a religion which recognised the equality of all men in the sight 
of God. The letter was as follows :— 


THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.’? 


Salutation Pav, A PRISONER oF Curist JEsUs, AND TrrorHEvs 1 
THE BROTHER, TO PHILEMON OUR BELOVED FRIEND 
AND FELLOW LABOURER; AND TO APPIA? OUR BE- 2 


1 See Col. iii. 22, and Eph. vi. 5. St, Paul’s attention seems to have been especially 
drawn to this subject at the present time; and he might well feel the need there was 
for a fundamental change in this part of the social system of antiquity, such as the 
spirit of Christ alone could give. In the very year of his arrival at Rome, » most 
frightful exainple was given of the atrocity of the laws which regulated the relations 
of slave to master. The prefeat of the city (Pedanius Secundus) was killed by one of 
his slaves; and in accordance with the ancient law, the whole body of slaves belong- 
ing to Pedanius at Rome, amounting to a vast multitude, and including many women 
and children, were executed together, although confessedly innocent of all participa 
tion in the crime. Tac. Ann. xiv, 42-45. 

5. With respect to the date of this epistle, the fact that it was conveyed by Onesimus 
(compare Col. iv. 9), and the person mentioned as with St. Paul at the time (Philem. 
23, 24, compared with Col. iv. 12-14), prove that it was sent to Asia Minor, together 
with the epistle to the Colossians, the date of which is discussed in a note on the be- 
ginning of that epistle. 

3 ᾿Απρία is a Greek form of the Latin name Appia; we are told by Chrysostom that 
she was the wife of Philemon, which seems probable from the juxtaposition of their 
names, 


EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. 38] 


LOVED! SISTER, AND TO ARCHIPPUS” OUR FELLOW 
SOLDIER, AND TO THE CHURCH AT THY HOUSE. 


3s Grace be to you and peace, from God our Father and our 
Lord Jesus Christ. 


4 I thank my God, making mention of thee always Thanksgivings 
prayers 


5 in my prayers, because I Hear of thy love and faith far Philewiont 

6 towards our Lord Jesus, and towards all God’s people, while I 
pray * that thy faith may communicate itself to others, and may 
become workful, in causing in true knowledge of all the good 

7 which is in us, for Christ’s service. For I have great joy and 
consolation in thy love, because the hearts of God’s people 
have been comforted by thee, brother. 

3 Wherefore, although in the authority of Christ I Request for the 


favourable re- 


might boldly enjoin upon thee that which is befit- ception of One 


simus, 


y ting, yet for love’s sake I rather beseech thee, as 

10 Paul the aged, and now also prisoner of Jesus Christ. I beseech 
thee for my son, whom 1 have begotten in my chains, Onesi- 

11 mus; who formerly was to thee ‘ unprofitable, but now is pro- 

12 fitable both to thee and me. Whom 1 have sent back to 
thee;* but do thou receive him as my own® flesh and blood. 

i3For I would gladly’ retain him with myself, that he might 


1 ’AdeAdq is added in many of the best MSS. 

? Archippus was apparently a presbyter of the church at Colosse, or perhaps an 
evangelist resident there on a special mission (compare Col. iv. 17); from the present 
passage he seems to have lived in the house of Philemon. 

3 “Ὅπως is to be joined with verse 4, as stating the object of the prayer there men- 
tioned, while verse 5 gives the subject of the thanksgiving. This is Chrysostom’s 
view, against which Meyer’s objections appear inconclusive. The literal English of 
verse 6 is as follows, that the communication of thy faith may become workful, in 
true knowledge of all good which isin us, for Christ. The latter words are very 
obscure, but the rendering adopted in the text appears to make the best sense. The 
best MSS. are divided between χριστὸν and χριστὸν ἰησοῦν ; but agree in reading ἡμῖν, 
not ὑμῖν. 

4 Most modern commentators suppose a play on the name Onesimus, which means 
useful ; but there seems scarcely sufficient ground for this, and it was never remarked 
by the ancient Greek commentators, whose judgment on such a point would be en- 
titled to most deference. 

5 Many of the best MSS. add σοι. The omission of προσλαδοῦ at the end of the 
verse makes no difference in the sense ; but it is characteristic of St. Paul’s abrupt and 
rapid dictation. 

* Children were called the σπλάγχνα of their parents. 

‘E6ovAdunv. The imperfect here, and aorist in the preceding and following versa 
are used, according to classical idiom, from the position of the reader of the letter. 


382 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


render service to me in thy stead, while I am a prisoner for de- 
elaring the Glad-tidings; but Iam unwilling to do anything 
without thy decision, that thy kindness may not be constrain-14 
ed, but voluntary. For perhaps to this very end he was parted 15 
from thee for a time, that thou mightest possess him for ever}; 
no longer as a bondsman, but above a bondsman, a brother 16 
beloved; very dear to me, but how much more to thee, being 
thine both in the flesh and in the Lord. If, then, thou count 17 
me in fellowship with thee, receive him as myself. But what-18 
soever he has wronged thee of, or owes thee, reckon it to my 19 
account (I, Paul, write! this with my own hand); I will repay 20 
it; for I would not say to thee that thou owest me even thine 
own self besides. Yea, brother, let me have joy of thee in the 
Lord; comfort my heart in Christ.’ 

Announcement I write to thee with full confidence in thy obedi- 21 


ef a visit from 


Paul to Asia ence, knowing that thou wilt do even more than I 
Minor on _ his 5 


acquittal. say. But, moreover, prepare to receive me as thy 22 
guest; for I trust that through yours prayers I shall be given 
to you. 

-cnlutations There salute thee Epaphras my fellow-prisoner ¢ 23 


in Christ Jesus, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, Lucas, 24 
my fellow-labourers. 
Concluding be- The Grace of Our Lord Jesus Christ be with 25 


nediction. 


your spirits.’ 


While Onesimus, on the arrival of the two companions at Colosse,® 
hurried to the house of his master with the letter which we have just 


1 Ἔγραψα, see note above. 2 Χριστῷ is the reading of the best MSS. 

3 Observe the change from singular to plural here, and in verse 25. 

4 Συναιχμάλωτος, as we have before remarked, perhaps means only that Epaphras 
had voluntarily shared Paul’s imprisonment at Rome by taking up his residence with 
him, in the lodging where he was guarded by the ‘soldier that kept him.” 

5. The ἀμήν as usual is interpolated. 

6 Though we have come to the conclusion that St. Paul had not himself (at this 
time) visited Colossi, yet it is hardly possible to read these Epistles without feeling an 
interest in the scenery and topography of its vicinity. The upper part of the valley 
of the Mwxander, where this city, with ite neighbour-cities Hierapolis and Laodicea 
(Col. ii. 1. iv. 13. Rev. iii. 14), was situated, has been described by many travellers; 
and the illustrated works on Asia Minor contain several views, especially of the vast 
and singular petrifactions of Hierapolis (Pambouk Kalessi). Colosse was older than 
either Laodicea or Hicrapolis, and it fell into comparative insignificance as they ros 
into importance. Herodotus (vii. 30) describes it 8---Πόλιν μεγάλην φρυγίης ἐν τῇ 
Αύκος ποταμὸς ἐς χάσμα γῆς ἐσβάλλων ἀφανίζεται ; and Xenophon (Anab. 1. ii. 6) calls 
it πόλιν οἰκουμένην καὶ μεγάλην. Strabo (xii. 8) reckone it among the πολίσματα, not 


HE WRITES TO THE COLOSSIANS. 3883 


wad, Tychicus proceeded to discharge his commission likewise by deliver. 
ing to the Presbyters the Epistle with which he was charged, that it 
might be read to the whole Colossian Church at their next meeting. The 
letter to the Colossians itvelf gives us distinct information as to the cause 
which induced St. Paul to write it. Epaphras, the founder of that 
Church (Col. i. 7), was now at Rome, and he had communicated to the 
Apostle the unwelcome tidings, that the faith of the Colossians was in 
danger of being perverted by false teaching. It has been questioned 
whether several different systems of error had been introduced among 
them, or whether the several errors combatted in the Epistle were parts 
of one system, and taught by the same teachers. On the one side we 
find that in the Epistle St. Paul warns the Colossians separately against 
the following different errors:—First, a combination of angel-worship and 
asceticism ; Secondly, A self-styled philosophy or gnosis, which depreciated 
Christ ; Thirdly, A rigid observance of Jewish festivals and Sabbaths. 
On the other side, First, the Epistle seems distinctly (though with an in- 
directness caused by obvious motives) to point to a single source, and 
even a single individual, as the origin of the errors introduced ; and, 
secondly, we know that at any rate the two first of these errors, and 
apparently the third also, were combined by some of the early Gnostics. 
The most probable view, therefore, seems to be, that some Alexandrian 
Jew had appeared at Coloss, professing a belief in Christianity, and im- 
bued with the Greek “ philosophy” of the school of Philo, but combining 
with it the Rabbinical theosophy and angelogy which afterwards was 
embodied in the Kabbala, and an extravagant asceticism, which also after- 
wards distinguished several sects of the Guostics.!. In short, one of the 
first heresiarchs of the incipient Gnosticism had begun to pervert the 
Colossiazs from the simplicity of their faith, We have seen in a former 
chapter how great was the danger to be apprehended from this source, at 
the stage at which the Church had now reached ; especially in a church 
which consisted, as that at Colosse did, principally of Gentiles (Col. i. 25- 
27. Col. ii. 11) ; and that, too, in Phrygia,’ where the national character 
was so prone to a mystic fanaticism. We need not wonder, therefore, 


the πόλεις, of Phrygia; and Pliny (v. 41), among its ‘‘celeberrima oppida.’’ In the 
Middle Ages it became a place of some consequence, and was the birthplace of the 
Byzantine writer Nivetas Choniates, who tells us that Χώναι and Κολασσαὶ were the 
same piace (Xwvac, πόλιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ μεγάλην, πάλαι τὰς Kodaoodc, τὴν ἐμοῦ 
τοῦ συγγραφέως πατρίδα, p. 230, ed. Bonn). A village called Chonas stiil remains, 
the proximity of which to the ancient Colosse is proved by the correspondence of the 
observed phenomena with what Herodotus says of the river Lycus. The neighbour 
hood was explored by Mr. Arundel (Seven Churches, p. 158. Asia Minor, u. 160), 
but Mr. Hamilton was the first to determine the actual site of the ancient city. (Re 
searches, I. 508.) 
‘Sce Val I. pp 36 and 451. 2 See Vol. I pp. 236-9. 


3884 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


that St. Paul, acting under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, should have 
thought it needful to use every effort to counteract the growing evil. 
This he does, both by contradicting the doctrinal errors of the new 
system, and by inculcating, as essential to Christianity, that pure morality 
which these early heretics despised. Such appears to have been the main 
purpose of the following Epistle. 


THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 
i 
Salutation. PAUL, AN APOSTLE oF JESUS CHRIST BY THE WILL 1 


or Gop, AND TIMOTHEUS THE BROTHER, TO THE 2 
HOLY AND FAITHFUL BRETHREN IN CHRIST WHO 
ARE AT CoLoss#,? 


Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father. 


Thanksgiving I‘ give continual thanks to God* the Father of 3 
for their con- . . . 
version. Our Lord Jesus Christ, in my prayers for you (since 4 


I heard of your faith in Christ Jesus, and your love to all His 
people ),° because? of the hope laid up for you in the heavens, 5 
whereof you heard the promise in the truthful Word of the 
Glad-tidings; which is come to you, as it is through all the 6 
world, where it bears fruit and® grows, as it does also among 


' The following are the grounds for the date assigned to this Epistle. 

(1) It was written in prison at the same time as Philemon, and sent by the same 
messenger (iv. 7-9.) 

2) It was not written in Cxsarea— 
(4) Because while writing St. Paul was labouring for the Gospel (iv. 3, 4), 
which he did not at Cesarea (Acts xxviii. 31). 
(B) Because he could not have expected at Ceesarea to be soon coming to Phry- 
gia (Acts xxiii. 11. xix. 21, Rom. i. 13. Acts xx. 25), whereas while 
writing this he expected soon to visit Phrygia (Philem. 22). 

(3) The indications above mentioned all correspond with Rome. Moreover Timo- 
theus was with him, as we know he was at Rome, from Phil. i. 1. 

7 Many of the best MSS. have Κολασκαῖς, and this is the form in later writers, as in 
the Synecdemus. See the quotation above given from Nicetas. 

3 The words καὶ κυοίου ἴησου Χριστοῦ, with which St. Paul in all other cases con- 
cludes this formula of benediction, are omitted here in the bost MSS. Chrysostom 
remarks on the omission. 

4 Sce note on 1 Thess, i. 2. 5 Τῷ θεῷ πατρὶ is the reading of the best MSS. 

6 Sce note on 1 Cor. i. 2, p. 33. 

7 It seems more natural to take dia here in the same sense as in verse 9, than (with 
De Wette and others) to connect it with the preceding verse, as if the sentiment wers 
σὴν ἐκ τῆς ἐλπίδος. 

The MSS. add καὶ αὐξανόμενον to the R. T. 


ἘΡΙΒΤΙ ὦ TO THE COLOSSIANS. 385 


you, since the day when first you heard it, and learned to know 
truly the grace of God. And thus you were taught by 
Epaphras my beloved fellow-bondsman,' who is a faithtul ser: 

ἃ vant of Christ on your behalf. And it is he who has declared 
to me your love for me? in the fellowship of the Spirit. 

9 Wherefore I also, since the day when first [I Prayers for theis 
lreard it, cease not to pray for you, and to ask of etd. 
God that you may fully attain to the knowledge of His will; 

10 that* in all wisdom and spiritual understanding you may walk 
worthy of the Lord, to please Him in all things; that you may 
bear fruit in all good works, and grow continually in‘ the 

11 knowledge of God; that you may be strengthened to the utter- 
most in the strength of His. glorious power, to bear all suffer- 

12ings with stedfast endurance and with joy, giving thanks5 to 
the Father who has enabled us to share the portion of His 
people in the light. 

13 For He has delivered us. from the dominion of Atonement and 
darkness, and transplanted us into the kingdom of Ghnsen δ Ν 

1415 beloved Son, in whom we have our redemption,® the for- 

15 giveness of our sins. Who is a visible’ image of the invisible 

i6 God, the firstborn of all creation; for * in Him were all things 
created, both in the heavens and on the earth, both visible and 
invisible, whether they be Thrones, or Dominations, or Prin- 
cipalities, or Powers;* by Him and for Him were all crea- 


1 Epaphras is the same name with Epaphroditus ; but this can scarcely be the 
same person with that Epaphroditus who brought the contributions from Philippi to 
Rome about this time. This was a native of Colosse (see iv. 12), the other was 
settled at Philippi, and held office in the Philippian Church. 

2 This interpretation (which is Chrysostom’s) seems the most natural. Their love for 
St. Paul was ἐν πνεύματι because they had never seen him ἐν σάρκι. 

3 The punctuation here adopted is ἐν πάσῃ κ. τ. A. περιπατῆσαι κ. τ. A. 

4 The best MSS. read τῇ ἐπιγνώσει. 

5 The εὐχαριστοῦντες here seems parallel to the preceding participles, and conse- 
quently the ἡμᾶς is used, not with reference to the writer, but generally, as including 
both writer and readers; and the particular case of the readers (as formerly heathens) 
referred to in verse 21 (καὶ ὑμᾶς). 

6 Ata τ. au. avt. has been introduced here by mistake from Eph. i. 7, and is not 
found in the best MSS. 

7 Εἰκὼν, It is important to observe here that St. Paul says not merely that our 
Lord was when on earth the visible image of God, but that he zs so still. In Him 
only God manifests himself to man, and he is still visible to the eye of faith. 

8. Ἔν here must not be confounded with διὰ, The existence of Christ, the Aoyoc, 
is the condition of all Creation ; ry Him the Godhead is manifested. 

® St. Paul here appears to allude io the doctrines of the Colossian heretics, whe 
taught a system of angel worship, based upon a systematic ¢lassification of the angelig 


VOL 11.--2Ὁ 


886 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


ted. And He is before all things, and in Him all things subsist. 1 
And 1[ὁ is the head of the body, the Church; whereof He is 18 
the beginning, as firstborn from the dead; that in all things 
His place might be the first. 

For He willed® that in Himself all the Fulness of the 
universe ὁ should dwell; and by Himself He willed to reconcile 19 
all things to Himself, having made peace by the blood of is 20 
cross; by Himself (I say) to reconcile all that exists, whether 
on the earth, or in the heavens. 


The Colossians ikewl 7D r ane 
The Colossians And you, likewise, who once were estranged 21 


δ finia yipas from Him, and with your mind at war with Lim, 


thenism a 


peel ἐς when you lived in wickedness, yet now He has re- 22 
conciled in the body of His flesh*® through death, 


hierarchy (probably similar to that found in the Kabbala), and who seem to have re- 
presented our Lord as only one (and perhaps not the highest) of this hierarchy. Other 
allusions to a hierarchy of angels (which was taught in the Rabbinical theology) may 
be found Rom. viii. 38. Eph.i. 21. iii. 10. 1 Pet. iii. 22, joined with the assertion 
of their subjection to Christ. 

1 Compare Rom. xi. 36, where exactly the same thing is said concerning God ; from 
which the inference is plain. it appears evident that St. Paul insists here thus 
strongly on the creation by Jesus Christ, in opposition to some erroneous systera 
which ascribed the creation to some other source; and this was the case with the 
early Gnosticism, which ascribed the creation of the world to a Demiurge, who was 
distinct from the man Jesus. 

3 Συνέστηκε, i. 6. the life of the universe is conditioned by His existence. See the 
previous note on év. 

3 Eiddxyce. Most commentators suppose an ellipsis οἵ ὁ Θεός; but the instances 
adduced by De Wette and others to justify this seem insufficient; and there seems no 
reason to seek a new subject for the verb, when there is one already expressed in the 
preceding verse. It appears better therefore to read αὑτῷ and αὑτοῦ, not αὐτῷ and 
αὐτοῦ, in this and the next verse. 

4 The word πλήρωμα is here used by St. Paul in a technical sense, with a manifest 
allusion to the errors against which he is writing. The early Gnostics used the same 
word to represent the assemblage of emanations (conceived as angelic powers) pra- 
ceeding from the Deity. St. Paul therefore appears to say, that the true Fulness of 
the universe (or, as he calls it, chap. ii. 9, Fudness of the godhead), is to be found, 
not in any angelic hierarchy (see the remarks introductory to this Epistle, page 383), 
but in Christ alone. 

5 This statement of the infinite extent of the results of Christ’s redemption (which 
may well fill us with reverential awe), has been a sore stumbling block to many com: 
mentators, who have devised various (and some very ingenious) modes of explaining 
it away. Into these this is not the place to enter. ‘It is sufficient to observe that St, 
Paul is still led to set forth the true greatness of Christ in opposition to the angelolae 
try of the Colossian heretics; intimating that far from Christ being one only of tha 
angelic hierarchy, the heavenly hosts themselves stood in need of His atonement 
Co.npare Heb. ix. 23. 

8 Here again is perhaps a reference to the Gnostic element in the Colossian theoso 
phy. it was Christ himself who suffered death, in the body of his flesh; He was per 
fect man ; and not (as the Docetw taught) an angelic emanation, whe withdrew from 
the man Jesus before he suffered. 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 387 


that He might bring you to His presence in holiness, without 

23 blemish and without reproach; if, indeed, you be stedfast ir 
your faith, with your foundation firmly grounded and immovea- 
bly fixed, and not suffering yourselves to be shifted away from 
the hope of the Glad-tidings which first you heard, which has 
been published throughout all the earth,: whereof I, Paul, have 
been made a ministering servant. 

w# And even now I rejoice in the afflictions which st Paul's com 


mission to re- 


I bear for your? sake, and I fill up* what yet is veal the Chris. 

. 2 δἰ ον Ξ tian mystery of 

lacking of the sufferings‘ of Christ in my flesh, on universal sal- 
5 Θ , vation. 


25 behalf of ILis body, which is the Church; whereof 
I was: made a servant, to minister in the stewardship which 
God gave me for you [Gentiles], that I might fulfil it by de 

26 claring the Word of God, the mystery which has been hid for 
countless ages and generations,* but has now been shown openly 

27to His people; to whom God willed to manifest how rich, 
among the Gentiles, is the glory of this mystery, which® is 
Curist IN YOU, THE HOPE OF GLORY. 

28 Him, therefore, I proclaim, warning every man, and 
teaching every man, in all wisdom; that I may bring every 

29 man into His presence full grown in Christ.7_ And to this end 
I labour in earnest conflict, according to Lis inward working 

ΤΠ. which works in me with mighty power. 


1 For I would have you know how great’ a con- He prays that 
they may grow 


flict I sustain for you, and for those at Laodicea, and in true wis 


om ; 


1 Literally, throughout all the creation under the sky, which is exactly equivalent 
to througheut all the earth. St. Paul of course speaks here hyperbolically, meaning, 
the teaching which you heard from Epaphras is the same which has been published 
universally by the Apostles. 

* St. Paul’s sufferings were caused by his zeal on behalf of the Gentile converts, 

3 The ἀντί is introduced into ἀνταναπληρῶ by the antithesis between the notions of 
πληροῦσθαι and ὑστερεῖσθαι. 

4 Compare 2 Cor.i.5. Περισσεύει τὰ παθήματα τοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰς ἡμᾶς, and also Acta 
ix. 4, “ΜῊ Υ persecutest thou me.” St. Paul doubtless recollected these words when 
he called his sufferings ‘“‘ the sufferings of Christ in his flesh.” 

5. Literally, from (i. 6. since) the ages and the generations, meaning, from the 
remotest times, with special reference to the times of the Mosaic Dispensation. Com- 
pare Rom. xvi. 25: μυστ. χρόνοις αἰωνίοις σεσιγ., and Titus i. 2. 

6 The best MSS. are here civided between ὃς and 6; if we read ὅ it refers to μυστη» 
piov, if ὃς, to πλοῦτος ; in either case the sense is the same, since πλεῦτος is the rick 
abundance contained in the μυστήριον. 

7 ᾿Ιησοῦ is omitted here in the best MSS. Τέλειος, grown te the ripeness ef ima 
turity. 

® Aijuding to ἀγωνιζόμενος above, 


388 HE LIKE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


for all! who have not seen my face in the flesh; ihat their 
hearts may be comforted, and that they may be knit to- 
gether in love, and may gain in all its richness the full assur- 
ance of understanding,’ truly to know the mystery of God, 
wherein are all the treasures of wisdom and of knowledge‘ 3 
hidden. 

andwarnsthen Ὲ[ say this, lest any man should mislead you with 4 


against those eur. 6 d 
who would mis enticing words. For though I am absent from you 5 


lead them 

in the flesh, yet 1 am present with you in tne spirit, 
rejoicing when I behold your good order, and the firmness of 
your faith in Christ. As, therefore, you first received Christ ¢ 
Jesus the Lord, so continue to live in Dim; having in Llim 7 
your root, and in Him the foundation whereon you are con- 
tinually * built up; persevering steadfastly in your faith, as 
you were taught; and abounding ® in thanksgiving. 
by a system of Beware? lest there be any man who leads you ἃ 


misnamed phi- 


losophy whieh captive® by his philosophy, which is a vain deceit, 


1 Viz. all Christians. By the plain natural sense of this passage, the Colossians 
are classed among those personally unknown to St. Paul. 

3 Συνέσεως, compare σύνεσις πνευματικὴ (i. 9). 

3 The reading of the MSS. here is very doubtful. The reading adopteu above is 
that of Tischendorf’s 2d edition. 

4 St. Paul here alludes, as we see from the next verse, to those who (like the Colos- 
sian false teachers) professed to be in possession of a higher γνῶσις. In opposition to 
them he asserts that the depths of γνῶσις are to be found only in the “ Mystery of 
God,”’ viz. the Gospel, or (as he defines it above) Χριστὸς ἐν ὑμῖν. 

5 ᾿Εποικοδυμούμει"οι, observe the.present tense, and compare 1 Cor, iii. 10. 

6 "Ἔν αὐτῇ is omitted here, as in Tischendorf’s text. 

7 The following paraphrase of this part of the Epistle is given by Neander (Denb- 
wurdigkeiten, p. 12), “ How can you still fear evil spirits, when the Father himself has 
delivered you from the kingdom of darkness, and transplanted you into the kingdom 
of his dear Son, who has victoriously ascended to heaven to share the divine might of 
his Father, with whom he now works in man; when, moreover, he by bis sudferings has 
united you with the Father, and freed you from the dominion of all the powers of dark- 
ness, Whom he exhibits (as it were) as captives in his triumphal pomp, and shows their 
impotence to harm his kingdom established among men. How can you still let the 
doubts and fears of your conscience bring you into slavery to superstition, when Christ 
has nailed to his cross, and blotted out the record of guilt which testified against you 
in your conscience, and has assured to you the forgiveness of all your sins. Again, how 
can you fear to be polluted by outward things, how can you suffer yourselves to be in 
captivity to outward ordinances, when you bave died with Christ to all earthly things, 
and are risen with Christ, and live (according to your true, inward life) with Christ in 
heaven. Your faith must be fixed on things above, where Christ is, at the right band 
of God. Your life is hid with Christ in God, and belongs no more to earth.” 

8 'O συλαγωγῶν, literally, who drags you away as his spoil. The peculiar form of 
expression employed (similar to τινές εἰσιν οἱ ταράσσοντες, Gal. i. 7), shows that St 
Paul alludes to some particular individual at Colosse, who prcfessed to teach a 
“ Philosophy.” 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 389 


following the tradition of men,' the outward lessons * 
9 of childhood, not the teaching of Christ. For in Him 
10 dwells all the Fulness* of the Godhead in bodily form, and ix 
Him‘ you have your fulness; for He is the head of all the Prin- 
lcipalities and Powers. In Him, also, you were circumcised 
with a circumcision not made by hands, even the off-casting ΟἹ 
12 the 5 whole body of the flesh, the circumcision of Christ; fox 
with Him you were buried in your baptism, wherein also you 
were made partakers of His resurrection, through the faith 
13 wrought in you by God, who raised Him from the dead; and 
you also, when you were dead in the transgressions and uncir- 
cumcision of your flesh, God raised to share His life. Jfor He 
14 forgave us® all our transgressions, and blotted out the Writing 
against us, which opposed us with its decrees,’ having taken 
15it out of our way, and nailed it to the cross. And Ile dis- 
armed the Principalities and the Powers® which fought against 
Him, and put them to open shame, leading them captive in His 
triumph, which He won? in Christ. 
i¢ ©. Therefore, suffer not any man to condemn you andunitesJew- 


ἢ i ish observances 
for what you eat or drink,’ nor in respect of feast- with angel-wor 
ship and asceti- 

17 days, or new moons," or sabbaths; for these are a “™- 
igshadow of things to come, but the body is Christ’s. Let no 


man succeed in his wish” to defraud you of your prize, per- 


depreciatos 
Christ, 


1 Τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων is applied to the Rabbinical theology (Mark vii. 8). 

3 Στοιχεῖα τοῦ κόσμου (cf. Gal. iv. 3), referring to the Jewish ordinances, as σκιὰ 
τῶν μελλόντων (Vv. 17). 

3 See note oni. 19. 

4 J. e. by union with him alone, you can partake of the Pleroma of the Godhead, 
and not (as the Gnostics taught), by initiation into an esoteric system of theosophy, 
whereby men might attain to closer connection with some of the “ Principalities and 
Powers” of the angelic hierarchy. 

5 The casting off, not (as in outward circumcision) of a part, but of the whole body 
of the flesh, the whole carnal nature. The τῶν duapridy of the R. T. is an interpola- 
tion. 

6 Ἡμῖν is the reading of the best MSS. 

7 The parallel passage (Eph. ii. 15) is more explicit, τὸν νόμον των ἐντολῶν ἐν 
δόγμασιν. On the grammatical difficulties of both passages, see Winer, Gram 
eect. 31, 6. 

8 Cf. Eph. vi. 12; and see Neander’s paraphrase quoted above. 

® Ἔν αὐτῷ scilicet Χριστῷ ; the subject is ὁ Θεύς. 

10 Compare Rom. xiv. 1-17, 

11 The same three Mosaic observances are joined together, 1 Chron. xxiii. 81, 
Compare also Gal. iv. 10. 

13 Μηδεὶς. . . . ϑέλων, let no man though he wishes it; this seems the most natu: 
ral explanation of this difficult expression ; it is that adopted by Theodoret aud Theo 
phylact. We observe again the reference to some individual false teacher. 


390 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


suading you to self-humiliation,’ and worship of the angels,’ in- 
truding? rashly into things which he has not seen, puffed up by 
his fleshly mind, and not holding fast the Head, from whom "13 
the whole body, by the joints which bind it, draws full sup- 
plies > for all its needs, and is knit together, and increases in 
godly growth. 

If, then, when you died with Christ,* you put away the 20 
childish lessons of outward things, why, as though you still 
lived in outward things, do you’ submit yourself to decrees 
(“hold? not, taste not, touch not”—forbidding the use of21 
things which are all made to be consumed in the using‘) 22 
founded on the precepts and doctrines of men? For these 23 
precepts, though they have a show of wisdom, in a self-chosen 
worship, and in humiliation, and chastening of the body, are 
of no yalue to check ® the indulgence of fleshly passions. 


1 Tazewvodpootvn is joined with ἰφειδία σώματος in verse 23, whence it seems to 
mean an exaggerated self-humiliation, like that which has often been joined with 
ascetic practices, and has shown itself by the devotee wearing rags, exposing himself 
to insult, living by beggary, &c. ’ 

2 Mr. Hartley mentions a fact in the later Christian history of Colossx, which is at 
least curious when considered in connection with St. Paul's warning concerning angels, 
and the statement of Herodotus regarding the river Lycus. The modern Greeks have 
a legend to this effect:—‘‘An overwhelming inundation threatened to destroy the 
Christian population of that city. They were fleeing before it in the utmost consterna- 
tion, and imploring superior succour for their deliverance. At this critical moment, 
the archangel Michael descended from heaven, opened the chasm in the earth to which 
they still point, and at this opening the waters of the inundation were swallowed up 
and the multitude was saved.” (Res. in Greece, p. 52.) A church in honour of the 
archangel was built at the entrance of the chasm. This ναός ἀρχαγγελικὸς is men- 
tioned by Nicetas in the passage quoted before (p. 382, note). See also the notes in 
the Bonn ed. of Codinus Curopalates, where it is said that on the 6th of September, 
τὸ ἐν Χώναις τοῦ ἀρχιστρατήγου Μιχάηλ θαῦμα τερατουργεῖται. A council held at 
the neighbouring town of Laodicea, in the 4th century, condemned this Angel worship ; 
and Theodoret speaks of it as existing in the same region. 

3 ’Evx7 is here jained to ἐμθατεύων. 

4 Οὗ, not ἧς, asin A. V. For we need not suppose that ἐξ od is used adverbially 
here, as at Phil. iii, 20. 

5 Επιχορηγούμενον, literally, furnished with all things necessary to its support. 

6 The reference is to verse 12. The literal translation is if you died with Christ, 
putting away ὅτε. 

7 "Aw is distinguished from iyyc, the former, cor.veying (according to its original 
sense) the notion of close contact and retention, the latter of only momentary con- 
tact, compare 1 Cor. vii. 1, and also John xx. 17, where μή μου ἅπτου should probably 
be translated ‘ hold me not,” or “cling not to me.” 

8 This appears to be the best view of this very difficult passage, on a comparison 
with 1 Cor. vi. 13, and with St. Paul’s general use of φθείρω. 

9 Πρὸς πλησμονὴν τῆς σαρκύς, literally, in reference to the indulgence of the flesh. 
Yhe difficulty of this verse is well known: no commentator (so far as we are aware! 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS 391 


1 [δ then,’ you were made partakers of Chirist’s Fxhortation te 


heavenward af 


resurrection, scek those things which are above, ‘ections. 
2 where Christ abides,? seated on the right hand of God. Set 
3 your heart on things above, not on things earthly; for ye arg 
4 dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God. When Christ, 
who is our life, shall be made manifest, then shall ye be made 
manifest*® with Him in glory. 
5 Give, therefore, unto death your earthly mem- Against _hea- 


then impurity 


bers; fornication, uncleanness,‘ shameful appetites, andother vices. 
6 unnatural desires, and the lust of coneupiscence,? which is 
idolatry. For these things bring the wrath of God upon the 
7 children of disobedience; among whom you also walked in 
8 former times, when you lived therein; but now, with us,° you 
likewise must renounce them all. Anger, passion, and malice 


must be cast away, evil-speaking and reviling put  Exhortation to 
put on the 


5 . | ea 
9 out of your mouth. Lie not one to another, but? Christian cha- 


racter in all its 


10 put off the old man with his deeds, and put on the yarieus rerfec- 


tions. 


new *man, who grows continually to a more perfect 
11 knowledge and likeness of his Creator.2 Wherein there is not 
Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian, 


has suggested the interpretation adopted above. De Wette’s objections to the view of 
Meyer, Olshausen, and others (who explain σαρκός here by τοῦ νοὸς τῆς σαρκός in 
verse 18) seem conclusive ; but his own interpretation, which leavesethe verse a mere 
statement of the favourable side of this Colossian asceticism, unbalanced by any con- 
trary conclusion, and with nothing to answer to λόγον μέν, appears still more uns 
tenable. 

1 The reference is to ii. 12. 2 »Εστὲν is not the mere copula here. 

3 So also Rom. viii. 19, the coming of Christ in glory is identified with the ἀποκα- 
λυψις τῶν υἱῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ. St. Paul declares, that the real nature and glory of Christ’s 
people (which is now hidden) will be manifested to all mankind when Christ shall 
come again, and force the world to recognise him, by an open display of his majesty. 
The authorised version (though so beautiful in this passage that it is impossible to 
deviate from it without regret), yet does not adequately represent the original; 
“appear” not being equivalent to φανερωθῆναι. 

4 Viz. of word as well as deed. 

5 Τὴν πλεονεξίαν, whence the before-named special sins spring, as branches from tha 
root. For the meaning of the word see note on 2 Cor. y.11. Lust is called idolatry, 
either because impurity was so closely connected with the heathen idol-worship, or 
because it alienates the heart from God. 

6 Kai ὑμεῖς, you as well as other Christians. There should be a comma after 
αὐτοῖς [or τούτοις, according to Tischendorf’s reading], and a full stop at πάντα, 
Then the exhortation beginning ὀργὴν, &c., follows abruptly, a repetition of ἀπόθε 504 
being understood from the sense. 

7 ’Arexdvoauevor is here equivalent to ἀπεκδύσασθε δὲ ; compare ἐνδύσασθε (ν. 12). 

8 For this use of νέος compare Heb. xii. 24. 

® Literaily, who is continually renewed [present participle] to the utainmenl 
[εἰς of a true knowledge according to the likeness of his Creator. 


392 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PaUl. 


Scythian, bondsman, freeman; but Christ is all, and in all. 
Therefore, as God’s chosen people, holy and beloved, put on14 
tenderness of heart, kindness, self-humiliation,' gentleness, 
long-suffering; forbearing one another, and forgiving one13 
another, if any thinks himself agerieved by his neighbour; 
even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye. And over all the14 
rest put on the? robe of love, which binds together and com- 
pletes the whole Let the peace of Christ‘ rule in your1s5 
hearts, to which also you were called in one body; and be 
thankful one*® to another. Let the Word of Christ dwell in16 
you richly; teach and admonish one another in all wisdom.® 


Festive meet- Let your singing be of psalms, and hymns, and 
ings, how to be Aa ; oe 4 ° 
-lebrated. — spiritual songs,’ sung in thanksgiving, with your 


neart, unto® God. And whatsoever you do, in word or deed, 17 
do all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God 
our Father through Him. 


Extortion ἐσ Wives, submit yourselves to your husbands, as18 
Θ fulhimen 


pits duties ot it 1s ΠΡ τ the’ Lord: 

Husbands, love your wives, and deal not harshly 19 
with them. 

Children, obey your parents in all things; for this is ac- 20 
ceptable in the Lord.” 


1 It is remarkable that the very same quality which is condemned in the false 
t2achers, is here enjoined ; showing that it was not their self-humiliation which waa 
condemned, but their exaggerated way of showing it, and the false system on which it 
was engretted. 

3 ’'Eal πᾶσι τούτοις ἐνδύσασθε. 

3 Literally, which is the bond of completeness. 

4 The great majority of MSS. read Χριστοῦ. 

5 Evyaooro is most naturally understood of gratitude towards one another, espe 
cially as the context treats of their love towards their brethren; for ingratitude 
destroys mutual love. 

6 The punctuation here adopted is ὁ λόγος κ. τ. Δ. πλουσίως. ’Ev πάσῃ κ. τ. > 
ἑαυτοὺς. The participles διδάσκοντες, &c., are used imperatively, as in Rom. xii. 9-16. 

7 The reading adopted is ψαλμοῖς ὕμνοις ᾧδαῖς πνευματικαῖς ἐν τῇ χάριτι ἄδοντες, 
which is 'l'ischendorf’s, a stop being put after the preceding ἑαυτούς. St. Paul appears 
to intend (as in Eph. v. 18, 19, which throws light on the present passage) to contrast 
the songs which the Christians were to employ at their meetings, with those impure or 
bacchanalian strains which they formerly sung at their heathen revels. It should be 
remembered that singing always formed a part of the entertainment at the banquet 
of the Greeks, Compare also James v. 13, εὐθυμεὶ τις; ψαλλέτω, For the meaning 
of χάριτι compare χάριτι μετέχω. 1 Cor. x. 30. 

8 Θεῷ is the reading of the best MSS. 

9 For the imperfect ἀνῆκεν see Winer, Gram. sect. 41, 3. 

© άρεστον ἐν Κυρὶῳ is the reading of MSS. 


EPISTLE ΤῸ THE COLOSSIANS. 393 


21 +Fathers, vex not your children, lest their spivit should ba 
broken. 

22 Bondsmen, obey in all things your earthly mas- Of staves and 
ters; not in eye-service, as men-pleasers, but in 

23singleness of heart, fearing the Lord.!. And whatsoever you 

24 do, do it heartily, as for the Lord, and not for men; knowing 
that from the Lord you will receive the reward of the inherit- 
ance ; for you are the bondsmen of Christ, our Lord and? Mas- 

25ter. But he who wrongs another will be requited for the 
wrong which he has done, and [in that judgment] there is no 

IV respect of persons.’ 

1 Masters, deal rightly and justly with your bondsmen, know- 
ing that you also have a Master in heaven. 


2 Persevere in prayer, and join thanksgiving with we asks for 
eet ‘ their prayers. 
3 your watchfulness therein; and pray for me like- 
wise, that God would open to me a door of entrance‘ for His 
Word, that I may declare the mystery of Christ,’ which is the 
4 very cause of my imprisonment; pray for me that I may de- 
clare it openly, as I ought to speak. 
5 Conduct yourselves with wisdom towards those Conduct -to- 
Wards unbe- 
6 without the Church,’ and forestall opportunity.? Let lievers. 
your speech be always gracious, with a seasoning of salt,’ un- 
derstanding how to give to every man a fitting answer. 


7 All that concerns me will be made known to _,, Nision of 
veleus an 


you by Tychicus, my beloved brother and faithful oneizus. 
ἢ servant and fellow-bondsman in the Lord, whom I have sent 
to you for this very end, that he might learn your state, and 
9 comfort your hearts; with Onesimus, the faithful and beloved 


brother, your fellow countryman ; they will tell you all which 
has happened here. 


! Κύριον is the reading of the MSS. 

* The correlative meanings of κύριος ἀπᾷ δοῦλος give a force to this in Greck, which 
cannot be fully expressed in English. 

3 J. e. slaves and masters are equal at Christ’s judgment scat. 

4 Compare 2 Cor, ii. 12. 5 See above, i. 27. 

6 Τοὺς ἔξω, compare 1 Thess, iv. 12, and 1 Cor. v. 12. 

7 'Efayopatouevor is translated literally above ; like the English forestall, the verb 
means tu buy up an article out of the market, in order to make the largest possible 
profit from it. 


5.10 ὁ. free from insipidity. It would be well if religious speakers and writers 
bad always kept this precept in mind. 


804 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8f. PAUL. 


Greetings from Aristarchus, my fellow-prisoner, salutes you, and 10 
‘hristians in - A 
Rome. Marcus, the cousin! of Barnabas, concerning whom 


you received instructions (if he come to you receive him), ard 1] 
Jesus surnamed Justus. Of the circumcision’ these only are 
my fellow-labourers for the kingdom of God, who have been a 
comfort to me. 

Epaphras your fellow-countryman salutes you ; a bondsman 12 
of Christ, who is ever contending on your behalf in his pray 
ers, that in ripeness of understanding and full assurance of be- 
lief) you may abide stedfast in all the will of God; for 1 bear 12 
him witness that he is filled with zeal for you, and for those in 
Laodicea and Hierapolis. 


Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas, salute you. 14 


; 


Messages to Salute the brethren in Laodicea, and Nymphas, 15 
Colossia d . . . 
Iaodieean With the Church at his house. And when this letter 16 
Christians. : § 

has been read among you, provide that it be read 
also in the Church of the Laodiceans, and that you also read 1% 
the letter from Laodicea. And say to Archippus, ‘Take 
heed to the ministration which thou hast received in the 


Lord’s service, that thou fulfil it.” 


Autograph sa. The salutation of me, Paul, with my own hand. τὲ 


lutation an 


benediction. TYemember my chains. Grace be with you. 


We have seen that the above epistle to the Colossians, and that to 
Philemon, were conveyed by Tychicus and Onesimus, who travelled to- 
gether from Rome to Asia Minor. But these two were not the only let- 
ters with which Tychicus was charged. We know that he carried a third 
letter also ; but it is not equally certain to whom it was addressed. This 
third letter was that which is now entitled the Epistle to the Ephesians ;7 
concerning the destination of which (disputed as it is) the least disputa- 
ble fact is, that it was not addressed to the Church of Ephesus. 


1 ᾿Ανεψιὸς has the meaning of cousin (not nephew) both in classical and Iellenistie 
Greck. See Tob. vii. 2 (LX X.) and Hesychius and Pollux. 

3. We adopt the punctuation of Lachmann and Meyer. 

3 We read πετληροφορήμενοι, with Lachmann and Tischendorf, and the best MSS 
For the meaning of the word, see Rom. iv. 21. 

4 If, with some MSS. we read zrovov here, it will not materially aiter the sense. 

5 We have before remarked that the right hand, with which he wrote these words 
was fastened by a chain to the left hand of the soldier who was on guard over him. 

6 The ἀμὴν (as usual) was added by the copyists, and is absent from the best MSS. 

? See Eph. vi. 21, 22. 


EPISTLE TO HE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED) oe 


This point is established by strong evidence, both internal and exter. 
nal, Το begin with the former, we remark, First, that it would be inex 
plicable that St. Paul, when he wrote to the Ephesians, amongst whom he 
had spent so long a time, and to whom he was bound by ties of such close 
affection (Acts xx. 17, &c.), should not have a single message of per 
sonal grecting to send. Yet none such are found in this Epistle. Se 
condly, He could not have described the Ephesians as a Church whose 
conversion he knew only by report (i. 15). Thirdly, He could not speak 
to them, as only knowing himself (the founder of their Church) to be an 
Apostle by hearsay (iii. 2), so as to need credentials to accredit him with 
them (iii. 4). Fourthly, he could not describe the Ephesians as so exclusive- 
ly Gentiles (ii. 11, iv. 17), and so recently converted (v. 8, i. 18, ii. 13) 

This internal evidence is confirmed by the following external evidence 
also. . 

(1) St. Basil? distinctly asserts, that the early writers whom he had 
consulted declared that the manuscripts of this Epistle in their time did 
not contain the name of Ephesus, but left out altogether the name of the 
Church to which the Epistle was addressed. He adds, that the most an- 
cient manuscripts which he had himself seen gave the same testimony. 
This assertion of Basil’s is confirmed by Jerome,? Epiphanius,? and Ter- 
tullian.‘ 

(2) The most ancient manuscript now known to exist, namely that of 
the Vatican Library, fully bears out Basil’s words ; for in its text it does 
not contain the words ‘‘in Ephesus” at all ; and ne are only added in 
its margin by a much later hand. 

(3) We know, from the testimony of Marcion, that this Epistle was 
entitled in his collection the Epistle to the Laodiceans. And his autho- 
rity on this point is entitled to greater weight from the fact, that he was 
himself a native of the district where we should expect the earlier copies 
of the Epistle to exist.’ — 


1 The words of Basil are (Basil cont. Eunom. Opp. i. 254), ᾿Εφεσίοις ἐπιστέλλων... 
ὌΝΤΑΣ αὐτοὺς ἰδιαζόντως ὠνόμασεν, εἰπῶν ΤΟΙ͂Σ ἍΤΙΟΙΣ ΤΟΙΣ OYE! KAI ΠΙΣ- 
ΤΟΙ͂Σ ΕΝ XPIZTQ IHZOY. Οὐτω γὰρ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν παραδεδώκασι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν 
τοῖς παλαιοῖς Taw ἀντιγράφων εὑρήκαμεν. 

2 (Hieron. ad Eph. i. 1) : “Quidam putant, &c. alii vero simpliciter non ad eos gui 
sunt sed qui Ephesit sancti et fideles swnt ecriptum arbitrantur.” 

3 Epiphanius quotes Eph. iv. 5, 6, from Marcion’s Πρὸς Λαοδικέας. It is scarcely 
necessary here to notice the apocryphal Epistola ad Laodicenses, which only exists in 
Latin MSS. It is a mere cento compiled from the Epistles to the Galatians and 
Philippians; and was evidently a forgery of a very late date, originating from the 
wish to represent the epistle mentioned Col. iv. 16, as not lost. 

4 Tertullian accuses Marcion of adding the title Πρὸς Λαοδικέας, but not of altering 
the salutation ; whence it is clear that the MSS. used by Tertullian did not centain 
the words ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ (Tert. adv. Mare. ii. 17). 

6 Many critics object to receive Marcion’s evidence, on the ground that he ofteu 


890 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


The above arguments have convinced the ablest of modern trities that 
this Epistle was not addressed to the Ephesians. But there has nat been 
by any means the same unanimity on the question, who were its intended 
readers. In the most ancient manuscripts of it (as we have seen) no 
Church is mentioned by name, except in those consulted by Marcion, ac 
cording to which it was addressed to the Laodiceans. Now the internal 
evidence above mentioned proves that the Epistle was addressed to some 
particular church or churches, who were to receive intelligence of St 
Paul through Tychicus, and that it was not a treatise addressed to the 
whole Christian world ; and the form of the salutation shows that the 
name of some place! must originally have been inserted in it. Again - 
the very passages in the Epistle which have been above referred to, as 
proving that it could not have been directed to the Ephesians, agree per- 
fectly with the hypothesis that it was addressed to the Laodiceans. 
Lastly, we know from the Epistle to the Colossians, that St. Paul did 
write a letter to Laodicea (Col. iv. 16) about the same time with that to 
Colosse.? On these grounds, then, it appears the safest course to assume 
(with Paley, in the Hore Pauline) that the testimony of Marcion (un- 
contradicted by any other positive evidence) is correct, and that Laodicea 
was one at least of the Churches to which this Epistle was addressed. 
And, consequently, as we know not the name of any other Church to 
which it was written, that of Laodicea should be inserted in the place 
which the most ancient manuscripts leave vacant. 


made arbitrary alterations in the text of the New Testament. But this he did on doo 
trinal grounds, which could not induce him to alter the ¢it/e of an epistle. 

1 Τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσιν καὶ πιστοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ, compare the salutations at 
Rom.i.7. 2Cor.i.1. Phil. i. 1; the analogy of which renders it impossible to sup- 
pose οὖσιν used emphatically (‘those who are really ἅγιοι") as some commentators 
mentioned by Jerome took it. It is true that this (the oldest known form of the text) 
might be translated “to God’s people who are also faithful in Christ Jesus ;”’ but this 
would make the Epistle addressed (like the 2nd of Peter) to the whole Christian 
world; which is inconsistent with its contents, as above remarked. 

2 De Wette argues that the letter to Laodicea, mentioned Col. iv. 16, must have 
been written some time before that to Colosse, and not sent by the same messenger, 
because St. Paul in the Colossian Epistle sends greetings to Laodieca (Col. iv. 15) 
which he would have sent directly if he had written to Laodicea at the same time. 
But there is not much weight in this objection, for it was agreeable to St. Paul’s man- 
ner to charge one part of the Church to salute the other ;; see Rom. xvi. 3, where he 
says ἀσπάσασθε not ἀσπάζομαι. Moreover it seems most: probable that Col. iv. 16-18 
was a postscript, added to the Epistle after the Epistle to Laodicea was written. It is 
difficult to imagine that the τὴν ἐκ Λαοδικείας (Col. iv. 16) could have been received 
much before that to the Colossians, from the manner in which it is mentioned, and the 
frequent intercourse which must have occurred between such neighbouring churches. 
The hypothesis of Wieseler, that the Laodicean Epistle was that to Philemon, is quite 
arbitrary, and appears irreconcileable with the fact that Onesimus is expressly called 
a Colossian, and was sent to Colosse on this very occasion. See also Hore Pauline 


(ὧν loco), 


UPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 397 


Still, it must be obvious, that this does not remove all the difficulties 
of the question. For, first it will be asked, how came the name of Lar 
dicea (if originally inserted) to have slipped out of these ancient manu- 
scripts ? and again, how came it that the majority of more recent manu- 
scripts inserted the name of Ephesus? These perplexing questions are in 
some measure answered by the hypothesis originated by Archbishop 
Usher, that this Epistle was a circular letter addressed not to one only, 
but to several Churches, in the same way as the Epistle to the Galatians 
was addressed to all the Churches in Galatia, and those to Corinth were 
addressed to the Christians “in the whole province of Achaia.”' On 
this view, Tychicus would bave carried several copies of it, differently 
superscribed, one for Laodicea, another, perhaps, for Hierapolis, another 
for Philadelphia, and so on. Hence the early copyists, perplexed by this 
diversity in their copies, might many of them be led to omit the words in 
which the variation consisted ; and thus the state of the earliest known 
text? of the Epistle would be explained. Afterwards, however, as copics 
of the Epistle became spread over the world, all imported from Ephesus 
(the commercial capital of the district where the Epistle was originally 
circulated, ) it would be called (in default of any other name) the Lpzstle 
from Ephesus ; and the manuscripts of it would be so entitled ; and thence 
the next step, of inserting the name of Ephesus into the text, in a place 
where some local designation was plainly wanted, would be a very easy 
one. And this designation of the Epistle would the more readily prevail, 
from the natural feeling that St. Paul must have written? some Hpistle te 
so great a Church of his own founding as Ephesus. 

Thus the most plausible account of the origin of this Epistle seems to 
be as follows. Tychicus was about to take his departure from Rome for 
Asia Minor. St. Paul had already written‘ his Hpistle to the Colossians 


1 See 2 Cor. i. 1, and p. 96, above. 

2 That of the Codex Vaticanus, above described ag agreeing with the most ancient 
MSS. seen by Basil. 

3 We cannot doubt that St. Paul did write many epistles which are now lost. He 
himself mentions one such to the Corinthians, as we have seen (page 29); and it isa 
mysterious dispensation of Providence that his Epistles to the two great metropolitan 
churches of Antioch and Ephesus, with which he was himself so peculiarly connected, 
should not have been preserved to us. 

4 Tt is here assumed that the Epistle to the Colossians was written before that 
(so called) to the Ephesians. This appears probable from a close examination of the 
parallel passages in the two Epistles ; the passages in Ephesians bear marks of being 
expanded from those in Colossians; and the passages in Colossians could not be sa 
well explained on the converse hypothesis, that they were a condensation of those in 
Ephesians. We have remarked, however, in a previous note, that we must assume the 
reference in Colossians to the other epistle (Col. iv. 16), to have been added as a post 
script; unless we suppose that St. Paul there refers to the τὴν ἐκ Λαοδικείας before it 
was actually written (as intending to write it, and send it by the same messenger) 
which he might very well have done 


808 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


at the request of Epaphras, who had informed him of their danger. But 
Tychicus was about to visit other places, which, though not requiring the 
same warning with Colosse, yet abounded in Christian converts. Most 
of these had been heathens, and their hearts might be cheered and 
strengthened by words addressed directly to themselves from the great 
Apostle of the Gentiles, whose face they had never seen, but whose name 
they had learned to reverence, and whose sufferings had endeared Lim to 
their love. These scattered Churches (one of which was Laodicea-) had 
very much in common, and would all be benefitted by the same instruction 
and exhortation. Since it was not necessary to meet the individual case 
of any one of them, as distinct from the rest, St. Paul wrote the same 
letter to them all, but sent to each a separate copy authenticated by the 
precious stamp of his own autograph benediction. And the contents of 
this circular epistle naturally bore a strong resemblance to those of the 
letter which he had just concluded to the Colossians, because the thoughts 
which filled his heart at the time would necessarily find utterance in simi- 
lar language, and because the circumstances of these Churches were in 
themselves very similar to those of the Colossian Church, except that 
they were not infected with the peculiar errors which had crept in at 
Colosse. The Epistle which he thus wrote consists of two parts: first, a 
doctrinal, and, secondly, a hortatory portion. The first part contains a 
summary, very indirectly conveyed (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving), 
of the Christian doctrines taught by St. Paul, and is especially remarka- 
ble for the great prominence given to the abolition of the Mosaic Law. 
The hortatory part, which has been so dear to Christians of every age and 
country enjoins unity (especially between Jewish and Gentile Christians), 
the renunciation of heathen vices, and the practice of Christian purity. 
It lays down rules (the same as those in the Epistle to Colossi, only in an 
expanded form) for the performance of the duties of domestic life, and 
urges these new converts, in the midst of the perils which surrounded 
them, to continue steadfast in watchfulness and prayer. Such is the 
substance, and such was most probably the history of the following 
Epistle. 


1 It has been objected to the circular hypothesis, that the Epistle, if meant as a cir- 
cular, would have been addressed τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν ᾿Ασιᾷ. But to this it may be replied 
that on our hypothesis the Epistle was not addressed to αἱ] the churches in Proconsu: 
lar Asia, and that it was addressed to some churches of in that province. 


. 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 399 


THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 
Ι. / 
1 Paut, an Aposttr or Jesus Curist, BY THE WILL _ Salutction 
or Gop, To Gop’s’ propLe wHo are [IN Laopr 
ΕΑ], AND WHO HAVE FairH ΙΝ Ourisr Jesus. 


2 Grace be to you and peace, from God our Father, and from 
our Lord Jesus Christ. 


3 Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus _ Thanksgiving 


for redemption 


Christ, who has given‘ us in Christ all spiritual] and knowledge 
of the Christ- 


4 blessings in the heavens. Even as He chose us in is» mystery 
given to the 


Him, before the foundation of the world, that we reste: 
§ should be holy and spotless in his sight. For in His lovee He 
predestined us to be adopted among His children through 
6 Jesus Christ, according to the good pleasure of His will, that 


1 In the above introductory remarks it is assumed that this Epistle was cotem- 
porary with that to the Colossians, which is stated in the Epistle itself (vi. 21, 
Compare Col. iv. 7). Its date, therefore, is fixed by the arguments in p. 384. 
We may here shortly nctice the arguments which have been advanced by some 
German critics, for rejecting the Epistle altogether as a forgery. Their objections 
against its authenticity are principally the following. First, The difficulties re- 
specting its destination, which have been already noticed. Secondly, The want 
of originality in its matter, the substance of its contents being found also in the 
Colossians, or others of St. Paul’s Epistles. This phenomenon has been accounted 
for above (p. 398), and is well explained by Paley (Hore Pauline), Thirdly, Certain 
portions of the doctrinal contents are thought to indicate a later origin e. g., the De- 
monology (ii. 2 and vi. 12). Fourthly, Some portions of the style are considered un- 
Pauline. Fifthly, Several words are used in a sense different from that which they 
bear in St. Paul’s other writings. These three last classes of difficulties we cannot 
pretend fully to explain, nor is this the place for their discussion; but as a general 
answer to them we may remark; First, That if we had a feller knowledge of the per- 
sons to whom, and especially of the amanuensis by whom, the letter was written, they 
would prcbably vanish. Secondly, that no objector has yet suggested a satisfactory 
explanation of the origin of the Epistle, if it were a forgery ; no motive for forgery 
can be detected in it; it contains’no attack on post-apostolic forms of heresy, no indi- 
cation of a later development of church government. The very want of originality 
alleged against it would not leave any motive for its forgery. Thirdly, It was unani- 
mously received as St. Paul’s Epistle by the early church, and is quoted by Polycarp 
and Ireneus. 

* For the translation of ἁγζοις see note on 1 Cor. i. 2. 

3 Sce the preceding remarks, p. 396. 

4 Ἡμᾶς (here) includes both the writer and (apparently) the other Apostles ; while 
καὶ ὑμεῖς (v. 13) addresses the readers as distinguished from the writer. 

5. Ἔν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. This expression is peculiar to the present Wpistle, in which 
tt occurs five times. 

‘ 6 We join ἐν ἀγαπῇ with v. 5. 


400 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. 


we inight praise and glorify His grace, wherewith He favoured ! 
us in Ilis beloved. For in Him we have our redemption 7 
through His blood, even the forgiveness of our sins, in the 
richness of His grace,” which he bestowed upon us above mea- 
sure; and He made known’ to us, in the fulness of wisdom 8 
and understanding, the mystery of His will, according to Ilis 9 
good pleasure, which He had purposed in Himself to fulfil, 
that it should be dispensed‘ in the fulness of time ;* to make 19 
all things one* in Christ as head, yea, both things in heaven 
and things on earth in Him; in whom we also received the11 
portion of our lot,’ having been predestined thereto according 
to His purpose, whose working makes all fulfil the counsel of 
His own will; that unto His praise and glory*® we might live, 12 
who have® hoped in Christ before you. 

Thanks ἴον And you, likewise, have hoped in Him, since 13 


their conver- 


sion, and pray- you heard the message of the truth, the Glad- 


er for their en- 


lightenment. tidings of your salvation; and you believed in Him, 
and received His seal, the Holy Spirit of promise ; who is an14 
earnest of our inheritance, given" to redeem that which Ho 
hath purchased,” to the praise of His glory. 


1 Observe χάριτος, ἐχαρίτωσεν, which would be more literally translated His favour 
wherewith he favoured us. 

? Comma at the end of verse 7, colon at ἡμᾶς (v. 8), and no stop at the end of verse 
8, taking ἐπερίσσευσεν transitively. 

3 This is referred to (iii. 3). Compare yrwpicag ἡμῖν τὸ μυστήριον with ἐγνωρίσθῃ 
plot τὸ μυστήριον, which proves ἡμῖν here to correspond with oz there. 

4 Οἰκονομῖαν. According to most interpreters this expression is used in this Epistle 
in the. sense of adjustment, or preparation ; but as the meaning it bears elsewhere in 
St. Paul’s writings (viz. the office of a steward in dispensing his master’s goods, sce 
1 Cor. ix. 17, and ef. Col. i. 25) gives a very intelligible sense to the passages im this 
Epistle. it seems needless to depart from it, The meaning of the present passage is 
best illustrated by iii. 2, 3. , 

5 Literally for a dispensation [of it], which belongs to the fulness of time. 

6 ’Avaked. τ. π. ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ, literally to unite all things undcr onc head, in 
union with Christ: so Chrysostom explains it, μίαν κεφαλὴν ἐπιθεῖναι πᾶσι τὸν 
Χριστόν. For the doctrine, compare 1 Cor. xv. 24. 

1 ᾿Ἐκληρώθημεν, “in hereditatem adsciti sumus.” 

8 Ei¢ ἔπαινον δόξης may be considered as a Hebraism; literally. that we should be 
Sor the glory-praise of Hiin ; compare verse 6 (the best MSS. omit the τῆς). 

® Προελπίζειν might mean, as some take it, to look forward with hope: but the 
other meaning appears most obvious, and best suits the context. Compare προελθόν- 
tec, Acts xx. 13. 

10 Compare Rom. viii. 23. 

1 Bic, not wntil (A. V.). 

Y Τῆς περιποιησέως, used in the same sense here as ἐκκλησία ἣν περιεποιήσατο (Acts 
xx. 28). The metaphor is that the gift of the Holy Spirit was an earnest (tLat is, a 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (Sv CALLED). 401 


15 Wherefore I, also, since 1 heard of your faith in our Lora 
16 Jusus, and your love to all God’s people, give thanks for you 
17 without ceasing, and make mention of you in my prayers, be- 
seeching the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of Glory, 
to give you a spirit of wisdom and of insight, in the true know- 
1s ledge of Himself; the eyes of your’ understanding being filled 
with light, that you may know what is the hope of His call. 
19 ing, and how rich is the glory of His inheritance, in His people. 
and how surpassing is the power which He has shewn toward 
us who believe; [for he has dealt with us] in the strength of 
20 that might wherewith He wrought in Christ, when Ones alate: 
He raised Him from the dead; and set Him on His 
210wn right hand in the heavens, far above every? Principality 
and Power, and Might, and Domination, and every name which 
is named, not only in this present time, but also in that which 
22is to come. And “Le put all things under Ils feet,”? and 
gave Him to be sovereign head of the Church, which is His 
23 body; the+ Fulness of Him who fills all things everywhere 
U.with Himself. And you, likewise, He raised from they had been 


awakened from 


1 death * to life, when you were dead in transgressions ee? 
2 and sins; wherein once you walked according to 
the course of this* world, and obeyed the Ruler of the Powers 
of the Air,’ even the Spirit who is now working in the children 
3 of disobedience; amongst whom we also, in times past, lived, 


part payment in advance) of the price required for the full deliverance of those who 
had been slaves of sin, but now were purchased for the service of God. 

1 The majority of MSS. read καρδίας, which would yive the less usual sense, the eyes 
of your heart. 

2 See Col. i. 16 and note. 

3 Ps. viii. 6. (LXX.), quoted in the same Messianic sense, 1 Cor. xv. 27, and Heb. 
fi. 8. Compare also Ps. cx. 1. 

4 We see here again the same allusion to the technical use of the word πλήρωμα by 
false teachers, as in Col. ii. 9,10. St. Paul there asserts that, not the angelic hier- 
archy, but Christ himself is the true fulness of the Godhead; and here that the 
Church is the fulness of Christ, that is, the full manifestation of his being, because 
penetrated by His life, and living only in Him. It should be observed that the Church 
is here spoken of so far forth as it corresponds to its ideal. For the translation of 
πληρουμένου, see Winer, Gram. sect. 39, 6. 

5. The sentence (in the original) is left unfinished in the rapidity of dictation ; wut 
the verb is easily supplied from the context. 

6 Αἰῶνα τοῦ κόσμου τούτου is equivalent to αἰῶνα τοῦτον. Compare 2 Cor. iv 4. 
« Cor. i. 20, ὅσ. 

7 In the Rabbinical theology evil spirits were designated as the “Power? of the 
air”? St. Paul is here again probably alluding to the language of those teachers 
against whom he wrote to the Colossians, 

VOL. 11.—26 


402 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


all of us, in fleshly lusts, fulfilling the desires of our flesh, and 
of our imagination, and were by nature children of wrath, no 
less than others.!. But God, who is rich in mercy, because of 4 
the great love wherewith He loved us, even when we were 5 
dead in sin, caused us to share the life of Christ—(by grace you 
are saved),—and in* Christ Jesus, He raised us up with Ilim 6 
from the dead, and seated us with Him in the heavens; that, 7 
in the ages which are coming,’ He might manifest the surpass- 
ing riches of Ilis grace, by kindness towards us in Christ Jesus, 
For by grace you are saved, through faith; and that not ofs 
yourselves; it is the gift of God; not won by works, lest any 9 
man should boast. For we are His workmanship, created in1¢ 
Christ Jesus to do good works, which God has prepared* that 
we should walk therein. 


and incorpo- Wherefore remember that you, who once were ll 
rated into God’s ᾿ 
Israel. reckoned among carnal Gentiles, who are called the 


Uncireumcision by that which calls itself the Circumcision (a 
circumcision of the flesh,’ made by the hands of man)—that ἴῃ 19 
those times you were shut out from Christ, aliens from the 
commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the covenants® of 
the promise, having no hope, and without God in the world. 
But now, in Christ Jesus, ye, who were once far off, have been13 
brought near throngh the blood of Christ. For He is our 14 


The law which peace, who has made both one,’ and has broken 
divided Jews 


from Gentiles down the wall which parted us; for, in Hiss flesh, 15 
He destroyed the ground of unr enmity, the law of 

enacted ordinances; that so, making peace between us, out of 16 

both He might create® in Himself one new man; and that, by 


1 Οἱ λοιποὶ, literally, the rest of mankind, i.e. unbelievers. Compare 1 Thesa 
iv. 13. 

2 The meaning is, that Christians share in their Lord’s glorification, and dwell with 
Him in heaven, in so far as they are united with Him. 

3 Viz. the time of Christ’s perfect triumph over evil, always contemplated in the 
New Testament as near at hand, 

4 J.e. God, by the laws of His Providence, has prepared opportunities of doing good 
for every Christian. 

5 Meaning α circumcision of the flesh, not of the spirit,—made by man’s hands, 
not by God's. 

ὁ Ava. τῆς ἐτ. Compare Gal. iii. 16 and Rom. ix. 4 

7 Both, viz., Jews and Gentiles. 

8 I. 6. by his death, as explained by the parallel passage, Col. i. 22. 

® Christians are created in Christ, (see above, verse 10) i. e. their union with Christ 
is the essential condition of their Christian existence. 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED) 408 


17 His cross, He might reconcile both, in one body, unto God, 
having slain their enmity thereby. And when He came, He 
published the Glad-tidings of peace to you that were far otk 

igand to them that were near. For through [im we both have 
power to approach the Father in the fellowship’ of one Spirit. 

19 Now, therefore, you are no more strangers and eee 
sojourners, but fellow-citizens with God’s people, of¢ou. 

20and members of God’s household. You are built upon the 
foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself 

21 being the chief corner-stone; in whom all the building, titly 
framed together, grows into a temple hallowed by the? in- 

22 dwelling of the Lord. And in Him, not others only,? but you 
also, are built up together, to make a house wherein God may 

Im. dwell by the+ presence of Iis Spirit. 

1 Wherefore I, Paul, who, for maintaining the The mystery of 
2 cause of you Gentiles, am the prisoner of Jesus tion procaine 
Christ \—for® I suppose that you have heard how δόμον tor it. 

God’s grace was given me, that I might dispense it among you; 

3 and how, by revelation, was? made known to me the mys- 

4 tery (as I have already shortly* written to you; so that, 
when you read, you may perceive my understanding in the 

5 mystery of Christ), which, in\the generations of old, was not 
made known to the sons of men, as it has now been revealed 
by the indwelling® of the Spirit, to Ilis holy Apostles and 

6 Prophets; to wit, that the Gentiles are heirs of the same in- 
heritance, and members of the same body, and partakers of 
the * same promise in Christ, by means of the Glad-tidings. 

7 And of this Glad-tidings I was made a ministering servant, 
according to the gift of the grace of God, which was given me 

8 in the full measure of Ilis mighty working; to me, I say, who 


1 It is sometimes impossible to translate ἐν accurately, except by a periphrasis of 
this kind. 

2 “Ἅγιον ἐν κυρίῳ. Sce the preceding note. 

3 Καὶ ὑμεῖς. You as weil as others, 

4 "Ev πνεύματι. Compare 1 Cor. iii. 163 and see note 1. 

δ The sentence is abruptly broken off here, but carried on again at v. 13. The 
whole passage bears evident marks of the rapidity of dictation. 

6 Literally, if, as I suppose (εἴγε) you have heard of the office of dispensing 
pixovouiay, see note on i. 10) the grace of God which was given me for ycu. 

7 ῬἘΠ γνωρίσθη is the reading of the MSS. 

8 The reference is to chap. i. 9, 10. 

S Ἔν πνεύματι. See notes on verses 18 and 21 above. 

4 Αὐτοῦ, ig omitted by the best MSS. 


404 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


am less than the least of all God’s people, this grace was 
given, to bear among the Gentiles the Glad-tidings of the un- 
searchable riches of Christ, and to bring light to all, whereby 9 
they might understand the! dispensation of the mystery which, 
from the ages of old, has been hid in God, the maker of all 
things ;* that now, by the Church, the manifold wisdom of 106 
God might be made known to the Principalities and Powers in 
the heavens, according to His eternal purpose, which he ful-11 
filled in Christ Jesus our Lord; in whom we can approach 12 
without fear to God, in trustful confidence, through faith in 
Him. 

He prays for Wherefore I pray that I may not faint under my 13 


himself and 


them, thatthey sufferings for you, which are your glory. For this14 
may be 


strengthened cause I bend my knees betore the Father;+ whose 15 
and enlighten- 


os children® all are called in heaven and in earth, be-16 
seeching Him, that, in the richness of His glory, He would 
grant you strength by the entrance of His Spirit into your in- 
ner man, that Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith; that17 
having your root and your foundation in love, you may be en-18 
abled, with all God’s people, to comprehend the breadth and 
length, and depth and height thereof; and to know the love of 1g 
Christ which passeth knowledge,® that you may be filled there- 
with, even to the measure of? the Fulness of God. Now unto 20 
Doxology. Him who is able to do exceeding abundantly, above 
all that we ask or think, in the power of his might which 21 
works within us,—unto Him, in Christ Jesus, be glory in the 
Church, even to all the generations of the age of ages. 
Amen. 


1 The best MSS. read οἰκονομία not κοινωνία. See note oni. 10. 

3 Acad ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ is not in the best MSS. 

11. e. by the union of all mankind in the Church. That which cals torth the ex- 
pressions of rapturous admiration here, and in the similar passage in Romans (xi. 33), 
is the divine plan of including all mankind in a universal redemption. 

4 The words τοῦ to Χριστοῦ are not in the best MSS. 

5 The sense depends on the paronomasia between πατέρα and πατρία, the latter word 
meaning a race descended from a common. ancestor. Compare ἐκ πατρίας Δαβὶδ 
(Luke ii. 4). If fatherhood had this meaning in English (as it might have had, a2- 
cording to the analogy of “a brotherhood”), the verse might be literally rendered 
from whom every fatherhood in heaven and earth is named ; i. e. the very name of 
fatherhood refers us back to God as the father of all. The A. Y. is incorrect, and 
would require ἡ πατρία. 

6 Again we ubserve an apparent allusion to the technical employment of the words 
γνῶσις and πλήρωμα. 

" Εἰς not with (A. VY.) 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 405 


LY. 


{ I, therefore, the Lord’s prisoner, exhort you to Ext rtation to 
unity. iffer: 


walk worthy of the calling wherewith you were eat gifts and 


offices must 


2 called ; in all lowliness,! and gentleness, and long- combine as 
3 suffering, forbearing one another in love, striving to Church. 
maintain the unity of the Spirit, bound together with the bond 
4 of peace. You are one body and one spirit, even as you were 
5 called to share one common hope; you have one Lord, you 
6 have one faith, you have one baptism ; you have one God and 
Father of all, who is over all, and works through all, and dwells 
τ in all? But each one of us received the gift of grace which — 
he possesses according to the measure? wherein it was given by 
8 Christ. Wherefore it ist written: “ When 716 went up on 
9 high, Ie led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men.” Now 
that word “ Ze went wp,’ what saith it, but that He first 
10 came down to the earth below? Yea, He who came down is 
the same who is gone up, far above all the heavens, that He 
1 might fill all things.» And He gave some to be apostles,’ and 
some prophets, and some evangelists, and some pastors and 
12 teachers; for the perfecting of God’s people, to labour? in 
13 their appointed service, to build up the body of Christ ; till we 
all attain the same® faith and knowledge of the Son of God, 
and reach the stature of manhood,’ and be of ripe age to re- 
14ceive the Fulness of Christ; that we should no longer be 
children in understanding, tossed to and fro, and blown round 
by every shifting current of teaching, tricked by the sleight 
15 of men, and led astray into the snares" of the cunning; but 
that we should live in truth and love, and should grow up in 


‘ Larewvogpoctvy. See note on Col. iii. 12, 

3. “Ὑμῖν, omitted in best MSS. 

3 This verse is parallel to Rom. xii. 6, ἔχοντες χαρίσματα κατὰ τὴν χάριν τὴν δοθεῖ 
σαν ἡμῖν διάφορα. The whole context of the two passages also throws lignt on both. 

4 Λέγει (se. ἡ γραφὴ), see note on Rom. ix. 25. The quotation is from Ps. Ixviii. 
19, but slightly altered, so as to correspond neither with the Hebrew nor with the 
Septuagint. Ourtwo authorised versions of the Psalms have here departed from the 
original, in order to follow the present passage; probably on the supposition that St 
Paul quoted from some older reading. 

5 Again we remark-an allusion to the doctrine οὐ the πλήρωμα. Compare i. 23, 

6 On this classification of church offices, see Vol. 1. p. 436. 

7 Διωκονίας does not mean “ the ministry” (A. V.). 

8 Literally, the oneness of the faith and of the knowledge 

9 "Avdpa τέλειον, literally, a man of mature age. . 

10 TlAnpduaroc. See note on iii. 19. 

u Literally, led cunningly (ἐν πανουργίᾳ) towards the snares of ‘nisieading erres 
fmAavic). 


400 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


every part’ to the measure of Ilis* growth, who is our head, 
even Christ. From whom? the whole body (being knit to- 16 
gether, and compacted by all its joints) derives its continued 
growth in the working of His bounty, which supplies its needs, 
according to the measure of each several part, that it may 
build itself up in love. 

Exhortation to This I say, therefore, and adjure you in the1) 


the rejection of 


heathen vice Lord, to live no longer like other Gentiles, whose 


and to moral 


renewal. minds are filled with folly, whose understanding is 18 
darkened, who are estranged from the life of God because of 
the ignorance which is in them, through the hardness of their 
hearts ; who, being past feeling, have given themselves over to 19 
lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness in lust.« But you have 20 
not so learned Christ; if, indeed, you have heard Mis voice, 21 
and been taught in Him, as the truth is in Jesus; to forsake 22 
your former life, and put off the old man, whose way is* de- 
struction, following the desires which deceive; and to be re-23 
newed in the spirit of your mind, and to put on the new man, 24 
created after God’s likeness, in the righteousness and _ holiness 
Against several Of the Truth. Wherefore, putting away lying, 25 
specified vices, ‘ ς ε 

speak every man truth with his neighbour; for we 
are members one of another. “ Be ye angry, and sin not.’® 26 
Let not the sun go down upon your wrath, nor give way to27 
the Devil. Let the robber? rob no more, but rather let him 28 


1 Ta πάντα. See following verse. 

2 Αὐζξάνειν εἰς αὐτὸν is to grow to the standard of his growth. 

3 Ἐξ οὐ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα (συναρμολογούμενον καὶ συμθιθαζόμενον διὰ πάσης ἁφῆς), 
τῆς ἐπιχορηγίας κατ᾽ ἐνεργείαν, ἐν μέτρῳ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου μέρους, τὴν αὔξησιν τοῦ 
σώματος ποιεῖται, literally rendered, from whom all the body (being knit together 
and compacted by every joint), according to the working of his bounteous pro- 
viding, in the measure of each several part, continues the growth of the body. 

-Compare the parallel passage, Col. ii. 19, ἐξ οὐ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῶν ἁφῶν καὶ συν- 
δέσμων ἐπιχορηγούμενον καὶ συμθιθαζόμενον αὔξει. De Wette remarks “ Das nebenein- 
ander des αὖξ. εἰς αὐτὸν und des avé. ἐξ αὐτοῦ ist nicht wenig paradox :” but why is it 
more paradoxical than to say that a child derives its life (ἐξ) from its father, and 
grows up (εἰς) to the standard of its father’s growth? That interpretation which 
takes ἁφή as equivalent to αἴσθησις (a view which Meyer advocates) can scarcely be 
reconciled with the parallel passage in Colossians. 

4 Πλεονεζίᾳ, See note on 2 (Οἱ <. v. 11; and compare chap. v. 3. 

5. Φθειρύμενον; not “ corrupt” (A. V.), but going on in the way of φθορά. 

6 Paslmiv. 4. (LXX.). 

7 Κλέπτων. The A. V. would require κλέψας. It should be remembered that the 
«Ἰέπται of the N. T. were not what we should now call thieves (as the word is gence 
rally rendered in A. V.), but bandits; and there is nothing strange in finding such 
persons numerous in the provincial towns among the mountains of Asiu Minor. Sce 
Vol Lp. 182. 


. 


EPISTLE TO TH EPHESIANS (SO CALLED.) £07 


labour, working to good purpose with his hands, that lie may 
29 have somewhat to share with the needy. From your mouth 
let no filthy words proceed, but such as may build up? the 
Church according to its need, and give a blessing to the hear 
goers. And grieve not the Holy Spirit of God, who was given 
31 to seal you? for the day of redemption. Let all bitterness and 
passion, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking be put away 
32from you, with all malice; and be? kind one to another, ten- 
VY. der-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God ἴῃ Extortation te 
Christ-like for- 
1 Christ has aren you. Therefore be followers of siveness and 
2 God’s example as the children of his love. And 
walk in love, as Christ also loved us, and gave Himself for us, 
a sacrifice of sweet odour, to be offered up to God. 
3 Lut as betits God’s people, let not fornication or against impu- 
Ν rity and other 
any kind of uncleanness or lust® be so much as rus of heathen 
Garkness 5 
4 named among you; nor filthiness, or buffoonery, or 
ribald jesting, for such speech beseems you not, but rather 
5 thanksgiving. Yea, this you know;* for you have learned 
that no fornicator, or impure or lustful man, who is nothing 
less than an’ idolater, has any inheritance in the kingdom of 
6 Christ and God. Let no man mislead you by empty ® reason- 
-ings; for these are the deeds® which bring the wrath of God 
7 upon the children of disobedience. Be not ye, therefore, 
8 partakers with them ; for you once were darkness, but now 
g are light in the Lord. Walk as children of light; for the 
fruits of light’ are in all goodness, and righteousness, and 

1 Literally, such as is good for needful building up (οἰκοδομή always implies τῆς 
ἐκκλησίας) that it may give a blessing (for this meaning of χάριν δίδοναι see Olshau- 
sa and Meyer, in loco) to the hearers. 

3 ᾿Εσφραγίσθητε, the tense is mistranslated in A. V. The meaning is rendered evi- 
dent by i. 13, 14. It is the constant doctrine of St. Paul that the gift of the Holy 
Spirit is a seal or mark of Christ’s redeemed, which was given them at their conver- 
sion and reception into the Church, as a foretaste of their full redemption. Compare 
Rom. viii. 23. 

3 Τίνεσθε. This word is sometimes used as simply equivalent to “be ye.” Ceom- 
pare v. 17 

4 Literally, a sacrifice offered up to God (προσφορὰν καὶ ϑυσίαν---ϑυσίαν προσῴε- 
pouévnv) to make a sweet odour. 

5 It has been before remarked that this passage is conclusive as to the use οὗ 
πλεονεξία by St. Paul ; for what intelligible sense is there in saying that ‘ covetousnese™ 
nust not be so much as named ? 

6 The MSS. read ἔστε not ἐστέ. 7 See note on Col. iii. 5. 

8 See 1 Cor, vi. 12-20, and the note. 


8 Viz., the sins of impurity. Compare Rom. i. 24-27. 
5. φωτὸς, not πνεύματος, is the reading of the best MSS 


408 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


which must be truth. Examine well what is acceptable to the lord, 10 
Baas ond and have no fellowship with the unfruitful works 11 


watchfulness 


of Christians. of darkness, yea, rather expose their foulness.! For, 13 
concerning the secret deeds of the heathen,’ it is shameful 
even to speak; yet all these things, when exposed, are made 13 
manifest by the shining of the light; for whatseever is shone 
upon and made manifest becomes light. Wherefore it is14 
written, “ Awake, thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, 15 
and Christ shall shine upon thee.” ® 

See, then, that you walk without stumbling, not in folly but 
in wisdom, forestalling*® opportunity, because the times are 16 
evil. Therefore, be not without understanding, but learn to17 
know what the will of the Lord is. 


Festive meet- Be not drunk with wine, like those? who live1s 
ings how to be 


celebrated.  rlotously ; but be filled with the indwelling of the1g 
Spirit, when you speak one to another. Let your singing be 
of psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, and make melody 
with the music of your hearts, to the Lord.* And at all times, 20 
for all things which befal you, give thanks to our God and Fa- 
ther, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. 


1 ΣΕ λέγχετε. Nhe verb means to lay bare the real character of a thing by ex 
posing it to open scrutiny. 

3 «Αὐτῶν, den Heiden: constr. ad sens.” De Wette. 

3 Such appears to be the meaning of this difficult verse, viz., that when the light 
falls on any object, the object itself reflects the rays; implying that moral evil will 
be recognised as evil by the conscience, if it is shown in its true colours by being 
brought into contrast with the laws of pure morality. The preceding φανεροῦται does 
not allow us to translate φανερούμενον active (as A. V.). 

4 Λέγει. See note on iv. 8. 

5 There is no verse exactly corresponding with this in the O. T. But Isaiah lx. 1 is 
perhaps referred to, φωτίζου, φωτίζου, "Ἱερουσαλὴμ, ἥκει γάρ σου τὸ φῶς, καὶ ἡ δόξα Κυ- 
ρίον ἐπί σε ἀνατέταλκεν (1,ΧΧ.). We must remember, however, that there is no proot 
that St. Paul intends (either here, or 1 Cor. ii. 9) to quote the Old Testament. Some 
have supposed that he is quoting a Christian hymn; others, a saying of our Lord (as 
at Acta xx. 35). 

8 See Col. iv. 5 and note. 

7 Ἔν ᾧ ἐστιν dowria, literally, in doing which is riotous living. 

8 We put a fuli stop after 'Ἑαυτδις, to one another (here), as Col. iii. 16. 

* Throughout the whole passage there is a contrast implied between the heathen 
and the Christian practice, e.g. When you meet, let your enjoyment consist not in 
Sulness of wine, but fulness of the Spirit ; let your songs be, not the drinking-songa 
of heathen feasts, but psalms and hymns; and their accompaniment, not the musié 
of the lyre, but the melody of the heart ; while you sing them to the praise not of 
Buccnus or Venus, but of the Lord Jesus Christ. For the coastruction and punctua 
tion see Col. iii. 16, 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 409 


21 Submit yourselves one to another in the fear of Duties of wives 
22 Christ.!. Wives, submit yourselves to your hus- apa ΒΟΥ 
23 bands, as unto the Lord; for the husband is head of the wife, 
even as Christ is head of the Church,’ His body, which He 
24saves from harm. But,‘ as the Church submits itself to 
Christ, so let the wives submit themselves to their husbands in 
all things. 
25  Ilusbands, love your wives, as Christ also loved the Church, 
26 and gave Iimself for it, that having purified it by the water 
wherein it is washed,’ He might hallow it by the indwelling 
27 of the word of God; that he might Himself* present unto Him- 
self’ the Church in stainless glory, not having spot or wrinkle, 
or any such thing; but that it should be holy and unblemish- 
gged. In like manner, husbands ought to love their wives as 
they love their own bodies; for he that loves his wife does but 
29love himself: and no man ever hated his own flesh, but 
nourishes. and cherishes it, as Christ® also nourishes and 
30 cherishes the Church; for we are members of Ilis body, por- 
3itions of His flesh.» ‘“ Hor this cause shall a man leave his 
father and his mother, and shalt cleave unto his wife, and they 
32 two shall be one flesh.” This mystery is great; but 1" speak 


1 Χριστοῦ is the reading of the best MSS. That this comprehends all the special 
1elations of subjection which follow (and should be joined with what follows), is shewn 
by the omission of ὑποτάσσεσθε (in the next verse) by the best MSS. 

3 This statement occurs 1 Cor. ii. 3 almost verbatim. 

3 The best MSS. omit καὶ and ἐστὲ in this clause: the literal English is he saves his 
body from harm; and an analogy is implied to the conjugal relation, in which the 
husband maintains and cherishes the wife. 

4 7AAAd can scarcely be translated “ therefore” (A. V.). 

5 Τοῦ ὕδατος (not simply ὕδατος ); literally by the laver of the water, equivalent to 
λδιτροῦ παλιγγενεσίας (Titus iii. 5). The following ἐν ῥήματι is exceedingly difficult, 
Chrysostom and the patristic commentators generally take it as if it were τῷ ἐν p. and 
explain it of the formula of baptism; De Wette takes the same view. But St. Paul 
elsewhere explains τὸ ῥῆμα to be equivalent to τὸ ῥῆμα τῆς πίστεως ὃ κηρύσσομεν 
(Rom. x. 8), and to ῥῆμα θεοῦ (Rom. x. 17), (compare also Eph. vi. 17) ; and more 
over, as Winer and Meyer have remarked, the junction of év ῥήματι with ἀγιάσῃ better 
suits the Greck. On this view, the meaning is that the Church, baving been purified 
by the waters of baptism. is hallowed by the revelation of the mind of God impaited 
to it, whether mediately or immediately, Compare Heb. iv. 12, 13. 

6 The best MSS. read αὐτὸς, not αὐτήν. 

7 The Church is compared to a bride, as 2 Cor. xi. 2. 

8 The best MSS. read Χριστός. 

® Tne words “and of his bones” are an interpolation not found in the best MSS. 

10 Gen. ii. 24. (LXX.). 

The ἔγω is emphatic ; J, while I quote these words out of the Scriptures, use 
Ue in a higher sense. 


410 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


of Christ and of the Church. Nevertheless, let every one of 33 
you individually? so love his wife even as himself, and let the 
wife sce that she reverence her husband. VI. 
Duties of chil- Children, obey your parents in the Lord; for 1 
dren and pa- Ae tae 7 2 
rents. this isright. “ Z/onour thy father and thy mother,” ? 2 
which is the first commandment with promise: “ Zhat it ma, 3 
be well with thee, and thou shalt live long upon the earth.” 

And ye, fathers, vex not your children; but bring them 4 
up in such training and correction as befits the servau s of the 
Lord. 

Daties of slaves Bondsmen, obey your earthly masters with 5 
nd masters. ἵ ᾿ Η Σ - 

anxiety and self-distrust,> in singleness of heart, as 
unto Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers, but as ὃ 
bondsmen of Christ, doing the will of God from the soul. 
With good will fulfilling your service, as to the Lord our 7 
Master,’ and not to men. For you know that whatever good 8 
any man does, the same shall he receive from the Lord, 
whether he be bond or free. 

And ye, masters, do in like manner by them, and abstain 9 
from threats; knowing that your own Master is in heaven, 
and that with Him is no respect of persons. 

Exhortation to Finally, my brethren, let your hearts be strength- 10 
ght in the : : : ᾿ 
Christian ar- ened in the Lord,’ and in the conquering power of 
lis might. Put on the whole armour of God, that1 

you may be able to stand firm against the wiles of the Devil. 
For the adversaries with whom we wrestle are not flesh andi 
blood, but they are® the Principalities, the Powers, and the 
Sovereigns of this® present darkness, the company of evil 
spirits in the heavens. Wherefore, take up with you to thea 
battle» the whole armour of God, that you may be able to with- 
stand them in the evil day, and having" overthrown them all, 

1 Οἱ καθ᾽ ἕνα, in your individual capacity, contrasted with the previous collective 
siew of tue members of the Church as the bride of Christ. 

* Wxodus xx. 12, and Deut. v.16. (LXX.). 

3 Exodus xx. 12, and Deut. v. 16. (LXX. not exactly verbatim) 

4 The word κύριος, Jord, always implies the idea of servants. 

δ Μετὰ φόῤθυυ καὶ τρόμου has this meaning in St. Paul’s language. Compare 1 Cor 
li, 3; and see Meyer’s observations on both passages (Krit. Exeg. Comm. in locc), 

6 See note on Col. iii. 25. 

7 This is the literal meaning of ἐνδυναμοῦσθε ἐν Κυρίω 

8 Compare Col. ii. 15 and the nete ; also John xii. 31. 


8 Tod αἰῶνος is omitted in best MSS. WW ᾽Αναλάθετε. 
N Κατεργασάμενοι, not “done” (A. V.). 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS (SO CALLED). 411 


14 ἴο stand unshaken. Stand, therefore, girt with the Delt of 
15 truth, and wearing the breastplate of righteousness, and shod 
16 as ready messengers of the Glad-tidings of peace: and take up 

to cover you! the shield of faith, wherewith you shall be able 

17 to quench all the fiery darts of the Evil One. Take, likewise, 
the helmet of salvation,? and the sword of the Spirit, which is 
the word of God. 

.8 Continue to pray at every season with all ear- To pray for 
nestness of supplication in the Spirit; and to this Paul. 
end be watchful with all perseverance in prayer for all Christ’s 

19 people, and for me, that utterance may be given me, to 

200pen my mouth and make known with boldness the mys- 
tery of the Glad-tidings, for which I am an ambassador in‘ 
fetters. Pray that I may declare it boldly, as I ought to 
speak. 

21. But that you, as well as* others, may be inform- Tyehicus the 
ed of my concerns, and how I fare, Tychicus, my ° pr i 
beloved brother, and faithful servant in the Lord, will make all 

2zzknown to you. And 1 have sent him to you for this very 
end, that you may learn what eoncerns me, and that he may 
comfort your hearts. 


aq Peace be to the brethren, and love with faith, Cycuaing ben: 
from God our Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ. ar 

24 Grace be with all who love our Lord Jesus Christ in’ 
sincerity.® 


1 πὲ mdoww=to cover all. 

* The head of the Christian is defended against hostile weapons by his knowledge 
of the salvation won for him by Christ. 

3 For the meaning of “ word of God,” see note on chap. v. 26. It is here represented 
as the only offensive weapon of Christian warfare. The Roman pilum (λόγχη, Joh. 
xix. 34) is not mentioned. For a commentary on this military imagery, and the cir- 
cumstances which naturally suggested it, see the beginning of the next chapter. 

4 '᾿Αλύσει. See Paley’s observations (Hore Paulinx, in loco), and our preceding 
-emarks on Custodia Militaris. 

5 Καὶ ὑμεῖς. 

6 See the parallel passage, Col. iv. 7. 

7 The difficulty of the concluding words is well known: ἐν ἀφθαρσίᾳ might also be 
translated in immortality, with the meaning whose love endures immortally. Ols 
dausen supposes the expression elliptical, for iva ζωὴν ἔγωσιν ἐν ἀφθαρσίᾳ; hut this 
yan ecarcely be justified. 

8 Ap7v as usual is omitted in the best manuscripts, 


419 


NOTE. 


To complete the view of the two preceding Epistles, the following tables are 
added: the first of which gives a comparative outline of their contents; the 
secoud shows the verbal correspondence between the parallel passages in each :— 


Epistle to Colossians. 


1-2. Salutation. 
3-6. Thanksgiving for their con- 
version (7-8. Epaphras). 
9-14. Prayer for their enlighten- 
ment, and thankfulness 
for redemption. 
15-20. Christ’s work, nature, and 
dignity. 
21-22. He had called them from 
heathenism and _ recon- 
ciled them to God. 


L 


23-29. Paul a prisoner and minis- 
ter of the mystery of uni- 
versal salvation. 

Π. 1-4. Prayer for their constancy 
and growth in Christian 
wisdom. 

4-23, Warning against a false 
philosophy, which depre- 
ciated Christ, and united 
Jewish observances (abo- 
lished by Christ) with 
angel worship and asceti- 
cism. 

1-4. Exhortation to heavenward 
affections. 


IIT. 


δ- 9. Against heathen impurity, 
anger, malice, falsehood. 


10-16. Exhortation to moral re- 
newal, including meek- 
ness, forbearance, forgive- 
ness, charity, and mutual 
exhortation. 


16-17. Festive meetings how to be 
celebrated. 


Epistle 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL 


to Ephesians (so called). 


1, 1-2. Salutation. 


1. 


ΠΣ 


TV; 


3-12. 


13-19. 


20-23. 
1-10. 


11-13. 
14-18. 
19-22. 

1-12. 


13-17. 


18-19. 
20-21. 


1-16. 


17-24. 


25-31. 


32.-V. 
3-10. 
11-17. 


18-20. 


Thanksgiving for redemp- 
tion and knowledge of 
Christian mystery. 

Thanksgiving for their con- 
version, and prayer for 
their enlightenment. 

Work and dignity 
Christ. 

They had been awakened 
from heathenism by God’s 
grace. 

And — incorporated 
God’s Israel. 

Law which divided Jews 
from Gentiles abolished. 

They are built into the 
temple of God. 

Mystery of universal salva- 
tion proclaimed by Paul, 
a prisoner for it. 

He prays for himself and 
them that they may 290 
strengthened. 

And enlightened. 

Doxology. 


of 


into 


Exhortation to unity. Dif 
ferent gifts and offices 
combine [Col. ii. 19] to 
build up the Church. 

Exhortation to reject hea- 
then vice and to moral 
renewal. 

Against lying, anger, rob- 
bery, impure words, 
malice. 

2 Exhortation to Christ- 
like forgiveness and love. 

Against impurity and other 
sins of heathen darkness. 

Which are to be rebuked 
by the exainple and 
watchfulness of Chris 
tians [Col. iv. 5-6]. 

Festive meetings how to be 
celebrated. 


PARALLELISM BETWEEN THE COLOSSIANS AND “ EPHESIANS.” 418 


ΠῚ, 18-19. Duties of wives and hus- V. 21-33. Duties of wives and hus 


bands. 


20-21. Duties ofchildren and pa- IV. 1-4. Duties of children and pa 


bands. 
rents. 

DL 22-IV. 1. Duties of slaves and 
masters. 

ΓΝ. 2-4. Exhortation to pray for 


themselves and Paul. 
5- 6. Watchfulness in conduct 
towards unbelievers [Eph 
y. 11-17]. 
7- 9. Tychicus and Onesimus, the 
messengers. 
10-14. Salutations from Rome. 
15-17. Messages concerning Lao- 
dicea and Archippus. 
18. Autograph salutation and 
benediction. 


rents. 
5-9. Duties of slaves and masters. 
10-17. Exhortation to fight in the 
Christian armour. 
18-20. To pray for others and for 
Paul. 


21-22. Tychicus the messenger. 


23-24. Concluding benediction. 


Verbal resemblances between the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians and the 
Epistle to the Colossians, 


11 -- Col. i. 


1: 10} 18; 19..21- 
ii. 13. 


20 -- 
21 -- 
22 —} Col. | 
23 — 


LES 1: 


ὙΡΝ  12:: 
19: 


ios 
15 UCorap | a 
Vere 


ill. 


20 -- 
uv. 1— Col. iv. 3. 


414 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


mine) [iF Ra a 
π Col. iii. 4 7 4, : “16 τῇ Col. iv. 5. 
10. 11 -- 
8 - 18 -- 
6 -- Col. iii. 11. rh Ps a 8 
“Ἢ mae ct Col. iii. 1 ΤΊ, 
8 - 21 = 
“yu 22 — Col. iii. 18. 
10 -- 28 - 
11 -- 24 - 
12 -- 25 -- Col. iii. 19. 
13 - 93 — 
14 -- 27 -- 
15 - as 28 — 
iG τι Col. ii. 19. 50 - 
117 -- 80 . 
18 -- ΘΙ. 
19 — Coli 11τ|: ὃς Ses 
20 -- 32 -- 
21 -- 33 — 
22 = me Eph. vi. 1 -- Col. iii. 20. 
oa 10: os 9. “oe 
Of 10. 4 — Col. iii. 21. 
26 -- bea iii. 22 
ae παν, 
εξ 1 ol. 24. 
99.-- Col. iv. 6. 8." 20: 
80 - 9ῳ - TV, 1. 
31 -- (ΟἹ. 111. 8. 10 -- 
99, τ Coli ao: 11 = 
aa 12 —Col. ii. 15. 
2 — 13 — 
3= 5 let = 
4—\ Col. iii. 8 τον 
yes 6 10᾽- 
: = i 
= iis} = ΟΣ 
8=Col. 1 13: 10 Ξ (ον. wes 
ἣν - “20 - 4 
7 Pall = 1 . ibe 
11: 257 Col.iv. | 3 
12 -- 23 — 
13 -- OV 


From the first of the above tables it will be seen, that there is scarcely a 
single topic in the Ephesian Epistle which is not also to be found it the Epistle 
to the Colossians; but, on the other hand, that there is an important section οἱ 
— Colossians (ii. 8-23) which has no parallel in Ephesians. From the second 

table it appears, that out of the 155 verses contained in the so-called Epistle to 
the Ephesians, 78 verses contain expressions identical with those in the Epistle to 
the Colossians. 

The kind of resemblance here traced is not that which would be found in the 
work of a forger, servilely copying the Epistle to Colossee. On the contrary, it is 
just what we might expect to find in the work of a man whose mind wag 
thoroughly imbued with the ideas and expressions of the Hpistle to the Colossians 
when he wrote the other Kpistle. 


THE ΡῈ ἙΤΟΕΙΓΜ. 418 


CHAPTER XXVL. 


OI ἘΚ ἸῊΣ KAIZAPOZ OIKIAS.—Phil. iv. 22 


fHE FRETORIUM AND THE PALATINE—ARRIVAL OF EPAPHRODITUS—!OLITICAL EVENTS 
AT ROME.--OCTAVIA AND POPPZA.—ST, PAUL WRITES THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIP 
PIANS.—HE MAKES CONVERTS IN THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD. 


Tue close of the Epistle, to which our attention has just been turned, 
contains a remarkable example of the forcible imagery of St. Paul.! Con- 
sidered simply in itself, this description of the Christian’s armour is one of 
the most striking passages in the Sacred Volume. But if we view it in 
connection with the circumstances with which the Apostle was sur- 
rounded, we find a new and living emphasis in his enumeration of all the 
parts of the heavenly panoply,*—the belt of sincerity and truth, with 
which the loins? are girded for the spiritual war,—the breastplate of that - 
righteousness,‘ the inseparable links whereof are faith and love,*—the 
strong sandals,° with which the feet of Christ’s soldiers are made ready,’ 
not for such errands of death and despair as those on which the Preeto- 
rian soldiers were daily sent, but for the universal message of the Gospel 
of peace,—the large shield * of confident trust,? wherewith the whole man 


1 Eph. vi. 14-17. 

_7 Τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ Θεοῦ. For authentic information regarding the actual Roman 
armour of the time, we may refer to Piranesi’s fine illustrations of the columns of 
Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. There are also many useful engravings in Smith’s Dic- 
tionary of Antiquities. 

3 Περιζωσάμενοι τὴν ὀσφὺν ὑμῶν ἐν ἀληθείᾳ. The belt or zona (ζωστῆρ) passed 
round the lower part of the body, below the ϑώοαξ, and is to be distinguished from the 
balteus, which went over the shoulder. 

4 ’Evdvoduevor τὸν ϑώρακα τῆς δικαιοσύνης. The ϑώραξ was a cuirass or corslet, 
reaching nearly to the loins. Its form may be seen in the statue of Caligula, engraved 
in Vol. I. p. 110. 

5 In the parallel passage (1 Thess. v. 8), the breastplate is described as ϑώρακα 
πίστεως καὶ ἀγάπης. 

6 The Roman Calige were not greaves, which in fact would not harmonise with 
the context, but strong and heavy sandals.- See Juvenal, iii. 232, 306, xvi. 25, and the 
anecdote of the death of the centurion Julian in the Temple at Jerusalem. Joseph. B. 
Je VEL, 8: 

7 Ὕποδησάμενοι τοὺς πόδας ἐν ἑτοιμασίᾳ κ. τ. 2. . « 

8 The ϑυρεὸς here is the large oblong or oval Roman shield—the seztum not the 
clipeus,—specimens of which may be seen in Piranesi. See especially the pedestal of 
Trajan’s column. 

9 Tov ϑυρεὸν τῆς πίστεως. 


416 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


is protected,: and whereon the fiery arrows of the Wicked One fall harm- 
less and dead,—the close-fitting helmet,’ with which the hope of salva. 
tion® invests the head of the believer,—and finally the sword of the 
Spirit, the Word of God,‘ which, when wielded by the Great Captain of 
our Salvation, turned the tempter in the wilderness to flight, while in the 
hands of His chosen Apostle (with whose memory the sword seems insepa- 
rably associated®), it became the means of establishing Christianity on 
the earth, 

All this imagery becomes doubly forcible, if we remember that when 
St. Paul wrote the words he was chained to a soldier, and in the close 
neighbourhood of military sights and sounds. The appearance of the 
Pretorian guards was daily familiar to him ;—as his “chains” on the 
other hand (so he tells us in the succeeding Epistle), became “ well known 
throughout the whole Pretorium.” (Phili.13.) A difference of epinion 
has existed as to the precise meaning of the word in this passage. Some 
have identified it, as in the authorised version, with the “house of Ceesar” 
on the Palatine :* more commonly it has been supposed to mean that 
permanent camp of the Praetorian guards, which Tiberius established on 
the north of the city, outside the walls.7 As regards the former opinion, 
it is true that the word came to be used, almost as we use the word 
“‘nalace,” for royal residences generally, or for any residences of a princely 
splendour,® and that thus we read, in other parts of the New Testament, 
of the Pretorium of Pilate at Jerusalem,? and the Pretorium of Herod at 
Cesarea.”” Yet we never find the word employed for the Imperial house 
at Rome: and we believe the truer view to be that which has been 
recently advocated," namely, that it denotes here, not the palace itself, 


1 Observe me πᾶσιν, Which is not clearly translated in the authorised version. 
One of these compact Roman helmets, preserved in England, at Goodrich Court. 
is engraved in Smith’s Dictionary. (See under Galea.) 

3 With τὴν περικεφαλαίαν τοῦ σωτηρίου (Eph. vi. 17) we should compare περικεῴα: 
Aaiav ἐλπίδα σωτηριάς (1 Thess. v. 8). 

4 Τὴν μάχαιραν τοῦ Πνεύματος, 6 ἐστιν ῥῆμα Θεοῦ. See note on the passage. 

5. It is the emblem of his martyrdom: and we can hardly help associating it also 
with this passage. The small short sword of the Romans was worn like a dagger on 
the right side. Specimens may be seen in Piranesi. Those readers who have been in 
Rome will remember that Pope Sixtus V. dedicated the column of Aurelius (ab omni 
impietate purgatam) to St. Paul, and that a statue of the Apostle, bearing the sword, 
is on the summit. ᾿ 

6 With Phil. i. 13 we should compare iv. 22 in the authorised version. 

7 See above, in the description of Rome, and compare the map. 

8 We find the word used for the Imperial castles out of Rome in Suet. Aug. 72, 
Tib. 39. Calig. 37. Tit. 8 For its application to the palaces of foreign princes 
and even private persons, see Juvenal,i.10. x. 161. These instances are given hy 
Wiescler, who also refers to the apocryphal “ Acta Thome.” 

* Sec above, p. 252. 30 See above, p. 281, ἢ. 2. 

' In Wieseler’s note, p. 403. 


TUE ΡΕΖΙΓΟΒΙ͂ΠΜ.. 417 


but the quarters of that part of the Imperial guards, which was in imme 
diate attendance upon the Emperor. Such a military establishment is 
mentioned in the fullest account which we possess of the first residence of 
Augustus on the Palatine :' and it isin harmony with the general ideas 
on which the monarchy was founded. The Emperor was praetor? or com- 
mander-in-chief of the troops, and it was natural that his immediate guard 
should be in a pretorium near him. It might, indeed, be argued that 
this military establishment on the Palatine would cease to be necessary, 
when the Pretorian camp was established: but the purpose of that 
establishment was to concentrate near the city those cohorts, which had 
previously been dispersed in other parts of Italy :3 a local body-guard 
rear the palace would not cease to be necessary : and Josephus, in his 
account of the imprisonment of Agrippa,‘ speaks of a “camp” in connec- 
tion with the “royal house.” Such we conceive to have been the bar- 
rack immediately alluded to by St. Paul: though the connection of these 
smaller quarters with the general camp was such, that he would 
naturally become known to “all the rest” 5 of the guards, as well as those 
who might for the time be connected with the Imperial househol¢. 

What has just been said of the word “ pretorium,” applied still more 
extensively to the word “ palatium.” Originally denoting the hili on 
which the twin-brothers were left by the retreating river, it grew to be, 
and it still remains, the symbol of Imperial power. Augustus was born 
on the Palatine ® and he fixed his official residence there when the civii 
wars were terminated. Thus it may be truly said that “ after the Capi- 
tol and the Forum, no locality in the ancient city claims so much of our 
interest as the Palatine hill—at once the birth-place of the infant city, 
and the abode of her rulers during the days of her greatest splendour,— 
where the reed-thatched cottage of Romulus was still preserved in the 
midst of the gorgeous structures of Caligula and Nero.”7 About the 


1 Καλεῖται δὲ τὰ βασίλεια παλάτιον (Palatium), οὐχ ὅτι καὶ ἔδοξέ ποτε οὕτως 
αὐτὰ ὀνομάζεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ἐν τε τῷ Παλατίῳ (in monte Palatino) ὁ Καῖσαρ ᾧκει καὶ 
ἐκεῖ τὸ στρατήγιον (Pretorium) εἶχε, καὶ τίνα καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ Ῥωμύλου προενοίκησιν 
φήμην ἡ οἰκία αὐτοῦ (domus Ceesaris) ἀπὸ τοῦ πάντος ὄρους ἔλαβε" καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κἂν 
ἀλλόθι που ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ καταλύῃ, τὴν τοῦ παλατίου ἐπίκλησιν ἡ καταγώγῃ αὐτοῦ 
ἴσχει. Dio Cass. liii. 16. 

2 See what has been said (Vol. I. p. 142) in reference to the term propretor in the 
provinces. 

3 Compare Suet. Aug. 49 with Tib. 37, and see Dio C. lvii.19. Tac. Ann. iv. 2. 
Hist. 1. 31, 

4 Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. He uses στρατόπεδον for the pretorium, and βασίλειον for 
the palatium. Compare what is said of Drusus, Suet. Tib, 54. 

5 Thid. 

6 Natus est Augustus .... regione Palatii ad Capita Bubula. Suet. Aug. δ. 

7 Bunbury in the Classical Museum, vol. v. p. 229. We learn from Plutarch and 
Dionysius that this “wooden hut thatched with reeds, which was preserved as a me 


ῬΏΏ τς δὲ 


415 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


close of the Republic, it was still the residence of many distinguished citi 
zens, such as Crassus, Cicero, Cati‘ine, Clodius, and Antony.. Augustus 
himself simply bought the house of Hortensius and lived there in modest 
state? But the new era was begun for the Palatine, when the first Em- 
peror, soon after the battle of Actium, raised the temple of Apollo with 
its celebrated Greek and Latin libraries,? on the side near the Forum. 
Tiberius erected a new palace, or an addition to the old one, on the oppo- 
site side of the hill, immediately above the Circus Maximus.‘ It remained 
for subsequent Emperors to cover the whole area of the hill with struc- 
tures connected with the palace. Caligula extended the Imperial build- 
ings by a bridge (as fantastic as that at Βαΐδ 5), which joined the Pala- 
tine with the Capitol.6 Nero made a similar extension in the direction of 
the Esquiline :7 and this is the point at which we must arrest our series 
of historical notices ; for the burning of Rome and the erection of the 
Golden House intervened between the first and second imprisonments of 
the Apostle Paul. The fire, moreover, which is so closely associated with 
the first sufferings of the Church, has made it impossible to identify any 
of the existing ruins on the Palatine with buildings that were standing 
when the Apostle was among the Preetorian guards. Nor indeed is it pos- 
sible to assign the ruins to their proper epochs. All is now confusion on’ 
the hill of Romulus and Augustus. Palace after palace succeeded, till 
the Empire was lost in the midst of the Middle Ages. As we explore the 
subterraneous chambers, where classical paintings are still visible on the 
plaster, or look out through broken arches over the Campagna and its 
aqueducts, the mind is filled with blending recollections, not merely of ἃ 
long line of Roman Cesars, but of Ravenna and Constantinople, Char. 
lemagne and Rienzi. This Royal part of the Western Babylon has al- 
most shared the fate of the city of the Huphrates. The Palatine con- 
tains gardens and vineyards,’ and half cultivated spaces of ground, where 
morial of the simpie habitation of the Shepherd-king,” was on the side of the hill 
towards the Circus, p. 232. : 

1 See Cic.ad Fam. ν. 6. ProDomo,c.44. Suet. 46 Π]. ασαπι. 17. Dio Cass. liii. 27. 

* Habitavit postea in Palatio, sed nihilominus «dibus modicis Hortensianis neque 
laxitate neque cultu conspicuis. Suet. Aug. 72. 

3 See Hor. Ep. 1. iii. 17. Suet. Aug. 29. For the date of this temple see Becker's 
Alterthumer, p. 425. 

4 The position of the “ Domus Tiberiana”’ is determined by the notices of it in the 
account of the murder of Galba. Tac. Hist. i. 27. Suet. Oth. 6. Plat. Galb. 24. 

δ See above, p. 352. 

6 Super templum Divi Augusti ponte transmisso Palatium Capitoliumque cenjunxit. 
Suet. Calig. 22. 

7 Dommum a Palatio Esquilias usque fecit ; quam primo Transitoriam, mox incendia 
absumptam restitutamque Auream nominavit. Suet. Ner. 31. Sce Plin. H. N. 
Xxxvii. 15, 

8 The Farnese gardens and the Villa Mills (formerly Villa Spada) are well known 
to travellers. Some of the finest arches are in the Vigna del Collegio Inglese. 


τ ὯΝ 


i) γι 
Y 


ir Νὴ 
ν᾿ οι 
nag 


᾿; i i) Ϊ ν 


THE PALACE OF THE CAISARS. 


otal owe ᾿ 
in actoaneg na ae 


enbaaespeapirni / 
᾿ ον ταν 


ἊΣ 
νῶν 


POLITICAL EVENTS AT ROME. 419 


the acanthus-weed grows in wild luxuriance: but its population has 
shrunk to one small convent ;! and the unhealthy air seems to brood like 
a curse over the scene of Nero’s tyranny and crime.’ 

St. Paul was at Rome precisely at that time when the Palatine was thy 
most conspicuous spot on the earth, not merely for crime, but for splen- 
dour and power. ‘This was the centre of all the movements of the Em- 
pire.’ Here were heard the causes of all Roman citizens who had ap- 
pealed to Cesar.‘ Hence were issued the orders to the governors of 
provinces, and to the legions on the frontier. From the “ Golden Mile- 
stone” (Milliarium Aureum 5) below the palace, the roads radiated in all 
directions to the remotest verge of civilization. ‘The official messages of 
the Emperor were communicated along them by means of posts estab- 
lished by the government :* but these roads afforded also the means of 
transmitting the letters of private citizens, whether sent by means of 
tabellaru,’ or by the voluntary aid of accidental travellers. To such com- 
munications between the metropolis and the provinces others were now 
added of a kind hitherto unknown in the world,—not different indeed in 
outward appearance® from common letters,—but containing commands 
more powerful in their effects than the despatches of Nero,—touching 
more closely the private relations of life than all the correspondence of 


1 The Franciscan convent of St. Bonaventura, facing the Forum. 

? See an impressive paragraph in the third volume of the Beschreibung Roms. 
Einleitung, p. 7. 

3 Compare the language of Tacitus: “ Vitcllium in Palatium, in ipsam imperif 
arcem regressum.” Hist. iii. 70. 

4 See the account of St. Paul’s trial in the next chapter. 

δ The Milliarium Aureum (afterwards called the Umbilicus Rome) is believed to 
have been discovered at the base of the Capitol, near the Temples of Saturn and Con- 
cord. Class. Mus. iv. 24. 

6 See Ginzrot’s thirty-seventh chapter (von den Hilboten und Posten). So far as 
related to government dispatches, Augustus established posts similar to those of King 
Ahasuerus. Compare Suet. Aug. 49 with Hsther viii. 13, 14, 

7 See Becker’s Gallus, p. 250 (Eng. Trans.). 

8 In Vol. I. p. 409, a general reference was made to the interest connected even 
with the writing materials employed by St. Paul. There is little doubt that these 
were reed-pens, Egyptian paper, and black ink. All these are mentioned by St. John 
(διὰ γάρτου καὶ μέλανος, 2 Joh. 125 διὰ μέλανος καὶ καλάμου, 3 Joh. 13); and St 
Puul himself, in a passage where there is a blended allusion to inscriptions on stone 
and to letter writing (2 Cor. iii. 3), speaks of ink (μέλαν). Representations of ancient 
inkstands found at Pompeii, with reed-pens, may be seen in Smith’s Dictionary, under 
Atramentum. Allusion has been made before (p. 308) to the paper trade of Egypt. 
Parchment (Pergamentum : Meu6pdvac, 2 Tim. iv. 13) was of course used for the 
secondary MSS. in which the Epistles were preserved. See Jerome, Ep. 141; Euseb. 
Vit. Const. iv. 36; also Joseph, Ant. xii. 2,10. [We must distinguish between thesa 
materials and πινακίδιον (Luke i. 63), which corresponds to the Latin pugiliares.] 
Letters were written in the large or uncial character, though of course the hansé 
writing of diferent persons would vary. See Gal. vi. 11. 


420 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


Seneca’ or Pliny, and proclaiming, in the very form of their salutations, 
the nerpetual union of the Jew, the Greek, and the Roman.” ? 

It seems probable that the three letters which we have last read 
were despatched from Rome when St. Paul had been resident there 
about a year,’ that is, in the spring of the year 62 av. After the depart- 
ure of Tychicus and Onesimus, the Apostle’s prison was cheered by the 
arrival of Epaphroditus, who bore a contribution from the Christians 
of Philippi. We have before seen instances‘ of the noble liberality of 
that church, and now once more we find them ministering to the necessities 
of their beloved teacher. Epaphroditus, apparently a leading presbyter 
among the Philippians, had brought on himself, by the fatigues or perils 
of his journey, a dangerous illness. St. Paul speaks of him with touching 
affection. He calls him his “ brother, and companion in labour, and fel- 
low-soldier” (ii. 25) ; declares “ that his labour in the cause of Christ had ' 
brought him near to death” (ii, 30), and that he had “ hazarded his life ” 
in order. to supply the means of communication between the Philippians 
and himself. And, when speaking of his recovery, he says, ‘‘ God had 
compassion on him, and not on him only, but on me also, that I might not 
have sorrow upon sorrow” (ii. 27). We must suppose, from these expres- 
sions, that Epaphroditus had exposed himself to some unusual risk in his 
journey. Perhaps his health was already feeble when he set out, so that 
he showed self-devotion in encountering fatigues which were certain to 
injure him. 

Meanwhile St. Paul continued to preach, and his converts to multiply. 
We shall find that when he wrote to the Philippians, either towards the 
close of this year, or at the beginning of the next, great effects had already 
been produced ; and that the Church of Rome was not only enlarged, but 


1 We must not pass by the name of Seneca without some allusion to the so-called 
correspondence between him and St. Paul: but a mere allusion is enough for so vapid 
and meaningless a forgery. These Epistles (with that which is called the Ep. to the 
Laodiceans, described p. 395, note 3) will be found in the Codex Apoc. N. T. of Fabri- 
cius Vol. II.), and in Jones on the Canon (Vol. II.). 

2 We allude to the combination of the Oriental εἰρήνη with the Greek χώρις in the 
opening salutations of all St. Paul’s Epistles. See Buxtorf’s Institutio Epistolaris 
Hebraica (Basle, 1629). ‘“Grzeci salutationem significabant per χαΐρειν, quod Hora- 
tius Grecizans expressit (Celso gaudere, &c. Ep. I. viii.). In Historia Sacra N. T. 
(KA. Λυσίας τῷ Kp. ἡγεμόν: Φήλικι yaipev, Acts xxiii. 26)... . Romani salutem dice- 
bant..... Hebri, Chaldzi, Syri Pacis nomine in salutantando usi sunt, quod ubi pax 
est, ibi omnia se prospere habere dicantur,”’ pp. 10, 11. There are some good remarks 
on this subject in Koch’s Commentary on 1 Thess. i. 1. 

3 The state of things described in the 4th chapter of Colossians, the conversion of 
Onesimus and his usefulness to St. Paul (Philem. 11-13), imply the continuance of 
St. Paul’s ministry at Rome during a period which can hardly have been less than a 
year. Nor would St. Paul, at the beginning of his imprisonment, have written as he 
oes (Philem. 22) of his captivity as verging towards its termination. 

4 See the account of the Macedonian collection, pp. 92. 93. 


OCTAVIA AND ΡΟΡΡΩ͂Α. 421 


encouraged to act with greater boldness upon the surrounding masses of 
heathenism,' by the successful energy of the apostolic prisoner. Yet thg 
pelitical occurrences of the year might well have alarmed him for his 
safety, and counselled a more timid course. We have seen that prisoners 
in St. Paul’s position were under the charge of the Praetorian Prefect ; 
and in this year oceurred the death of the virtuous Burrus,’ under whose 
authority his imprisonment had been so unusually mild. Upon this 
event the prefecture was put into commission, and bestowed, on Fenius 
Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus. The former was respectable,? but wanting 
sn force of character, and quite unable to cope with his colleague, who was 
already notorious for that energetic wickedness which has since made his 
name proverbial. St. Paul’s Christian friends in Rome must have trem- 
bled to think of him as subject to the caprice of this most detestable of 
Nero’s satellites. It does not seem, however, that his situation was altered 
for the worse ; possibly he was never brought under the special notice of 
Tigellinus, who was too intent on court intrigues, at this period, to attend 
to so trifling a matter as the concerns of a Jewish prisoner. 

Another circumstance occurred about the same time, which seemed to 
threaten still graver mischief to the cause of Paul. This was the marriage 
of Nero to his adulterous mistress Poppza, who had become a proselyte 
to Judaism. This infamous woman, not content with inducing her para- 
mour to divorce his young wife Ovtavia, had demanded and obtained the 
death of her rival ; and had gloated over the head of the murdered vie- 
tim,‘ which was forwarded from Pandataria to Rome for her inspection. 
Her power seemed now to have reached its zenith, but rose still higher at 
the beginning of the following year, upon the birth of a daughter, when 
temples were erected to her and her infant,’ and divine honors paid them. 


1 Phil. 1. 12-14, 

* “Concessit vita Burrus, [so the name is spelt in the best MSS., not Burrhus] incer- 
tam valetudine an veneno.... Civitati grande desiderium ejus mansit, per memoriam 
virtutis, et successorum alterius segnem innocentiam, alterius flagrantissima flagitia 
et adulteria. Quippe Caesar duos Pretoriis cohortibus imposuerat, Fenium Rufum ex 
vulgi favyore,..... Sofonium Tigellinum veterem impudicitiam atque infamiam in eo 
secutus.”’ (Tac, Ann. xiy.51.) The death of Burrus was an important epoch in Nero’s 
reign. Tacitus tells us in the following chapter that it broke the power of Seneca 
(Mors Burri infregit Senecz potentiam) and established the influence of Tigellinus ; 
and from this period, Nero’s public administration became gradually worse and worse, 
till at length its infamy rivalled that of his private life. 

3 Fenius Rufus was afterwards executed for his share in Piso’s conspiracy (Tac. 
Ann. xv. 66, 68), in which he showed lamentable imbecility. 

4 “ Additur atrocior sevitia, quod caput amputatum latumque in urbem Poppa 
vidit.” (Tac. Ann. xiv. 64.) The account of Octavia’s fate in Tacitus is given with 
peculiar feeling. 

6 “ Natam sibi ex Poppa filiam Nero ultra mortale gaudium accepit” Tac. Ann 
xv 23). The temples to Popnwa are mentioned in a fragment of Dio. 


\ 


422 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST PAUL. 


We know from Josephus! that she exerted her influence over Nero in 
favour of the Jews, and that she patronised their emissaries at Rome; 
and assuredly no scruples of humanity would prevent her from seconding 
their demand for the punishment of their most detested antagonist. 

These changed circumstances fully account for the anticipations of an 
unfavourable issue to his trial, which we shall find St. Paul now express- 
ing ;7 and which contrast remarkably with the confident expectation of 
release entertained by him when he wrote the letter* to Philemon. 
When we come to discuss the trial of St. Paul, we shall see reason to be 
lieve that the providence of God did in fact avert this danger; but at 
present all things seemed to wear a most threatening aspect. Perhaps 
the death of Pallas‘ (which also happened this year) may be considered, 
on the other hand, as removing an unfavourable influence ; for, as the 
brother of Felix, he would have been willing to soften the Jewish accus- 
ers of that profligate governor, by co-operating with their designs against 
St. Paul. But his power had ceased to be formidable, either for good or 
evil, some time before his death. 

Meanwhile Epaphroditus was fully recovered from his sickness, and 
able once more to travel ; and he willingly prepared to comply with St. 
Paul’s request that he would return to Philippi. We are told that he 
was “ filled with longing” to see his friends again, and the more so when 
he heard that great anxiety had been caused among them by the news of 
his sickness.> Probably he occupied an influential post in the Philippian 
Church, and St. Paul was unwilling to detain him any longer from his 
duties there. He took the occasion of his return, to send a letter of 
orateful acknowledgment to his Philippian converts. 

It has been often remarked that this Epistle contains less of censure 
and more of praise than any other of St. Paul’s extant letters. It gives 
us a very high idea of the Christian state of the Philippians, as shown by 
the firmness of their faith under persecution,® their constant obedience 
and attachment to St. Paul,? and the liberality which distinguished them 
above all other Churches. They were also free from doctrinal errors, and 
no schism had as yet been created among them by the Judaizing party. 
They are warned, however, against these active propagandists, who were 
probably busy in their neighbourhood, or (at least) might at any time 
appear among them. The only blemish resorded as existing in the Church 


1 Josephus, Antig. xx. 7, speaks of Nero ty γυναικὶ Ποππαίᾳ, ϑεοσεθὴς γὰρ ἦν, 
υπὲρ των Ιουδαίων χαριζόμενος. This was on the occasion of the wall which the Jews 
puilt to intercept Agrippa’s view of the temple. They sent ambassadors to Rome, wha 
succeeded by Poppzea’s intercession in carrying their point. 

? Phil. ii. 17, and iii. 11. 3 Philem. 22, 23, 

4 Pallas was put to death by poison soon after the marriage of Poppaa, and “eodem 
anno.”’ Tac. xiv. 65. 

5 Phil. ii. 26 6 Phil. i. 28. 29. 7 Phil 15.121 & Phil. iv. 15, 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 494 


of Philippi is, that certain of its members were deficient in lowlincss of 
mind, and were thus led into disputes and altercations with their brethren. 
Two women of consideration amongst the converts, Euodia and Syntych 
by name, had been especially guilty of this fault ; and their variance was 
the more to be regretted, because they had both laboured earnestly for 
the propagation of the faith, St. Paul exhorts the Church with great 
solemnity and earnestness,! to let these disgraceful bickerings cease, and to 
be all “of one soul and one mind.” He also gives them very full particu- 
lars about his own condition, and the spread of the Gospel at Rome. He 
writes in a tone of most affectionate remembrance, and, while anticipat- 
ing the speedily approaching crisis of his fate, he expresses his faith, hope, 
and joy with peculiar fervency. 


THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS:.' 
I. 
1 Paci anp TrMorHEus, BONDSMEN OF JESUS CHRIST, TO Salutation. 
ALL Gop’s PEOPLE? IN Curist JESUS WHO ARE AT 
PHILIPPI, WITH THE BISHOPS 4 AND DEACONS.® 


2 Grace be to you and Peace, from God our Father, and 
from our Lord Jesus Christ. 


1 Phil. ii. 1, 2 and iv. 2. 

3 The following are the grounds of the date assigned to this Epistle :— 

(1) It was written during an imprisonment at Rome, because (A) the Pretorium 
(i. 13) was at Rome; (B) So was the emperor’s household (iv. 22); (c) He expected 
the immediate decision of his cause (i. 19. ii. 27), which could only have been given 
at Rome. 

(2) It was written during the first imprisonment at Rome, because (A) the mention 
_ of the Pretorium agrees with the fact that, during his first imprisonment, he was in 
the custody of the Pratorian Prefect; (8) His situation described (i. 12-14) agrees 
with his situation in the first two years of his imprisonment (Acts xxviii. 30, 31). 

(3) It was written towards the conclusion of this first imprisonment, because (A) he 
expects the immediate decision of his cause; (B) Enough time had elapsed for the 
Philippians to hear of his imprisonment, send Epaphroditus to him, hear of Epaphro- 
ditus’s arrival and sickness, and send back word to Rome of their distress (ii. 26). 

(4) It was written after Colossians and Philemon; both for the preceding reason 
and because Luke was no bonger at Rome, as he was when those were written ; other 
wise he would have saluted a Church in which he had laboured, and would have 
“ cared in earnest for their concerns ” (see ii. 20), 

3 For the translation of ἁγίοις, see note on 1 Cor. i. 2. 

4 "Επισκόποις. This term was at this early period applied to all the presbyters: see 
Vol. 1. p. 434. 

5 Διακόνοις : see Vol. I. p. 436. It is singular that the presbyters and deacona 
should be mentioned separately in the address of this Epistle only. It has been sug: 
gested that they had collected and forwarded the contribution sent by Epaphreditus. 


494 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §1. PAUL. 


Thanksgivings I' thank my God upon every remembrance of 3 
and prayers for . . . 
them. you, (continually in all my prayers making my 4 


supplication for you all? with joy), for your fellowship in for- 5 
warding the Glad-tidings, from the first day untilnow. And 6 
Iam confident accordingly,‘ that He who has begun a good 
work in you will perfect it, even until the day of Jesus Christ. 
And it is just that I should be thus mindful 5 of you all, because 7 
you have me in your hearts, and both in my imprisonment 
and in my defence and confirmation ὁ of the Glad-tidings, you 
all share in the grace’ bestowed upon me. God is my witness 8 
how I long after you all, in the affections of Christ Jesus. 

And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more and 9 
more, in true knowledge, and in all understanding, teaching 
you to distinguish 5 good from evil; that you may be pure, and 16 
may walk without? stumbling until the day of Christ ; being 11 
filled with the fruits of righteousness which are by Jesus 
Christ, unto the glory and praise of God. 


Intelligence of I would have you know, brethren, that the things 12 
his condition at " 7 
Rome, which have befallen me have tended rather to the 


furtherance than hindrance of the Glad-tidings. So that my 18 
chains have become well-known in the name of Christ, through- 
out the whole Pretorium,” and to all the" rest. And thus14 
most " of the brethren in the Lord, rendered confident by my 


1 Observe “ Paul and Timotheus” followed immediately by “I,” in confirmation of 
4he remarks in the note on 1 Thess. i. 2. 

2 The constant repetition of πάντες in connection with ὑμεῖς in this Epistle is re- 
markable. It seems as if St. Paul implied that he (at least) would not recognise any 
divisions among them. See above. 

3 Bic τὸ ev., not “in the Gospel” (A. V.). 

4 Αὐτὸ τοῦτο, accordingly ; compare 2 Cor. ii. ὃ and Gal. ii. 10. 

5 ΠΡοῦτο φρονεῖν ὑπὲρ refers to the preceding mention of his prayers for them. 

6 St. Paul defended his doctrine by his words, and confirmed it by his life. 

7 The grace or gift bestowed on St. Paul, and also on the Philippians, was the power 
of confirming the Gospel by their sufferings: compare χάριτος here with ἐχαρίσθη, 
verse 29. 

8 Compare Rom. ii. 18. 

® ᾿Απροσκοποὶ seems used here intransitively ; at 1 Cor. x. 32 it is active. 

10 Τῷ πραιτωρίῳ. For the explanation of this, see above, p. 416. We have sevn 
that St Paul was committed to the custody of the Prefectus Pretorio, and guarded 
by different Praetorian soldiers, who relieved one another. Hence his condition would 
be soon known throughout the Preetorian quarters. 

11 This expression is very obscure ; it may mean either to the Pretorian soldiers 
who guard me, and to all the rest of those who visit me; or to all the rest of the 
Pretorian Guards. The latter view gives the best sense, 

"5 ποὺς πλείονας, not “many” (A. V.). 


car 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 42 


chains, are very much emboldened to speak the Word fearless 
t5ly. Some, indeed, proclaim! Christ even out of envy and con 
tention :? but some, also, out of goodwill. These do it from 
16 love, knowing that I am appointed to defend the Glad-tidings ; 
17 but those declare Christ from a spirit of intrigue,‘ not sincerely, 
thinking to stir® up persecution against me in my imprison- 
igment. What then? nevertheless, every way, whether in pre- 
tence or in truth, the tidings of Christ are published; and 
19 herein I rejoice now, yea, and I shall rejoice hereafter. For I 
know that “these things® shall fall out to ηὺν salvation,” 1 
through your prayers, and through the supply of all my needs * 
20 by the spirit of Jesus Christ ; according to my earnest expec- 
tation and hope, that I shall in no wise be put to shame,® but 
that with all boldness, as at all other times, so now also, Christ 
will be magnified in my body, whether by my life or by my 
21death. For to me life is Christ, and death is gain. But whe- 
22 ther this life 10 in the flesh shall be the fruit of my labour, and 


1 Tov Χριστόν (observe the article, which seems to indicate that they were Jews, 
wko proclaimed Jesus as the Messiah). Κηρύσσειν is to proclaim (as a herald), 
καταγγέλλειν to declare tidings of (as a messenger). 

2 These were probably Judaizers. 

3 The order of verses 16 and 17 (as given in the best MSS.) is transposed in the 
Received Text. 

4 ᾿Εριθείας. See note on Rom. ii. 8. 

5 ᾿Βγείρειν, not ἐπιφέρειν, is the reading of the best MSS. The Judaizers probably, 
by professing to teach the true version of Christianity, and accusing Paul of teaching 
a false and anti-national doctrine, excited odium against him among the Christians of 
Jewish birth at Rome. 

6 Tooro, viz. the sufferings resulting from the conduct of these Judaizers. 

7 The words are quoted verbatim from Job xiii. 16 (LXX.). Yet perhaps St. Paul 
did not so much deliberately quote them, as use an expression which floated in his 
memory. 

8 Ἢ ἐπιχορηγία τοῦ χορηγοῦ would mean the supplying of all needs [of the chorus] 
by the Choregus. So 7 ἐπιχορηγία τοῦ πνεύματος means the suppiying of all needs 
[of the Christian] by the Spirit. Compare Eph. iy. 16, and Col. ii. 19. 

9 St. Paul was confident that his faith and hope would not fail him in the day of 
trial. Corapare Rom. v. 5 (ἡ ἐλπὶς οὐ καταισχύνει). He was looking forward to hia 
final hearing, as we have already seen, page 422. ᾿ 

i0 We punctuate this very difficult verse thus, εἰ δὲ τὸ ζὴν ἐν σαρκὶ τοῦτό μοι καρπὸς 
ἔργου, καὶ τὶ αἱρήσομαι, οὐ γνωρίζω, Literally, but whether this life in the flesh (com 
pare τὸ ϑνητὸν τοῦτο, 1 Cor. xv. 54, and 6 viv ζῶ ἐν σαρκὶ, Gal. il. 20) be my labour’s 
fruit, and what I shall choose, I know not. The A. VY. assumes an ellipsis after 
σαρκὶ of μοι προκεῖται, or something equivalent, and gives no inte!) gible meaning to 
καρπὸς ἔργου. On the other hand, De Wette’s translation, if life in the flesh —if this 
he my labour’s fruit, what I shall choose I know not, makes the καὶ redundant 
(which is not justified by the »xample he quotes, 2 Cor. ii. 2, where καὶ τίς is an em. 


whatic question, equivalent te quis tandem, who, I pray), and also supposes τοῦτ 
΄ 


£26 THE LIFE AND ZPISTLES OF sT. PAUL. 


what I should choose, I know not. For between the two I ain 93 
in perplexity ; having the desire to depart and be with Christ, 
which is far better; yet to remain in the flesh is more needful, 24 
for your sake. And in this confidence, I know that I shall re- 25 
main,’ and shall continue with you all, to your furtherance and 
joy in faith; that you may have more. abundant cause for 26 
your boasting’ in Christ Jesus on my account, by my presence 
again among you. 
Exhortationsto Only live worthy of the Glad-tidings of Christ, 27 
ance, concord, that whether I come and see you, οἱ be absent, I may 
hear concerning you, that you stand tirmly in one spi- 28 

rit, contending together with one mind for the faith of the Glad- 
tidings, and nowise terrified by its enemies ;‘ for their enmity 
is to them an evidence of perdition, but to you of salvation, 
and that from God. For to you it has been given, on behalf 29 
of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His 
sake; having the same conflict which once you saw® in me, 30 
and which now you hear that I endure. Il. 

If, then, you can be entreated*® in Christ, if you can be 1 
persuaded by love, if you have any fellowship in the Spirit, if 
you have any tenderness or compassion, I pray you make my 2 
joy full,7 be of one accord, filled with the same love, of one 
soul, of one mind. Do nothing in a spirit of intrigue * or van- 3 
ity, but in lowliness of mind let each account others above him- 
self. Seek not your private ends alone, but let every man seek 4 
likewise his neighbour’s good. 

Let this mind be in you, which was also in Christ Jesus; 5 


used in a way for which there is no analogy; because the instance quoted by him 
(Mark vii. 15) is not analogous, éxeiva there being exceedingly emphatic, “ these (I 
say),”” whereas in the τοῦτο here there is no special emphasis. Meyer’s interpretation 
is still more unsatisfactory, and equally fails to explain the τοῦτο and the kai. Beza’s 
translation “an vero vivere in carne mihi opere pretium sit, et quid eligam ignoro” 
comes nearest to that which we adopt; but he leaves out the 7 ὕτο, and there is ne 
analogy for rendering καρπὸς ἔργου by opere pretium. 

1 Μενῶ, shall remain, t. e. alive. 

3 Compare ἐν Χριστῷ καυχώμενοι (iii. 3). 3 See note on iii. 20. 

4 Compare ἀντικείμενοι πολλοὶ, 1 Cor. xvi. 9. 

5 They had seen him sent to prison, Acts xvi. 23. 

6 For παρακαλεῖν, meaning to entreat, see Matt. xviii. 32, and for παράμυθεισθαι, 
meaning to urge by persuasion or entreaty, see 1 Thess. ii. 11. 

7 The extreme earnestness of this exhortation ¢o unity shows that the Philippians 
were guilty of dissension; perhaps Euodia and Syntyche, whose opposition to each 
other is mentioned iv. 2, had partizans who shared their quarrel. 

8 "Ἐριεθεία, see above, i. 17. 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 427 


6 who, being in the form of God, thought it sot robbery to be 
7 equal with God, yet stripped,* Himself [of His glory) and 
took upon Him the torm of a slave,’ being changed‘ into the 
8 likeness of man. And having appeared in the guise of men, 
He abased himself and shewed obedience,’ even unto death, 
9 yea, death upon the cross. Wherefore God also exalted Him 
above measure, and gave Him the* name which is above every 
loname ; that in the name of Jesus, “every knee should bow,” τ of 
all who dwell in heaven, in earth, or under the earth, and every 
11 tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of 
God the Father. 
12 Wherefore, my beloved, as you have always obeyed me, not 
as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, 
‘3 work out your own salvation with fear and trembling ;8 for it 
1415 God who works in you both will and deed. Do all things 


1 Οὐχ ἀρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο. This very difficult expression clearly admits of the trans 
lation adopted ia the authorised version, from which therefore we have not thought it 
right to deviate. The majority of modern interpreters, however, take ἁρπαγμὸν 
ἡγεῖσθαι as equivalent to ἅρπαγμα ἡγεῖσθαι, a phrase which was used by some Greek 
writers (referred to by Wetstein), with the meaning to reckon a thing as a booty, to 
look on a thing as a robber would look on spoil. It is a considerable objection to 
this view, that it makes ἁρπαγμός (properly, the act of seizing) identical with dpray- 
μα (the thing seized); see Meyer, in loco. The authorised version is free from this 
objection, but it is liable to the charge of rendering the connection with the following 
verse less natural than the other interpretation. If the latter be correct, the transla- 
tion would be, He thought not equality with God a thing to be seized upon, i.e. 
though, essentially, even while on earth, He was in the form of God, yet He did 
not think fit to claim equality with God until He had accomplished His mission. 

2 Literally, emptied himself. 

3 The likeness of man was the form of a slave to Him, contrasted with the form 
of God which essentially belonged to Him. 

4 Literally, having become in the likeness, which in English is expressed by being 
changed into the likeness. 

5 He “showed obedience” to the laws of human society, to His parents, and to the 
civil magistrate ; and carried that self-humiliating obedience even to the point of sub- 
mitting to death, when He might have summoned “ twelve legions of angels” to His 
rescue. 

6 The best MSS. read τὸ ὑπέρ. 

7 Isaiah xly. 23 (LXX.), quoted Rom. xiv. 11. It is strange that this verse should 
often have been quoted as commanding the practice of bowing the head at the name 
of Jesus ; a practice most proper in itself, but not here referred to: what it really pre- 
scribes is, Xneeling in adoration of Him. 

8 We have already remarked that with anxiety and self-distrust is a nearer repre- 
sentation of the Pauline phrase, μετὰ φόθου καὶ τρόμου, than the literal English of the 
words with fear and trembling, as appears by the use of the same phrase, 1 Cor, 
ii, 3. 2 Cor. vii. 15. Eph. vi.5. The φόβος is a fear of Jailure, the τρόμος an 
rager anxiety. 


. 


$28 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


for the sake of goodwill,' without murmurings and disputings, 
that you may be blameless and guileless, the sons of God with- 14 
out rebuke, in the midst of “ὦ crooked and perverse genera- 
tion,” ? among whom ye shine like stars* in the world; holding 16 
fast the Word of Life; that you may give me ground of boast- - 
ing, even to the day of Christ, that I have not run in vain, nor 
laboured in vain. 


St. Paul’s ex- But‘ though my blood* be poured forth upon17 
pectations and aoe is ae ν᾿ 
intentions. the ministration of the sacrifice of your faith, I re- 


joice for myself, and rejoice with you all; and do ye likewise1s 
rejoice, both for yourselves and with me. But I hope in [8619 
Lord Jesus to send Timotheus to you® shortly, that I also may 
be cheered, by learning your state; for I have no other like- 20 
minded with me, who would care in earnest for your concerns ; 
for all seek their own, not the things of Jesus Christ. But you 21 
know? the trials which have proved his worth, and that, as ἃ 29 
son with a father, he has shared my servitude, to proclaim the 
Glad-tidings. Him, then, I hope to send without delay, as svon 23 
as I see how it will go with me; but I trust in the Lord that I 24 
also myself shall come shortly. 
Beier Dem. Epaphroditus, who is my brother and companion 25 
in labour and fellow-soldier, and your messenger to 
minister’ to my wants, I have thought it needful to send to you. 
For he was filled with longing for you all} and with sadness, 26 
because you had heard that he was sick. And, indeed, he had 27 
a sickness which brought him almost to death, but God had 
compassion on him; and not on him only but on me, that I 


1 Ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐδοκίας ‘has perplexed the interpreters, because they have all joined it 
with the preceding words. We put a stop after ἐνεργεῖν, and take εὐδοκία in the same 
sense as at i. 15 above and Luke ii. 14. It is strange that so clear and simple a con- 
struction, involving no alteration in the text, should not have been before suggested. 

3 Τέκνα μωμητὰ, γενεὰ σκολιὰ καὶ διεστραμμένη. Deut. xxxii. 5 (LXX.). The 
preceding ἀμώμητα alludes to this μωμητὰ. 

3 Φωστῆρες. Compare Gen.i.14. (LXX.) 

4 This but sees to connect what follows with i. 25, 26. 

5 Literally, I be poured forth. The metaphor is probably from the Jewish drink- 
offerings (Numbers xxviii. 7), rather than from the heathen libations. The heather 
converts are spoken of as a sacrifice offered up by St. Paul as the ministering priest 
in Rom. xv. 16. ν᾿ 

6 Ὕμῖν may be used for πρὸς ὑμᾶς. Cf. 1 Cor. iv. 17. 

τ Timotheus had laboured among them at the first. See Acts xvi. 

8 Δειτουργόν. Compare verse 30, λειτουργία: 


« 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 4920 


28 might not have sorrow upon sorrow. Therefore I have been - 
the more anxious to send him, that you may have the joy of 
seeing him again, and that I may have one sorrow the less 

29 Receive him, therefore, in the Lord, with all gladness, and hold 

30such men in honour; because his labour in the cause of Christ 
brought him near to death; for he hazarded? his life that he 
might supply all which you could not do,’ in ministering 
to me. 

III. Finally, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord. 

1 ‘To repeat the same‘ warnings is not wearisome Warning 


against Judai- 


2 to me, and it is safe for you. Beware of the Dogs,> zers, and ex- 


hortation ta 


beware of the Evil Workmen, beware of the Conci- perseverance in 
the Christian 


3sion. For we are the Circumcision, who worship ‘ce. 
God* with the spirit, whose boasting’? is in Christ Jesus, and 
4 whose confidence is not in the flesh. Although I might have 
confidence in the flesh also. If any other man thinks that he 
5 has ground of confidence in the flesh, [have more. Circum- 
cised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Ben 
6 jamin, a Hebrew of the Hebrews; As to the Law, a Pharisee; 
as to zeal a persecutor of the Church ; as to the righteousness 
7 of the Law, unblameable. But what once was gain to me, that 
8 I have counted loss for Christ. Yea, doubtless, and I count all 
things but loss, because all are nothing-worth in comparison ὃ 


1"Exewpa. The aorist used from the position of the reader, according to classical 
usage. 

3 TlapaboAevcduevog is the reading of the best MSS. 

3 The same expression is used of the messengers of the Corinthian Church. 1 Cor. 
xvi. 17. The English reader must not understand the A. V. “lack of service” to ccn- 
vey areproach. From this verse we learn that the illness of Epaphroditus was caused 
by some casualty of his journey, or perhaps by over-fatigue. 

4 Literally, to write the same to you. St. Paul must here refer either to some pre- 
vious Epistle to the Philippians (now lost), or to his former conversations with them. 

5 The Judaizers are here described by three epithets: “the dogs” because of their 
uncleanness (of which that animal was the type: compare 2 Pet. ii. 22); “the evil 
workmen” (not equivalent to ‘ evil workers’’) for the same reason that they are called 
“ deceitful workmen” in 2 Cor. xi. 13 ; and “the concision”’ to distinguish them from 
the true circumcision, the spiritual Israel. 

6 We retain Θεῷ here, with the Textus Receptus, and a minority of MSS., because 
of the analogy of Rom. i. 9 (see note there). The true Christians are here described 
by contrast with the Judaizers, whose worship was the carnal worship of the temple, 
whose boasting was in the law, and whose confidence was in the circumcision of their 
fiesh. 

Apparently alluding to Jer. ix. 24, “ He that boasteth let him boast in the Lord,’ 
which is quoted 1 Cor. i. $1, and 2 Cor. x. 7. 

5. Literally, because of the supereminence vs the knowledge of Christ, i e. t2rause 

‘ne knowledge of Christ surpasses all things else. 


480 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


with the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord ; for whom I have 
suffered the loss of all things, and count them but as dung, that 

I may gain Christ, and be found in Him; not havint my own ¢ 
righteousness of the Law, but the righteousness of faith in 
Christ, the righteousness which God bestows on Faith ;: that 116 
may know Him, and the power of His resurrection, and the 
fellowship of Ilis sufferings, sharing the likeness of His death ; 
if by any means I might attain to the resurrection from the 11 
dead. 

Not that I have already won,’ or am already perfect; but12 
I press onward, if, indeed, I might lay hold on that, for which 
Christ also laid hold on me.?' Brethren, I count not myself to12 
have laid hold thereon ; but this one thing I do—forgetting that 
which is behind, and reaching‘ forth to that which is before, 114 
press onward towards the mark, for the prize of God's heavenly 
zalling in Christ Jesus. 

Let us all, then, who are ripe® in understanding, be thus 15 
minded ; and if in anything you are otherwise minded, that 
also shall be revealed to you by God [in due time]. Neverthe- 16 
less, let us walk according to that which we have attained.® 

Brethren, be imitators of me with one consent, and mark 17 
those who walk according to my example. Jor many walk, ofig 
whom I told you often in times’ past, and now tell you even 
weeping, that they are “the enemies® of the cross of Christ ; 


ι Ἔκ Θεοῦ, which God bestows, ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει, on condition of faith. Compare 
ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει, Acts iii. 16. 

2*EAabov sc. τὸ βραβεῖον (v. 14). Compare 1 Cor ix. 24, Οὕτω τρέχετε ἵνα κατα- 
λάβητε. It is unfortunate that in A. V. this is translated by the same verb attain, 
which is used for καταντήσω in the preceding verse, so as to make it seem to refer toa 
that. 

3 Our Lord had “ laid hold on” Paul, in order to bring him to the attainment of 
“the prize of God's heavenly calling.” ᾿Ιησοῦ is omitted by the best MSS. 

4 The image is that of the runner in a foot race, whose body is bent forward in the 
direction towards which he runs. See beginning of Chap. XX. 

5 The translation in A. V. of τετελείωμαι (verse 12) and τέλειοι by the same word, 
makes St. Paul seem to contradict himself. Τέλειος is the antithesis of νήπιος. Com- 
pare 1 Cor. xiv. 20. 

6 See Winer, ὃ 45,7. The precept is the same given Rom. xiv. 5. The words 
κανόνι τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν are omitted in the best MSS. 

1 "Ἔλεγον. Literally, I used to tell you. 

8 For the construction of τοὺς ἐχθρούς, compare τὴν ζωήν, 1 John ii. 25. The per- 
sons meant were men who led licentious lives (like the Corinthian free-thinkers), and 
they are called ‘ enemies of the cross’? because the cross was the symbol of mortifica 
tion. 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 431 


19 whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose 
glory is in their shame; whose mind is set on earthly things. 

20 For my life? abides in heaven, from whence also I look for a 

21Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ; who shall change my vile‘ 
body into the likeness of His glorious body; according to the 

Iv working whereby He is able even to subdue all things unto 

1 Himself. Therefore my brethren, dearly beloved and longed 
for, my joy and crown, so stand fast in the Lord, my dearly 
beloved. 

2  Iexhort Euodia, and I exhort Syntyche,* to be Euoaia ana 


Syntyche must 


3 of one mind in the Lord. Yea, and I beseech thee νὰ reconciled. 
also, my true yoke-fellow,® to help them [to be reconciled] ; for 
they strove earnestly in the work of the Glad-tidings with me, 
together with Clemens? and my other fellow-labourers, whose 
names are in the Book® of Life. 

4 Rejoice in the Lord at all times. Again will® I Exhortation to 


ae . rejoice in tri- 
5 say, rejoice. Let your forbearance be known to all bulation, ana 
to loye and fok 


6 men. The" Lord is at hand. Let no care trouble low goodness. 
you, but in all things, by prayer and supplication with thanks- 


1 Cf. Rom. xvi, 18. 

3 TloAcrevua must not be translated citizenship (as has been proposed), which would 
be πολιτεία (cf. Acts xxii. 28). Πολιτεύεσθαι means to perform the functions of 
civil life, and is used simply for ¢o live; see Acts xxiii. 1, and Phil. i. 27. Hence 
πολίτευμα means the tenor of life. It should be also observed that dzdpyer is more 
than ἐστί. 

3 Ἔξ od. See Winer xxi. 2. 

4 Literally, the body of my humiliation. 

5 These were two women (see αὐταῖς, verse 3, which is mistranslated in A. V.) who 
were at variance. a 

6 We have no means of knowing who was the person thus addressed. Apparently 
some eminent Christian at Philippi, to whom the Epistle was to be presented in the 
irst instance. The old hypothesis (mentioned by Chrysostom) uhat Σύζυγος is a proper 
name, is not without plausibility ; “quiet re et nomine Σύζυγος es.’”? (Gomarus, in 
Poli Synops.) 

7 We learn from Origen (Comm. on John i. 29) that this Clemens (commonly called 
Clement) was the same who was afterwards Bishop of Rome, and who wrote the Epis- 
tles to the Corinthians which we have before referred to (p. 155). Eusebius quotes the 
following statement concerning him from Irenseus: Τρίτῳ τύπῳ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων 
τὴν ἐπισκόπην κληροῦται Κλήμης, ὁ καὶ ἑωρακὼς τοὺς μακαρίους ἀποστόλους καὶ συμῦε- 
δληκὼς [ (2) συμϑεθιωκὼς αὐτοῖς. (Hist. Eccl. v. 6.) It appears from the present 
passage that he had formerly laboured successfully at Philippi. 

8 Compare βίβλου ζώντων, Ps. lxix. 28. (LXX.), and also Luke x. 20 and Heb 
xii. 23. 

9 ’Epo is future. He refers to iii. 1. 

10 They are exhorted to be joyful under persecution, and show gentleness to their 
persecutors, because the Lord’s coming would soon deliver them from all their affie 
tions. Compare note on 1 Cor. xvi. 22 


439 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF Β1. PAUL. 


giving, let your requests be made known to God. And the ἢ 
peace of God, which passeth all understanding, shall keep ' your 
hearts and minds in Christ Jesus. Finally, brethren, whatso- 8 
ever is true, whatsoever is venerable, whatsoever is just, what- 
soever is pure, whatsoever is endearing, whatsoever is of good 
report,—if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise—be 
‘such the objects of your? esteem. _ That which you were taught 9 
and learned, and which you heard and saw in me,—be that 
your practice. So shall the God of peace be with you. 


Liberality of | I rejoiced in the Lord greatly when I found that1 
the Philippian ἢ 
Chureh. now, after so long a time, your care for me had borne 


fruit again ;* though your care indeed never failed, but you 
lacked opportunity. Not that I speak as if I were in want; for11 
I+ have learnt, in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be con- 
tent. I can bear either abasement or abundance. In all2 
things, and amongst all men, I have been taught the lesson, to 
be full or to be hungry, to want or to abound. I can do all 
things, in Him® who strengthens my heart. Nevertheless, you1s 
have done well, in contributing to the help of my affliction. 14 
And you know yourselves, Philippians, that,in the beginning 15 
of the Glad-tidings, after I had left Macedonia,’ no Church 
communicated with me on account of giving and receiving, 
but you alone. For even while I was still in Thessalonica,$ 10 
you sent once and again to relieve my need. Not that I seek 17 
your gifts, but I seek the fruit which accrues therefrom, to your 
account. But I have all which I require, and more than I re-18 
quire. Iam fully supplied, having received from Epaphrodi- 
tus your gifts, “An odour of sweetness,” » an acceptable sacrifice 
well pleasing to God. And your own needs” shall be all sup-19 
plied by my God, in the fulness of His glorious riches in Christ 
Jesus. Now to our God and Father be glory unto the ages of 20 
ages. Amen. 


1 Φρουρήσει, literally, garrison. 

* Λογίζεσθε. Literally, reckun these things in account. Compare οὐ λογίξεται τὸ 
κακόν, 1 Cor. xiii. 5. 

3 The literal meaning of ἀναθάλλω is to put forth fresh shoots, 


4 This “1” is emphatic (ἔγω). 5 Μεμύημαι, initiatus sum. 
6 Χριστῷ is omitted in the best MSS. For ἐνδυναμ. ef. Rom. iy. 20. 
7 Compare 2 Cor. xi. 9 and Vol. I. p. 389. 8 See Vol. I. p. 329. 


9 Gen. viii. 21. (LXX.). ᾿Ωσφράνθη ὁ θεὸς ὌΣΜΗΝ ’EYQAIAZ: compare alse 
‘Levit. i. 9 and Eph. v. 2. 
μὴ The ὑμῶν is emphatic. 


CONVERTS IN THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD. 452 


1 Salute all God’s people in Christ Jesus. The salutations. 
brethren who are with! me salute you. 

22 All God’s people here salute you, especially those who be 
long to the house of Ceesar.’ 


23 “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your Autograph 
auf . benediction. 
spirits.® 


The above Epistle gives us an unusual. amount of information con- 
cerning the personal situation of its writer, which we have already endea 
voured to incorporate into our narrative. But nothing in it is more sug- 
gestive than St. Paul’s allusion to the Praetorian guards, and to the 
converts he had gained in the household of Nero. He tells us (as we 
have just read) that throughout the Praetorian quarters he was well 
known as a prisoner for the cause of Christ,‘ and he sends special saluta- 
tions to the Philippian Church from the Christians in the Imperial house- 
hold. These notices bring before us very vividly the moral contrasts by 
which the Apostle was surrounded. The soldier to whom he was chained 
to-day might have been in Nero’s body-guard yesterday ; his comrade 
who next relieved guard upon the prisoner, might have been one of the 
executioners of Octavia, and might have carried her head to Poppxa a 
few weeks before. Such were the ordinary employments of the fierce 
and blood-stained veterans who were daily present, like wolves in the 
midst of sheep, at the meetings of the Christian brotherhood. If there 
were any of these soldiers not utterly hardened by a life of cruelty, their 
hearts must surely have been touched by the character of their prisoner, 
brought as they were into so close a contact with him. They must have 
been at least astonished to see a man, under such circumstances, so utterly 
careless of selfish interests, and devoting himself with an energy so unae- 
countable to the teaching of others. Strange indeed to their ears, fresh 
from the brutality of a Roman barrack, must have been the sound of 
Christian exhortation, of prayers, and of hymns ; stranger still, perhaps, 
the tender love which bound the converts to their teacher and to one 
another, and showed itself in every look and tone. 

1 This of σὺν ἐμοὶ, distinguished from πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι in the next verse, seems to de- 


note St. Paul’s special attendants, such as Aristarchus, Epaphras, Demas, Timotheua, 
ἄς. Cf. Gal. i. 2. 

2 These members of the imperial household were probably slaves; so the same ex- 
pression is used by Josephus (Ant. xviii. 5, 8). If St. Paul was at this time confined 
in the neighbourhood of the Praetorian quarters attached to the palace, we can more 
readily account for the conversion of some of those who lived in the buildings imme- 
diately contiguous. 

3 The majority of the uncial MSS. read πνεύματος, and omit the ἀμήν, 

45 5 iv. 22, 


ΤΌΣ 11 Ὁ 


484 THE (LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 851. PAUL. 


But if the agents of Nero’s tyranny scem out of place in such a scene, 
atill more repugnant to the assembled worshippers must have been the in- 
struments of his pleasures the ministers of his lust, Yet some even among 
these, the depraved servants of the palace, were redeemed from their de- 
gradation by the Spirit of Christ, which spoke to them in the words of 
Paul. How deep their degradation was, we know from authentic records, 
We are not left to conjecture the services required from the attendants of 
Nevo. The ancient historians have polluted their pages’ with details of 
infamy which no writer in the languages of Christendom may dare to re- 
peat. Thus, the very immensity of moral amelioration wrought, operates 
to disguise its own extent ; and hides from inexperienced eyes the gulf 
which separates heathenism from Christianity. Suffice it to say that the 
courtiers of Nero were the spectators, and the members of his household 
the instruments, of vices so monstrous and so unnatural, that they shocked 
even the men of that generation, steeped as it was in every species of ob- 
scenity. But we must remember that many of those who took part in 
such abominations were involuntary agents, forced by the compulsion of 
slavery to do their master’s bidding. And the very depth of vileness in 
which they were plunged, must have excited in some of them an indignant 
disgust and revulsion against vice. Under such feelings, if curiosity led 
them to visit the Apostle’s prison, they were well qualified to appreciate 
the purity of its moral atmosphere. And there it was that some of these 
unhappy bondsmen first tasted of spiritual freedom ; and were prepared 
to brave with patient heroism the tortures under which they soon? were 
destined to expire in the gardens of the Vatican. ᾿ 

History has few stranger contrasts than when it shows us Paul 
preaching Christ under the walls of Nero’s palace. Thenceforward, there 
were but two religions in the Roman world ; the worship of the Emperor 
and the worship of the Saviour. The old superstitious had been long 
worn out ; they had lost all hold on educated minds. There remained to 
civilised heathens no other worship possible but the worship of power ; 
and the incarnation of power which they chose was, very naturally, the 
Sovereign of the world. This, then, was the ultimate result of the noble 
intuitions of Plato, the methodical reasonings of Aristotle, the pure mo- 
rality of Socrates. All had failed, for want of external sanction and 
authority. The residuum they left was the philosophy of Epicurus, and 
the religion of Nerolatry. But anew doctrine was already taught in the 
Forum, and believed even on the Palatine. Over against the altars of 
Nero and Poppea, the voice of a prisoner was daily heard, and daily woke 


> See Tacitus Ann. xv. 37. Dio xiii. 13, and especially Suetonius, Nero, 28, 29. 

? The Neronian persecution, in which such vast multitudes of Christians perished, 
occurred in the summer of 64 Ap., that is, within less than two years of the time when 
the Epistle to Philippi was written. See the next Chanter. 


CONVERTS IN THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD. 488 


in grovelling souls the consciousness of their divine destiny. Mea listered, 
and knew that self-sacrifice was better than ease, humiliation more vx: 
alted than pride, to suffer nobler than to reign. They felt that the only 
religion which satisfied the needs of man was the religion of sorrow, the 
religion of sclf-devotion, the religion of the cross. 

There are some amongst us now who think that the doctrine whiek 
Paul preached was a retrograde movement in the course of humanity ; 
there are others who, with greater plausibility, acknowledge that it was 
useful in its season, but tell us that it is now worn out and obsolete. The 
former are far more consistent than the latter ; for both schools of infi- 
delity agree in virtually advising us to return to that effete philosophy 
which had been already tried and found wanting, when Christianity was 
winning the first triumphs of its immortal youth. This might well surprise 
us, did we not know that the progress of human reason in the paths ot 
ethical dizcovery is merely the progress of a man in a treadmill, doomed 
for ever to retrace his own steps. Had it been otherwise, we might have 
hoped that mankind could not again be duped by an old and useless re- 
medy, which was compounded and recompounded in every possible shape 
and combination, two thousand years ago, and at last utterly rejected by 
a nauseated world. Yet for this antiquated anodyne, disguised under a 
new lahel, many are once more bartering the only true medicine that can 
heal the diseases of the soul. 

For such mistakes there is, indeed, no real cure, except prayer to Him 
who giveth sight to the blind ; but a partial antidote may be supplied by 
the history of the Imperial Commonwealth. The trae wants of the 
Apostolic age can best be learned from the annals of Tacitus. There 
men may still see the picture of that Rome to which Paul preached ; and 
thence they may comprehend the results of civilisation without Christi- 
anity, and the impotence of a moral philosophy destitute of supernatural 
attestation.! 

1 Had Arnold lived to complete his task, how nobly would his history of the Em- 


pire have worked out this great argument! His indignant abhorrence of wickedness 
and his ent)usiastic love of moral beauty, made him worthy of such a theme. 


426 "HE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUT. 


CHAPTER XXVIL. 


Ἐπὶ «τὸ τέρμα τῆς δυσεως ἐλθὼν, καὶ μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὗ" wf 
ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου. (Clem. Rom. i. cap. 5.) 


AVTHORITIES FOR ST. PAUL’S SUBSEQUENT HISTORY.—HIS APPEAL IS HEARD.—HIS AUQUII- 
TAL.—HE GOES FROM ROME TO ASIA MINOR.—THENCE TO SPAIN, WHERE HE RESIDES 
TWO YEARS.—HE RETURNS TO ASIA MINOR AND MACEDONIA.—WRITES 7HE FIRS? 
EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.—VISITS CRETE.—WRITES THE EPISTLE TO TITUS.—HE WIN 
TERS AT NICOPOLIS.—HE IS AGAIN IMPRISONED AT ROME.—PROGRESS OF HIS TRIAL.— 
HE WRITES THE SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.—HIS CONDEMNATION AND DEATH, 


We have already remarked that the light concentrated upon that portion 
of St. Paul’s life which is related in the latter chapters of the Acts, 
makes darker by contrast the obscurity which rests upon the remainder of 
his course ‘The progress of the historian who attempts to trace the 
footsteps of the Apostles beyond the limits of the Scriptural narrative 
must, at best, be hesitating and uncertain. It has heen compared! to 
the descent of one who passes from thé clear sunshine which rests upon a 
mountain’s top into the mist which wraps its side. But this is an inade- 
quate comparison ; for such a wayfarer loses the daylight gradually, and 
experiences no abrupt transition, from the bright prospect and the dis- 
tinctness of the onward path, into darkness and bewilderment. Our case 
should rather be compared with that of the traveller on the Chinese fron- 
tier, who has just reached a turn in the valley along which his course has 
led him, and has come to a point whence he expected to enjoy the view of 
a new and brilliant landscape ; when he suddenly finds all farther pros- 
pect cut off by an enormous wall, filling up all the space between preci- 
pices on either hand, and opposing a blank and insuperable barrier to his 
onward progress. And if a chink here and there should allow some 
glimpses of the rich territory beyond, they are only enough to tantalise, 
without gratifying his curiosity. 
Doubtless, however, it was a Providential design which has thus limited 
ut knowledge. The wall of separation, which for ever cuts off the 
Apostolic age from that which followed it, was built by the hand of God, 
That age of miracles was not to be revealed to us as passing by any gra- 
dual transition into the common life of the Church ; it was intentionally 


1 The comparison occurs somewhere in Arnold’s works. 


EVIDENCE IN FAVOUR OF HIS LIBERATION. 437 


isoka ed from all succeeding time, that we might learn to appreciate more 
rully its extraordinary character, and see, by the sharpness of the ab- 
ruptest contrast, the difference between the human and the divine. 

A few faint rays of light, however, have been permitted to penetrate 
beyond the dividing barrier, and of these we must make the best use we 
ean: for it is now our task to trace the history of St. Paul beyond the 
period where the narrative of his fellow-traveller so suddenly terminates. 
The only cotemporary materials for this purpose are his own letters to 
Titus and Timotheus, and a single sentence of his disciple, Clement of 
Rome ; and during the three centuries which followed we can gather but 
a few scattered and unsatisfactory notices from the writers who have 
handed down to us the traditions of the Church. 

The great question which we have to answer concerns the termination 
of that long imprisonment whose history has occupied the preceding 
Chapters. St. Luke tells us that St. Paul remained under military 
custody in Rome for ‘‘two whole years” (Acts xxviii. 16 and 30) ; but 
he does not say what followed, at the close of that period. Was it ended, 
we are left to ask, by the Apostle’s condemnation and death, or by his 
acquittal and liberation? Although the answer to this question has been 
a subject of dispute in modern times, no doubt was entertained about it by 
the ancient church.* It was universally believed that St. Paul’s appeal to 
Cesar terminated successfully ; that he was acquitted of the charges laid 
against him ; and that he spent some years in freedom before he was again 
imprisoned and condemned. ‘The evidence on this subject, though (as we 
have said) not copious, is yet conclusive so far as it goes, and it is all one 
way. 

The most important portion of it is supplied by Clement, the diseiple 
of St. Paul, mentioned Phil. iv. 3,5 who was afterwards Bishop of Rome. 


1 Numerous explanations have been attempted of the sudden and abrupt termination 
of the Acts, which breaks off the narrative of St. Paul’s appeal to Cwxsar (up to that 
point so minutely detailed) just as we are expecting its conclusion. The most plau- 
sible explanations are (1) That Theophilus a/ready knew of the conclusion of the 
Roman imprisonment ; whether it was ended by St. Paul’s death or by his liberation. 
(2) That St. Luke wrote before the conclusion of the imprisonment, and carried his 
narrative up to the point at which he wrote. But neither of these theories is fully 
satisfactory. We may take this opportunity to remark that the ἔμεινε and ἀπεδέχετο 
(Acts xxviii. 30) by no means imply (as Wieseler asserts, p. 398, 399) that a changed 
state of things had succeeeled to that there described. In writing historically, the his 
torical tenses would be used by an ancient writer, even though (when he wrote) the 
events described by him were still going on. 

* If the Epistle to the Hebrews was written by St. Paul, it proves conclusively that 
he was liberated from his Roman imprisonment; for its writer is in Jtaly, and at 
liberty. (Heb. xiii. 23, 24.) But we are precluded from using this as an argumert, 
in consequence of the doubts concerning the authorship of that Epistle. See the next 
Chapter. 

9 Jor the identity of St. Paui’s disciple Clemens, with Clemens Romanus, sce tb: 


438 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


This author, writing from Rome to Corinth, expressly asserts that Paul 
had preached the Gospel “IN THE EAST AND IN THE weEsT ;” that “he hae 
instructed the wholz world. [i.e. the Roman Empire, which was commonly 
go called] in righteousness ;” and that he “had gone to ΤῊΒ EXTREMITY OF 
tue west” before his martyrdom.' 

Now, in a Roman author, the extremity of the West could mean nothing 
short of Spain, and the expression is often used by Roman writers to de 
note Spain. Here, then, we have the express testimony of St. Paul’s owr 
disciple that he fulfilled his original intention (mentioned Pom. xv. 24- 
28) of visiting the Spanish peninsula ; and consequently that he was 
liberated from his first imprisonment at Rome. 

The next piece ef evidence which we possess on the «ject is con- 
tained in the canon of the New Testament, compiled by an unknown 
Christian about the year a.p. 170, which is known as Muratori’s Canon. 
In this document i+ is said, in the account of the Acts of the Apostles, that 
“ Luke relates to Theophilus events of which he was an eye-witness, as also, in 
a separate place (semote) | viz. Luke xxii. 31-83], he evadently Ceclares the 
martyrdom of Peter, but [omits] THE sourNEY or PavL FRom RoME To 
Spain.” ? 

In the next place, Eusebius tells us, “after defending himself success- 
fully it is currently reported that the Apostle agavn went forth to proclarm 
the Gospel, and afterwards came to Rome a second tvme, and was martyred 
under Nero. 

Next we have the statement of Chrysostom, who mentions it as an 
undoubted historical fact, that “‘ St. Paul after his residence in Rome 
departed to Spain.” 4 


note on Phil. iv. 3. We may add that even those who doubt this identity achuowledge 
that Clemens Romanus wrote in the first century. 

1 Παῦλος. . . κῆρυξ γενόμενος ἐν τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν TH δύσει, τὸ γένναιον τῆς 
πίστεως αὐτοῦ κλέος ἔλαζεν' δικαιοσύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον καὶ [ἐπὶ] τὸ τέρμα 
τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν καὶ μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου. 
(Clem. Rom. i. chap. v.) We need scarcely remark upon Wieseler’s proposal to trans- 
late τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως the Sovereign of Rome! Thatingenious writer has been here 
evidently misled by his desire to wrest the passage (quocunque modo) into conformity 
with his theory. Schrader translates μαρτυρήσας “having been martyred there,” and 
then argues that the extremity of the West cannot mean Spain, because St. Paul waa 
not martyred in Spain; but his “there ” is a mere interpolation of his own. 

2 The words of this fragment are as follows: Acta autem omnium apostolorum sub 
uno libro scripta sunt. Lucas optime Theophilo conprindit [comprehendit] quia 
[que] sub presentia ejus singula gerebantur, sicuti et semote passionem Petri eviden- 
ter declarat, sed profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam proficiscentis [cmittit]. 
For an account of this fragment, see Routh’s Reliquiw Sacra, vol. iv. p. 1-12. 

3 The words of Eusebius are, τότε μὲν οὖν ἀπολογησώμενον αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ κηρυγ- 
ματος διακονίαν λόγος ἔχει στείλασθαι τὸν ἀπόστολον, δεύτερον δ᾽ ἐπίθαντα τῇ αὐτ 
πύλει τῷ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν [Νέρωνα] τελειωθῆναι μαρτυρίῳ. (Hist. Eccl. ii. 22.) 

4 Μετὰ τὸ γένεσθαι ἐν ‘Popp, πάλιν εἰς τὴν Σπανίαν ἀπῆλθεν. Ei δὲ ἐκεῖθε, 


EVIDENCE IN FAVOUR OF HIS LIBERATION. 439 


About the same time St. Jerome bears the same testimony, saying 
that “Paul was dismissed by Nero, that he might preach Christ's Gospel ia 
the West.” } 

Against this unanimous testimony of the primitive Church there is ne 
external evidence* whatever to oppose. ‘Those who doubt the liberation 
of St Paul from his imprisonment are obliged to resort to a gratuitous 
hypothesis, or te inconclusive arguments from probability. Thus they try 
to account for the tradition of the Spanish journey, by the arbitrary sup- 
position that it arose from a wish to represent St. Paul as having fulfilled 
his expressed intentions (Rom. xv. 19) of visiting Spain. Or they say 
that it is improbable Nero would have liberated St. Paul after he haé 
fallen under the influence of Poppa, the Jewish proselyte, Or, lastly, 
they urge, that, if St. Paul had really been liberated, we must have had 
some account of his subsequent labours. The first argument needs no 
answer, being a mere hypothesis. The second, as to the probability of 
the matter, may be met by the remark that we know far too little of the 
circumstances, and of the motives which weighed with Nero, to judge how 
he would have been likely to act in the case. To the third argument we 
may oppose the fact, that we have no account whatever of St. Paul’s 
labours, toils, and sufferings, during several, of the most active years of 
his life, and only learn their existence by a casual allusion in a letter to 
the Corinthians (2 Cor. xi. 24, 25). Moreover, if this argument be worth 
any thing, it would prove that none of the Apostles except St. Paul took 
any part whatever in the propagation of the Gospel after the first few 
years ; since we have no testimony to their subsequent labours at all more 
definite than that which we have above quoted concerning the work of 
St. Paul after his liberation. 


πάλιν εἰς ταῦτα τὰ μέρη [viz. to the eastern part of the empire; it does not imply a 
doubt of his return to Rome], οὐκ ἴσμεν. (Chrysost. on 2 Tim. iv. 20.) 

1 Sciendum est .... Paulum a Nerone dimissum, ut evangelium Christi in Oeci- 
dentis quoque partibus preedicaret. (Hieron. Catal. Script.) 

? It has indeed been urged that Origen knew nothing of the journey to Spain, be- 
cause Eusebius tells us that he speaks of Paul “ preaching from Jerusalem to Tlyri- 
cum,”’—a manifest allusion to Rom. xv.19. It is strange that those who use this argu- 
ment should not have perceived that they might, with equal justice, infer that Origen 
was ignorant of St. Paul’s preaching at Malta. Still more extraordinary is it to find 
Wieseler relying on the testimony of Pope Innocent I., who asserts (in the true spirit 
of the Papacy) that “all the churches in Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, Sicily, and the 
interjacent islands, were founded by emissaries of St. Peter or his successors :” an 
assertion manifestly contradicting the Acts of the Apostles, and the known history of 
the Gallican Church, and made by a writer of the fifth century! It has been alsa 
argued by Wieseler that Eusebius and Chrysostom were led to the hypothesis of a 
second imprisonment by their mistaken view of 2 Tim. iv. 20. But it is equally 
probable that they were led to that view of the passage by their previous belief in the 
tradition of the second imprisonment. Nor is their view of that passage untenable 
thongh we think it mistaken. 


440 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


But farther, unless we are prepared to dispute the genuineness of the 
Pastoral Epistles,! we must admit not only that St. Paul was liberated 
‘from his Roman imprisonment, but also that he continued his Apostolic 
labours for at least some years afterwards. It is now admitted, by nearly 
all those who are competent to decide on such a question,’ first, that the 
historical facts mentioned in the Epistles to Timotheus and Titus, cannot 
be placed in any portion of St. Paul’s life before or during his first impri- 
sonment in Rome ; and, secondly) that the style in which those Epistles 
are written, and the condition of the Church described in them, forbids the 
supposition of such a date. Consequently, we must acknowledge (unless 
we deny the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles) that after St. Paul’s 
Roman imprisonment he was travelling at liberty in Ephesus,’ Crete,‘ 
Macedonia,’ Miletus,* and Nicopolis,’ and that he was afterwards a second 
time in prison at Rome.® 

But, when we have suid this, we have told nearly all that we know οἱ 
the Apostle’s personal history, from his liberation to his death. We can- 
not fix with certainty the length of the time which intervened, nor the 
order in which he visited the different places where he is recorded to have 
laboured. The following data, however, we have. In the first place his 
martyrdom is universally said to have occurred® in the reign of Nero. 
Secondly, Timotheus was still a young man (i. 6. young for the charge 
committed to him) 15 at the time of Paul’s second imprisonment at Rome. 
Thirdly, the three Pastoral Episties were written within afew months of 
one another." Fourthly, their style differs so much from the style of the 
earlier Epistles, that we must suppose as long an interval between their 
date and that of the Epistle to Philippi as is consistent with the preceding 
conditions. 

These reasons concur in leading us to fix the last year of Nero as that 
of St. Paul’s martyrdom. And this is the very year assigned to it by 
Jerome, and the next to that assigned by Eusebius ; the two earliest 
writers who mention the date of St. Paul’s death at all. We have already 
seen that St. Paul first arrived in Rome in the Spring of a.v. 61: we 
therefore have, on our hypothesis, an interval of five years, between the 
period with which St. Luke concludes (a.p. 68), and the Apostle’s mar- 

1 For the proof of this date of the Pastoral Epistles, see the note on the subject in 
the Appendix. 

? Dr. Davidson is an exception, and has summed up all that can be said on the 
opposite side of the question with his usual ability and fairness. With regard to 
Wieseler, see the note in the Appendix, above referred to. 

2.1 Tim, i. 3. 4 Titus i. 5. $1 Tim: 13. 

© 2 Tim. iv. 20. 7 Titus iii. 12. Bix “Tims 1. 10. 17. 

® See the references to Tertullian, Eusebius, Jerome, &c., given below, ir a note 
near the close of this chapter. 


10 1 Tim. iii, 2. 2 Tim. ii. 22. 
1 See the note on the date of the Pastoral Epistles, in the Appendix. 


HIS TRIAL. 441 


tyrdom.! And the grounds above mentioned lead us to the conclusion 
that this interval was occupied in the following manner. 

In the first place, after the long delay, which we have before endea 
voured to explain, St. Paul’s appeal came on for hearing before the 
Emperor. The appeals from the provinces in civil causes were heard, 
not by the Emperor himself, but by his delegates, who were persons of 
consular rank: Augustus had appointed one such delegate to hear appeals 
from each province respectively.” But criminal appeals appear gencrally 
to have'been heard by the Emperor in person,’ assisted by his council of 
assessors, ‘Tiberius and Claudius had usually sat for this purpose in the 
Forum ;‘ but Nero, after the example of Augustus, heard these causes in 
the Imperial Palace,> whose ruins still crown the Palatine. Here, at one 
end of a splendid hall,’ lined with the precious marbies? of Egypt and of 
Lybia, we must imagine the Cesar seated, in the midst of his Assessors. 
These councillors, twenty in number, were men of the highest rank and 
greatest influence. Among them were the two Consuils,* and selected 
representatives of each of the other great magistracies of Rome2 The 
remainder consisted of senators chosen by lot. Over this distinguished 
bench of judges presided the representative of the most powerful monarchy 
which has ever existed,—the absolute ruler of the whole civilized world. 
But the reverential awe which his position naturally suggested, was 


1 The above data show us the necessity of supposing as long an interval as possible 
between St. Paul’s liberation and las second imprisonment. Therefore we must as- 
sume that his appeal was finally decided at the end of the “two years” mentioned in 
Acts xxviii. 30,—that is, in the Spring of A.p. 63. 

* Sueton. Oct. 33; but Geib (p. 680) thinks this arrangement was not of long dura- 
tion. 

3 Τὰ μὲν ἄλλα αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν συνέδρων καὶ διεσκέψατο καὶ ἐδίκαζεν, ἐν τῷ Παλατίφι 
ἐπὶ βηματος προκαθήμενος. (Dio, ly. 27.) This 15 said of Augustus. 

4 As to Tiberius, see Dio, lvii. 7; and as to Claudius, Dio, Ix. 4. 

’ Tiberius built a tribunal on the Palatine (Dio, lvii, 7). See also Geib, p. 536. 

6 Dio mentions that the ceilings of the Halls of Justice in the Palatine were painted 
py Severus to represent the starry sky: καὶ γὰρ αὐτοὺς [τοὺς dorepac] ἐς τὰς dpodag 
τῶν οἴκων τῶν ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ ἐν οἷς ἐδίκαζεν ἐνέγραψεν (Dio, Ixxvi. 11). The old 
Roman practice was for the magistrate to sit under the open sky, which probably sug- 
gested this kind of ceiling. Even the Basilicas were not roofed over (as to their cen- 
tral nave) till a late period. 

7 Those who are acquainted with Rome will remember how the interior of many of 
the ruined buildings is lined with a coating of these precious marbles. 

8 Memmius Regulus and Virginius Rufus were the consuls of the year A.n. 63 (A.0.G 
816). Under some of the emperors, the consuls were often changed several times 
during the year; but Nero allowed them to hold office for six months, (‘‘Consulatum 
in senos plerumque menses dedit.”” Sueton. Nero, 15.) So that these consuls would 
still be in office till July. 

9 Such, at least, was the constitution of the council of assessors, according to tha 
ordinance of Augustus, which appeirs to have remained unaltered. See Dio, liii 21 
Teds ὑπάτους, κἀκ τῶν ἄλλων ὀρχόντων ἕνα map’ ἑκάστων, ἔκ Te τοῦ λοιποὺ Tin 


442 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF sT. PAUL. 


COIN OF NERO (WITH THE HARBOUR oF osTiA).} 

changed into contempt and loathing by the character of the Scvereign 
who now presided over that supreme tribunal. For Nero was a man 
whom even the awful attribute of “power equal to the gods”? could not 
render august, except in title. The fear and horror excited by his omni- 
potence and his cruelty, was blended with contempt for his ignoble lust of 
praise, and his shameless licentiousness. He had not as yet plunged into 
that extravagance of tyranny which, at a later period, exhausted the 
patience of his subjects, and brought him to destruction. Hitherto his 
public measures had been guided by sage advisers, and his cruelty had 
injured his own family rather than the state. But already, at the age of 
twenty-five, he had murdered his innocent wife and his adopted brother, 
and had dyed his hands in the blood of his mother. Yet even these enor- 
mities seem to have disgusted the Romans less than his prostitution of 
the Imperial purple, by publicly performing as a musician on the stage and 
a charioteer in the circus. His degrading want of dignity and insatiable 
appetite for vulgar applause, drew tears from the councillors and servants 
of his house, who could see him slaughter his nearest relatives without 
remonstrance, 

Before the tribunal of this blood-stained adulterer, Paul the Apostle 
was now brought in fetters, under the custody of his military guard. We 
may be sure that he, who had so often stood undaunted before the dele- 
gates of the Imperial throne, did not quail when he was at last confronted 
with their master. His life was not in the hands of Nero; he knew 
that while his Lord had work for him on earth, He would shield him from 
the tyrant’s sword ; and if his work was over, how gladly would he “de 
part and be with Christ, which was far better.”* To him all the majesty 
of Roman despotism was nothing more than an empty pageant ; the Im 
ϑουλευτῶν πλήθους πεντεκαίδεκα τοὺς κλήρῳ λάχοντας, συμβούλους ἐς ἑξάμηνον 
παρελάμβανεν. Also see Sueton. Tiber. 55, and the passages of Dio referred to in the 
notes above. 

1 From the British Museum. This is one of the large brass coins of Nero’s reign, 
which exhibit admirable portraits of the emperor. We notice here that peculiar rig 
of ancient ships which was mentioned above, pp. 301 and 349. 


2 “ Diis wqua potestas ” was the attribute of the emperors (Juv. iv.). 
2 Sce his anticipatiors of his trial. Phil. i. 20-25, and Phil. ii. 17. 


HIS TRIAL. 443 


. 


perial demigod himself was but one of “ the princes of this world, that 
come to nought.”'! Thus he stood, calm and collected, ready to answer 
the charges of his accusers, and knowing that in the hour of his need it 
should be given him what to speak. 

The prosecutors and their witnesses were now called forward, to sup 
vort their accusation ;* for although the subject-matter for decision wag 
contained in the written depositions forwarded from Judvea by Festus, yet 
{as* we have before observed) the Roman law required the personal 
presence of the accusers and the witnesses, whenever it could be obtained. 
We already know the charges‘ brought against the Apostle. He was 
accused of disturbing the Jews in the exercise of their worship, which 
was secured to them by law ; of desecrating their Temple ; and, above 
all, of violating the public peace of the Empire by perpetual agitation, as 
the ringleader of a new and factious sect. This charge* was the most 
serious in the view of a Roman statesman ; for the crime alleged amounted 
to mayjestas, or treason against the Commonwealth, and was punishable with 
death. 

These accusations were supported by the emissaries of the Sanhedrin, 
and probably by the testimony of witnesses from Juda, Ephesus, Cor- 
inth, and the other scenes of Paul’s activity. The foreign accusers, how- 
ever, did not rely on the support of their own unaided eloquence. They 
doubtless hired the rhetoric of some accomplished Roman pleader (as 
they had done even before the provincial tribunal of Felix) to set off their 
cause to the best advantage, and paint the dangerous character of their 
antagonist in the darkest colours. Nor would it have been difficult to re- 
present the missionary labours of Paul as dangerous to the security of the 


1 1 Cor. ii. 6. Φ 

* The order of the proceedings was (1) Speech of the prosecutor; (2) Examma- 
tion and cross-examination of the witnesses for the prosecution; (3) Speech of the 
prisoner ; (4) Examination and cross-examination of the witnesses for the defence. 
See Geib, p. 601-643. The introduction of cross-examination was an innovation upon 
the old republican procedure. Geib, p. 631. 

3 As to the accusers, see above, p. 290, note 9. As to the witnesses, see Geib. 
p. 629. Written depositions were received at this period by the Roman Courts, but 
not where the personal presence of the witnesses could be obtained. Geib, 624. Sea 
also Acts xxiv. 19, οὖς édei ἐπὶ σοῦ παρεῖναι. 

4 See Acts xxiv. 5, 6, and xxv. 7, 8, and pages 282 and 291. 

5 Jt must be remembered that the old Republican system of criminal procedure had 
undergone a great change before the time of Nero. Under the old law (the system of 
Questiones Perpetuz) different charges were tried in distinct courts, and by different 
magistrates. In modern language, a criminal indictment cculd then only contain one 
count. But this was altered under the emperors; “ut si quis sacrilegii simul et homi- 
tidii accusetur ; quod nunc in publicis judiciis [ἡ. 6. those of the Questiones Perpetua, 
which were still not entirely obsolete] non accidit, quoniam Pretor certa lege sortitar } 
Principum autem et Senatis cognitionibus frequens est’ ‘Quintil. Inst Orat ini. 19.) 
Bee Geib, p. 654. 


444 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


Roman state, when1ve remember how ill-informed the Roman magistrates 
who listened, must have been concerning the questions really at issue be- 
tween Paul and his opponents ; and when we consider how easily the 
Jews were excited against the government by any fanatical leader whe 
appealed to their nationality, and how readily the kingdom of the Messiah, 
which Paul proclaimed, might be misrepresented as a temporal monarchy, 
set up in opposition to the foreign domination of Rome. 

We cannot suppose that St. Paul had secured the services of any pro- 
fessional advocate to repel such false accusations,' and put the truth 
clearly before his Roman judges. We know that he resorted +o no such 
method on former occasions of a similar kind. And it seems more con- 
sistent with his character, and his unwavering reliance on his Master’s 
promised aid, to suppose that he answered? the elaborate harangue of the 
hostile pleader by a plain and simple statement of facts, like that which 
he addressed to Felix, Festus, and Agrippa. He could easily prove the 
falsehood of the charge of sacrilege, by the testimony of those who were 
present in the 'I'emple ; and perhaps the refutation of this more definite 
accusation might incline his judges more readily to attribute the vaguer 
charges to the malice of his opponents. He would then proceed to show 
that, far from disturbing the exercise of the relzgio lata of Judaism, he 
himself adhered to that religion, rightly understood. He would show 
that far from being a seditious agitator against the state, he taught his 
converts everywhere to honor the Imperial Government, ‘and submit to 
the ordinances’ of the magistrate for conscience’ sake. And, though he 
would admit the charge of belonging to the sect of the Nazarenvs, yet he 
would remind his opponents that they themselves acknowledged the division 
of their nation into various sects, which were equally gptitled to the protec- 
tion of the law ; and that the sect of the Nazarenes had a right to the 
same toleration τῆ was extended to those of the Pharisees and the 
Sadducees. 

We know not whether he entered on this oceasion into the pecuhar 
doctrines of that “sect” to which he belonged ; basing them, as he ever 
did, on the‘ resurrection of the dead; aud reasoning of righteousness, 
temperance, and judgment to come. If so, he had one auditor at least 


1 It was most usual, at this period, that both parties should be represented by adve 
cates; but the parties were allowed to conduct their cause themselves, if they pre 
ferred doing so. Geib, p. 602. 

* Probably, all St. Paul’s judges, on this occasion, were familiar with Greek, an 
therefore he might address them in his own native tongue, without the need of an 
interpreter. 

3 Compare Rom. xiii. 1-7. 

4 Compare the prominence given to the Resurrection in the statement before the 
Sanhedrin (Acts xxiii. 6), before Felix (Acts xxiy. 15), before Festus (Acts xxv. 19) 
and befo-> Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 8). 


PROGRESS OF THE TRIAL. 445 


who had more need to tremble than even Felix. But doubtless a scared 
conscience, and a universal frivolity of character, rendered Nero proof 
against emotions which for a moment shook the nerves cf a less audacious 
criminal, 

When the parties on both sides had been hea:d,' and the witnesses all 
2xamined and cross-examined (a process which perhaps cecupied several 
days*), the judgment of the court was taken. THach of the assessors 
gave his opinion in writing to the Emperor, who never discussed the 
judgment with his assessors, as had been the practice of better emperors, 
but after reading their opinions gave sentence according to his own plea- 
sure,? without reference to the judgment of the majcrity. On this occa- 
sion, it might have been expected that he would have pronounced the 
zondemnation of the accused ; for the influence of Poppxa had now‘ 
reached its culminating point, and she was, as we have said, a Jewish 
proselyte. We can scarcely doubt that the emissaries from Palestine 
would have sought access to so powerful a protectress, and demanded her 
aid® for the destruction of a traitor to the Jewish faith ; nor would any 
scruples have prevented her from listening to their request, backed as it 
probably was, according to the Roman usage, by a bribe. If such influ- 
ence was exerted upon Nero, it might have been expected easily to pre- 
vail. But we know not all the complicated “intrigues of the Imperial 
Jourt. Perhaps some Christian freedman of Narcissus* may have coun- 
seracted, through the interest of that powerful favourite, the devices of 
St. Paul’s antagonists ; or possibly Nero may have been capricious:y iz 
clined to act upon his own independent view of the law and justice of the 

1 We are told by Suetonius, as we have mentioned before, that Nero heard both 
parties on each of the counts of the indictment separately ; and gave his decision on 
one count before he proceeded to the next. (Seuton. Nero, 15.) The proceedings, 
therefore, which we have described in the text, must have been repeated as many 
times as there were separate charges against St. Paul. 

? Plin. Bpist. ii, 11. “In tertium diem probationes exierunt;’’ and again, Ep. iv. 
9, “ Postero die egerunt pro Basso, Titius, Homullus, et Fronto, mirifice ; quartum 
diem probationes occupaverunt.” 

3 Suet. Nero, 15.  “ Quoties ad consultandum secederet, neque in commune quid- 
quam neque propalam deliberabat, sed et conscriptas ab unoquoque sententias tacitus 
et secreto legens, quod ipsi libuisset, perinde atque pluribus idem videretur pronuntia- 
bat.”” This judgment was not pronounced by Nero till the next day (“sequente die”), 
The sentence of a magistrate was always given in writing at this period (Geib, 
665), and generally delivered by the magistrate himself. But in the case of the em- 
peror, he did not read his own sentence, but caused it to be read in his presence by his 
queestor (Geib, 512). ; 

4 Poppea’s influence was at its height from the birth to the death of her daughter 
Claudia, who was born at the beginning of 63, and lived four months, 

᾿ 8 See last Chapter, p. 422, n. 1. 

. 6 This Narcissus must not be confounded with the more celebrated favourite of 


Claudius. See Dio, lxiv. 3. The Narcissus here mentioned had Christian converte in 
his establishment: see Rom. xvi. 11 and note. 


446 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


case, or to show his contempt for what he regarded as the petty squabblea 
of a superstitious people, by ‘‘ driving the accusers from his judgment 
seat” with the same feelings which Gallio had shown on a similar occa 
sion. 

However this may be, the trial resulted in the acquittal of St. Paul. 
He was pronounced guiltless of the charges brought against him, his fet- 
ters were struck off, and he was liberated from his lengthened captivity. 
And now at last he was free to realise his long cherished purpose of evan- 
gelising the west. But the immediate execution of this design was for 
the present postponed, in order that he might first revisit some of his 
earlier converts, who again needed his presence. 

Immediately on his liberation it may reasonably be supposed that he 
fulfilled the intention which he had lately expressed (Philem. 22, and Phil, 
ii. 24), of travelling eastward through Macedonia, and seeking the 
churches of Asia Minor, some of which, as yet, had not seen his face in 
the flesh. We have already learnt, from the Epistle to the Colossians, 
how much his influence and authority was required among those Asiatic 
Churches. We must suppose him, therefore, to have gone from Rome by 
the usual route, crossing the Adriatic from Brundisium to Apollonia, or 
Dyrrachium, and proceeding by the great Egnatian road through Mace- 
donia ; and we can imatine the joy wherewith he was welcomed by his 
beloved children ut Philippi, when he thus gratified the expectation which 
he had encouraged them to form. There is no reason to suppose, how- 
ever, that he lingered in Macedonia. Itis more likely that he hastened 
on to Ephesus, and made that city once more his centre of operations. 
If he effected his purpose,’ he now for the first time visited Colosse, Lao- 
dicea, and other churches in that region. \ 

Having accomplished the objects of his visit to Asia Minor, he was at 
length enabled (perhaps in the year following that of his liberation) to 
undertake his long meditated journey to Spain. By what route he went, 
we know not ; he may either have travelled by way of Rome, which had 
heen his original intention, or, more probably, avoiding the dangers which 
at this period (in the height of the Neronian persecution) would have be- 
set him there, he may have gone by sea. There was constant commercial 
intercourse between the East and Massilia (the modern Marseilles) ; and 
Massilia was in daily-communication with the Peninsula. We may sup- 
pose him to have reached Spain in the year 64, and to have remained 
there about two years ; which would allow him time to establish the 
germs of Christian Churches among the Jewish proselytes who were to be 
found in all the great cities, from Tarraco to Gades, along the Spanish 
coast.’ 

1 See Philem. 22. 
* See Remond’s Jusbreitung des Judenthums, ἃ 31. 


ON His ACQUITTAL HE GOES TO ASIA AND TO SPAIN. 447 


From Spain St. Paul seems to have returned, in a.p. 66,' to Ephesus , 
and here he found that the predictions which he had long ago uttered te 
the Ephesian presbyters were already receiving their fulfilment. Hereti- 
cal teachers had arisen in the very bosom of the Church, and were lead- 
ing away the believers after themselves. Hymenzeus and Philetus were 
sowing, in acongenial soil, the seed which was destined in another century 
to bear so. ripe a crop of error. The East and West were infusing their 
several elements of poison into the pure cup of Gospel truth. In Asia 
Minor, as at Alexandria, Hellenic philosophism did not refuse to blend 
with Oriental theosophy ; the Jewish superstitions of the Kabbala, and 
the wild speculations of the Persian magi, were combined with the Greek 
craving for an enlightened and esoteric religion. The outward forms of 
superstition were ready for the vulgar multitude ; the interpretation was 
confined to the aristocracy of knowledge, the self-styled Gnostics (1 Tim. 
vi. 20) ; and we see the tendencies at work among the latter, when we 
learn that, like their prototypes at Corinth, they denied the future resur- 
rection of the dead, and taught that the only true resurrection was that 
which took place when the soul awoke from the death of ignorance to the 
life of knowledge. We recognise already the germ of those heresies 
which convulsed the Church in the succeeding century ; and we may ima- 
gine the grief and indignation aroused in the breast of St. Paul, when he 
found the extent of the evil, and the number of Christian converts already 
infected by the spreading plague. 

Nevertheless, it is evident from the Epistles to Timotheus and Titus, 
written about this time, that he was prevented by other duties from stay- 
ing in this oriental region so long as his presence was required. He left 
his disciples to do that which, had circumstances permitted, he would have 
done himself. He was plainly hurried from one point to another. Per- 
haps also he had lost some of his former energy. This might well be the 
case, if we consider all he had endured during thirty years of labour. 
The pnysical hardships which he had undergone were of themselves suffi- 
cient to wear out the most robust constitution ; and we know that his 
health was already broken many years before? But in addition to these 
bodily trials, the moral conflicts which he continually encountered could 
not fail to tire down the elasticity of his spirit. The hatred manifested 
by so large and powerful a section even of the Christian Church ; the de- 
struction of so many early friendships ; the faithless desertion of follow- 
ers ; the crowd of anxieties which pressed upon him daily, and “‘ the care 


' This hypothesis best explains the subsequent transactions recorded in the Pastora] 
Epistles. See note in the Appendix on their date, and the Chronological Table given 
in the Appendix. 

2 See Vol. 1. p. 450. 

3 See Gal. iv. 13-14, and 2 Cor. xii. 7-9. 


448 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of all the Churches,” must needs have preyed upon the mental cnergy of 
any man, but especially of one whose temperament was so ardent and 
impetuous. When approaching the age of seventy,’ he might well be 
worn out both in body and mind. And this will account for the compa- 
_ rative want of vigour and energy which has been attributed to the Pasto- 
ral Epistles, if there be any such deficiency ; and may perhaps also be in 
part the cause of his opposing those errors by deputy, which we might 
rather have expected him to uproot by his own personal exertions. 

However this may be, he seems not to have remained for any long 
time together at Ephesus, but to have been called away from thence, first 
to Macedonia,” and afterwards to Crete ;* and immediately on his return 
from thence, he appears finally to liave left Ephesus for Rome, by way of 
Corinth. But here we are anticipating our narrative ; we must return to 
the first of these hurried journeys, when he departed from Ephesus to 
Macedonia, leaving the care of the Ephesian Church to Timotheus, and 
charging him especially with the duty of counteracting the efforts of those 
heretical teachers whose dangerous character we have described, 

When he arrived in Macedonia, he found that his absence might pos- 
sibly be prolonged beyond what he had expected ; and he probably felt 
that Timotheus might need some more exolicit credential from himself 
than a mere verbal commission, to enable him for a longer period to exer- 
cise that Apostolic authority over the Ephesian Church, wherewith he 
had invested him. It would also be desirable that Timotheus should be 
able. in his struggle with the heretical teachers, to exhibit documentary 
proof of St. Paul’s agreement with himself, and condemnation of the op- 
posing doctrines. Such seem to have been the principal motives which 
led St. Paul to despatch from Macedonia that which is known as “the 
First. Epistle to Timothy ;” in which are contained various rules for the 
government of the Ephesian Church, such as would be received with sub- 
mission when thus seen to proceed directly from its Apostolic founder, 
while they would perhaps have been less readily obeyed, if seeming to be 
the spontaneous injunctions of the youthful Timotheus. In the same 
manner it abounds with impressive denunciations against the false teach- 
ers at Ephesus, which might command the assent of some who turned ἃ 
deaf car to the remonstrances of the Apostolic deputy. There are also 
exhortations to Timotheus himself, some of which perhaps were rather 
meant to bear an indirect application to others, at the time, as they have 
ever since furnished a treasury of practical precepts for the Christian 
Church, 


! See Vol. I. p. 64, and compare Philem. 9 and the Chronological Takle in the 
Appendix. 
ἈΠ πὶ: 1 9: 3 Titus i. ὅ. 4 2 Tim. iv. 20. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 449 


THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.: 


Ι. 
1 Pavr, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by command of ὠ Salutatiog 
2 God our Saviour and Christ Jesus’ our hope, ro ‘Tint 


OTHEUS MY TRUE SON IN? FAITH. 
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, from God our Father and Christ 
Jesus our Lord. 


8 <AsJI desired thee to remain in Ephesus,‘ when 1 Timotiers is 


the commis- 


was setting out for Macedonia, that thou mightest sch given him 


: t se th 
4 command certain persons not to teach® falsely, nor {aise eachers.. 


to pursue fables and endless* genealogies, which furnish ground 
for disputation, rather than for the exercising of the steward- 
ship’ of God in faith. Ὺ 
5 Now the end of the commandment is love, proceeding from 
a pure heart, and good conscience, and undissembled faith. 
6 Which some have missed, and have turned aside to vain bab- 
7 bling, desiring to be teachers of the Law,* understanding 
8 neither what they say nor whereof they affirm. But we know 
that the Law is good, if a man use it lawfully; knowing this, 
9 that the» Law is not enacted for a” righteous man, but for the 


1 For the date of this Epistle, see the Appendix. 

3 Κυρίου is omitted in the best MSS. 

3 Not “ the faith” (A. V.), which would require τῆ. 

4 This sentence is left incomplete. Probably St. Paul meant to complete it by ΄ So 
I still desire thee,” or something to that effect; but forgot to express this, as he con- 
tinued to dictate the subjects of his charge to Timotheus. 

5 “Ετεροδιδασκαλεῖν occurs nowhere but in this Epistle. 

6 See Vol. 1. p. 451, and Titus iii. 9. 

7 Οἰκονομίαν (not οἰκοδομίαν) is the reading of the MSS. Compare 1 Cor. ix. 17, 
οἰκονομίαν πεπίστευμαι. It would seem from this expression that the false teachers in 
Ephesus were among the number of the presbyters, which would agree with the antici- 
pation expressed in Acts xx. 30. 

8 We have before observed (Vol. I. p. 457) that the expression νομοδιδάσκαλοι may 
be taken in two ways; either to denote Judaizers, who insisted on the permanent 
obligation of the Mosaic Law (which seems to suit the context best), or to denote 
Flatonising expounders of the Law, like Philo, who professed to teach the true and deep 
view of the Law. To suppose (with Baur) that a Gnostic like Marcion, who rejected the 
Law altogether, could be called νομοδιδάσκαλος, is (to say the least of it) a very un- 
natural hypothesis, 

9. Νόμος is anarthral here (as often when thus used) in accordance with the rule Jaid 

. down by Winer, ὃ 18, 1, Compare Rom. ii. 12. iii. 31. iv. 13, &e. 

10 Compare Gal. v. 18, ef πνεύματι ἄγεσθε, od« ἐστὲ ὑπὸ νόμον, and the note on thai 
passage. 

VOL, 11.—29 


450 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


lawless and disobedient, for the impious and sinful, for the un- 
holy and profane, for parricides ' and murderers, for fornicators, 10 
sodomites, slave-dealers,’ liars, perjurers, and whatsoever else 
is contrary to sounl doctrine. Such is the glorious Glad- 11 
tidings of the blessed God, which was committed to my trust. 
J The commis And I thank Him who has strengthened my 12 
irg of St.Paul. heart,? Christ Jesus our Lord, that He accounted me 
faithful, and appointed me to minister unto His service, who 13 
was before a blasphemer and persecutor, and doer of outrage 5 
but I received mercy, because I acted ignorantly, in unbelief. 
And the grace of our Lord abounded beyond‘ measure, with 14 
faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. Faithful is the say-15 
ing,’ and worthy of all acceptation, “ Christ Jesus came into the 
world to save sinners ;” of whom I am first. But for this cause 16 
I received mercy, that in me first Jesus Christ might shew 
forth all His long suffering, for a pattern of those who shouid 
hereafter believe on Him unto life everlasting. Now to the17 
king* eternal, immortal, invisible, the only? God, be honour 
and glory unto the ages of ages. Amen. 
[ ieabtbere: ἢ This charge I commit unto thee, son Timotheus, 18 
fl his commis- according to the former prophecies* concerning 
thee; that in the strength thereof thou mayest fight 
the good fight, holding faith and a good conscience, which 19 
some have cast away, and made shipwreck concerning the 
faith, Among whom are Hymenzus?® and Alexander, whom 20 


1 This word in English includes both πατραλῴαις and μητραλῴαις. 

* This is the literal translation of the word dvdpazad:oraic. 

3 'Ἔνδυν. Cf. Rom. iv. 20, and Eph. vi. 10. 

4 Compare Rom. v. 20, ὑπερεπερίσσευσεν 7 χάρις. 

5 See note on iii. 15. 

6 This seems the best interpretation of βασιλεῖ τῶν αἰώνων ; compare Apoc. xi. 15. 

7 Σοφῷ is omitted in the best MSS. 

8 These prophecies were probably made at the time when Timotheus was first called 
to the service of Christ. Compare Acts xiii. 1, 2, when the will of God for the mission 
cf Paul and Barnabas was indicated by the Prophets of the Church of Antioch. 

9. These are probably the same mentioned in the second Epistle (2 Tim. ii. 17 and 
iv. 14). Baur and De Wette argue that this passage is inconsistent with the hypothe- 
ais that 2 Tim. was written after 1 Tim. ; because Hymenus (who in this place is 
described as excommunicated and cut off from the Church) appears in 2 Tim. asa 
false teacher still active in the Church. But there is nothing at all inconsistent in 
this; for example, the incestuous man at Corinth, who had the very same sentence 
passed on him (1 Cor vy. 5), was restored to the Church in a few months, on bis repent- 
ance. De Wette also says that in 2 Tim. ii. 17, Hymenzus appears to be mentioned 
to Timotheus for the first time ; but this (we think) will not be the opinion of any ore 
who takes an unprejudiced view of that passage. 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 45°. 


I delivered over unto Satan' that they might be taught by 
C. punishment not to blaspheme. 
1 I exhort, therefore, that first of all,’supplications, Directicns ta 


ἱ ξ Taal public worship 
prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made andthe behavi 


our of men and 


2 for all men; for kings‘ and all that are in authority, women thereat 
that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness * 
3 and gravity. For this is good and acceptable in the sight ot 
4 God our Saviour, who wills that all men should be saved, and 
δ should come to the knowledge® of the truth. Tor [over all] 
there is but? one God, and one mediator between God and 
6 men, the man® Christ Jesus, who gave Himself a ransom for 
7 all men, to be testified in due time. And of this testimony I 
was appointed herald and apostle (I speak the truth in Christ, I 
8 lie not), a teacher of the Gentiles, in faith and trath. I desire, 
then, that in every place? the men” should offer up prayers, 
lifting up their hands" in holiness, putting away anger and 
9. disputation. Likewise, also, that the women should come ” in 
seemly apparel, adorned with modesty and self-restraint ; "= not 
(0 ἴῃ braided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly garments, but (as 


1 On this expression, see the note on 1 Cor. v. 5. 

3 Παιδευθῶσι has this meaning. Cf. Luke xxiii. 16 and 2 Cor. vi. 9. 

3 “First of all,” namely, at the beginning of public worship. This explanation, 
which is Chrysostom’s, seems preferable to that adopted by De Wette, Huther, and 
others, who take it to mean “ above all things.” It is clear from what follows (verse 
8) that St. Paul is speaking of public prayer, which he here directs to be commenced 
by intercessory prayer. 

4 Here we see a precept directed against the seditious temper which prevailed (aa 
we have already seen, Vol. I. p. 454 and 457) among some of the early heretics. 
Compare Jude viii. and 2 Pet, ii. 9, and Rom. xiii. 1. 

5 EtceBeia. This term for Christian piety is not used by St. Paul except in the 
Pastoral Epistles. See Appendix. It is used by St. Peter (2 Pet. i. 6) and by Clemens 
Bomanus in the same sense. 

6 For the meaning of ἐπίγνωσις compare 2 Tim. iii. 7, and Rom. x. 2, and 1 Cor. 
xiii. 12. 

7 Εἷς γὰρ θεός. This is the same sentiment as Rom. iii. 29, 30. 

® The manhood of our Lord is here insisted on, because thereon rests his mediation. 
Compare Heb. ii. 14 and iy. 15. 

9 Chrysostom thinks that there is a contrast between Christian worship, which could 
he offered in every place, and the Jewish sacrifices, which could only be offered in the 
temple. 

10 The men, not the women, were to officiate. 

" This was the Jewish attitude in prayer. Cf. Ps, Ixiii. 4. 

After γυναῖκας we must supply προσεύχεσθαι (as Chrysostom does) or something 
equivalent. 

15 It is a peculiarity of the Pastoral Epistles to dwell very frequently on the virtue 
«Ὁ σωφρυσύνη or self-restraint. See list of the peculiarities of the Pastoral Epistles iv 

appendix. 


459 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


pefits women professing godliness) with the ornament of good 

works. Let women learn in silence, with entire subraissinn. 11 
But I permit not a woman to teach, nor to claim authority 12 
over the man, but to keep silence. (For Adam was first form- 13 
ed, then Eve. And Adam was not deceived; but thes 
woman was deceived, and became a transgressor.) But women 15 
will be saved! by the bearing of children; if they continue in 

faith and love and holiness, with self-restraint. UL 


δι τεοιϊοπ for Faithful is the saying, “ἡ ὦ man seeks the office 1 
e  appoint- 


με ἐδ ῦ Eres of a Bishop, he desires ὦ good work,” A Bishop, 2 

then, must be free from reproach, the husband : of 
one wife, sober, self-restrained, orderly, hospitable,’ skilled 
in teaching; not given to wine or brawls," but gentle, peace- 3 
able, and liberal; ruling his own household well, keeping his 4 
children in subjection with all gravity—(but if a man knows 5 
not how to rule his own household, how can he take charge of 
the Church of God?)—not a novice, lest he be blinded with 6 
pride and fall into the condemnation of the Devil. Moreover, 7 
he ought to have a good reputation among those who are 
without the Church; lest he fall into reproach, and into a snare 
of the Devil.’ 


1 Διὰ τῆς τεκνογονίας cannot mean “in child-bearing.” (A. V.) The Apostle’s 
meaning is, that women are to be kept in the path of safety, not by taking upon them- 
selves the office of the man (by taking a public part in the assemblies of the Church, 
&c.), but by the performance of the peculiar functions which God has assigned to 
their sex. 

2 Τὸ should not be forgotten that the word ἐπίσκοπος is used in the Pastoral Epistles 
as synonymous with πρεσβύτερος. See Vol. 1. p. 434 and Tit. i. 5 compared with i. 7, 

3 Τὸν επίσκοπον, rightly translated in A. V. “ A bishop,’’ not the ὦ, in spite of the 
article. See note on Tit. i. 7. 

4 Μιᾶς »υναικὸς ἄνδρα (Cf. iii. 12, v. 9, and Tit. i. 6). Many different interpreta- 
tions have been given to this precept. It has been supposed (1) to prescribe marriage, 
(2) to forbid polygamy, (3) to forbid second marriages. The true interpretation seems 
to us to be as follows :—In the corrupt facility of divorce allowed both by the Greek 
and Roman law, it was very common for man and wife to separate, and marry other 
parties, during the life of one another. Thus a man might have three or four living 
wives ; or, rather, women who had all successively been his wives. An example of 
the operation of a similar code is unhappily to be found in our own colony of Mauri- 
tius: there the French Revolutionary law of divorce has been suffered by the English 
government to remain unrepealed ; and it is not uncommon to meet in society three 
or four women who have all been the wives of the same man, and three or four men 
who have all been the husbands of the same weman. We believe it is this kind of 
successive polygamy, rather than simu/taneous polygamy, which is here spoken of, 94 
lisqualifying for the Presbyterate. So Beza. 

ὅ Φιλόξενον. Compare Heb. xiii. 2, and v. 10, ἐξενοδόχησεν. 

6 Μὴ alcypoxepdy is omitted in the best MSS. 

~ See note on 2 Tim. ii. 26. 


ἘΠΕΒΊ' EPISTLE ΤῸ TIMOTBEUS. 453 


8 Likewise, the Deacons must be men of gravity, ρθε 


not double-tongued, not given to much wine, not mnt of Dea 
greedy of gain, holding the mystery of the faith in a 
g pure conscience. And let these also be first tried, and aftez 
10 trial be made Deacons, if they are found irreproachable 
1 Their wives,' likewise, must be women of gravity, not slander: 
12o0us, sober and faithful in all things. Let the Deacons be 
husbands of one wife, fitly ruling their children and their own 
13households. For those who have well performed the office of 
a Deacon, gain for themselves a good position.’ and great bold: 
ness in the faith of Christ Jesus. 
14 These things I write to thee, although I hope to _ Reason for 


writing these 


15 come to thee shortly; but in order that Gf 1 should sireetions τὸ 
be delayed) thou mayest know how to conduct thy- 
seif in the house of God (for such is the Church of the living 

16God*) as a pillar and main-stay of the truth. And, without 
contradiction, great is the mystery of godliness—* God+ was 
manifested in the flesh, justified® in the Spirit; beheld by 
angels, preached among the Gentiles ; believed on in the world, 
received up in glory.” 


1 We agree with Huther in thinking the authorised version correct here, notwith- 
standing the great authority of Chrysostom in ancient, and De Wette and others in 
modern times, who interpret γυναῖκας deaconesses. On that view, the verse is most 
unnaturally interpolated in the midst of the discussion concerning the Deacons. 

2 This verse is introduced by ydp, as giving a reason for the previous directions, 
viz. the great importance of having good Deacons; such men, by the fit performance 
of the office, gained a high position in the community, and acquired (by constant inter- 
course with different classes of men) a boldness in maintaining their principles, which 
was of great advantage to them afterwards, and to the Church of which they were 
subsequently to become Presbyters. 

3 In this much disputed passage, we adopt the interpretation given by Gregory of 
Nyssa. Ὁ θεῖος ἀπόστολος τὸν Τιμόθεον στύλον «καλὸν ἐτεκτήνατο, ποιήσας αὐτὸν 
στύλον καὶ ἑδραίωμα τῆς ἐκκλησίας. (Greg. Nyss. de Vita Mosis.) So the passage 
was understood (as Mr. Stanley observes) by the Church of Lyons (Δ. Ρ. 177), for in 
their Epistle the same expression is applied to Attalus the Martyr. So, also, St. Paul 
speaks of the chief Apostles at Jerusalem as στύλοι (Gal. ii. 9) ; and so, in Apoc. iii. 12, 
we find the Christian who is undaunted by persecution described as στύλον ἐν τῷ 
ναῷ τοῦ Θεοῦ. The objection to Gregory’s view, that it would require στύλον, is 
untenable ; for στύλος is quite as correctly put in the nominative, in apposition to the 
ov involved in eidj¢; and a Greek writer of the 4th century may be allowed to be δὲ 
least as good a judge on this point as his modern opponents. 

4 We retain the received text here. considering the divided testimony of the MSS. 

5 ᾿Εδικαιώθη, justified against gainsayers, as being what he claimed to be. 

6 There can be little doubt that this is a quotation from some Christian hymn or 
creed. Such quotations in the Pastoral Epistles (of which there are five introduced 
by the same expression, πέίστυς ὁ " ὅγος) correspond with the late date generally assiyned 
to these Hpistles. 


454 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


False teachers Now the Spirit declares expressly, that in after 
expelled; | Α ° oh ie 
their charac: times some will depart from the faith, giving heed 


the met re to seducing spirits, and teachings of demons, speak- 3 

ing? lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience 
seared; hindering marriage,’ enjoining abstinence from meats, 
which God created to be received with thanksgiving by those 
‘who believe and have? knowledge of the truth. For all things 4 
created by God are good, and nothing is to be rejected, if it be 
received with thanksgiving. Jor it is sanctified by the Word 5 
of God‘ and prayer. 

In thus instructing the brethren, thou wilt be a good ser- 6 
vant of Jesus Christ, nourishing thyself with the words of the 
faith and good doctrine which thou has followed. Reject the 7 
fables of profane and doting teachers, but train thyself * for the 
contests of godliness. Jor the training of the body is profit- 8 
able for a little; but godliness is profitable for all things, 
having promise of the present life, and of the life to come. 
Faithful is the saying, and worthy of all acceptation,— For to 9 
this end we endure labour and reproach, because we have set 19 
our hope on the living God, who is the Saviour of all* man- 
kind, specially of the faithful.” 


»- 


3 


1 Ψευδολόγων is most naturally taken with δαιμονίων ; but St. Paul, while gram- 
matically speaking of the dsemons, is really speaking of the false teachers who acted 
under their impulse. 

? With regard to the nature of the heresies here spoken of, see Vol. I. p. 448-452. 
We observe a strong admixture of the Jewish element (exactly like that which pre- 
vailed, as we have seen, in the Colossian heresies) in the prohibition of particular 
kinds of food (βρωμάτων) ; compare verse 4, and Col. ii. 16, and Col. it. 21, 22. This 
shows the very early date of this Epistle, and contradicts the hypothesis of Baur as te 
its origin. At the same time there is also an Anti-Judaical element, as we have re 
marked above, Vol. I. p. 452, note 1. 

3 See note on 1 Tim. ii. 4. 

4 We have a specimen of what is meant by this verse, in the following beautiful 
“Grace before Meat,’ which was used in the primitive Church: Εὐλογητὸς el, Κύριε, 
ὁ τρέφων ps ex νεότητός pov, ὁ διδοὺς τροφὴν πάσῃ σαρκί. πλήρωσον γαρᾶς καὶ 
εὐφροσύνης τὰς καρδίας ἡμῶν, ἵνα πάντοτε πᾶσαν αὐταρκείαν ἔχοντες περισσεύωμεν 
εἰς πᾶν ἔργον ἀγαθὸν, ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν, de’ οὗ σοι δόξα, τιμὴ, καὶ 
κράτος, εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. ᾿Αμήν. (Apostolical Constitutions, vii. 49). The expression 
λόγου Θεοῦ probably implies that the thanksgiving was commonly made in some 
Scriptural words, taken, for example, out of the Psalms, as are several expressions in 
the above Grace. 

5 It seems, from a comparison of this with the following verse, that the false teachers 
laid great stress on a training of the body by ascetic practices. For the metaphorical 
language, borrowed from the contests of the Palestra, compare 1 Cor. ix. 27, and 
Vel. JI. p. 198. 

* The prominence given to this truth of the universality of salvation in this Episfle 


FIR8#T EPISTLE TO ΤΙΜΟΤΠΕΤΙΒ. 455 


1 = These things enjoin and teach; let no man de- Potiesot time 
12svise thy youth,’ but make thyself a pattern of the 
18 faithful, in word, in life, in love,’ in faith, in purity. Until 4 
come, apply thyself to public* reading, exhortation, and teach- 
l4ing. Neglect not the gift that isin thee, which was given thee 
by prophecy * with the laying on of the hands of the Presby 
i5tery. Let these things be thy care; give thyself wholly to 
them; that thy improvement may be manifest to all men. 
16 Give heed to thyself and to thy teaching; continue steadfast 
therein.’ For in so doing, thou shalt save both thyself and thy 
Vv. hearers. 
1 Rebuke not an aged * man, but exhort him as thou wouldest 
2a father; treat young men as brothers; the aged women as 
mothers ; the young as sisters, in all purity. 
3 Pay due regard’ to the widows who are friend- Widows are te 
: . . ἢ be supported. 
4 less in their widowhood. But if any widow has 
children or grand-children, let them learn to shew their godli- 
ness first® towards their own household, and to requite their 
5 parents ; for this is acceptable * in the sight of God. 'The widow 
who is friendless and desolate in her widowhood, sets her hope 
on God, and continues in supplications and prayers night and 
6 day; but she who lives in wantonness is dead while she lives; 
7 and hereof do thou admonish them, that they may be irre- 
8 proachable. But if any man provide not for his own," and 


(compare ii. 4) seems to imply that it was denied by the Ephesian false teachers. So the 
Gnostics considered salvation as belonging only to the enlightened few, who, in their 
system. constituted a kind of spiritual aristocracy. See Vol. I. p. 449. 

1 Compare 2 Tim. ii. 22 and the remarks in Appendix I. 

2 The words ἐν πνεύματι are omitted in the best MSS. 

3 ’Avdyvwore does not mean reading in the sense of study, but reading aloud to 
athers ; the books so read were (at this period) probably those of the Old Testament, 
and perhaps the earlier gospels. 

4 Compare with this passage 1 Tim. i. 18, and the note. 

6 This αὐτοῖς is very perplexing ; but it may most naturally be referred to the pre- 
ceding ταῦτα. 

6 Chrysostom has remarked that we must not take xpeof"r“p» here in its official 
sense ; compare the following πρεσβυτέρας. 

7 The widows were from the first supported out of the funds of th> Church. See 
Acts vi. 1. 

8 Πρῶτον : i.e. before they pretend to make professions of godliness in other matters, 
let them shew its fruits towards their own kindred. 

® The best MSS. omit καλὸν καὶ, 

10 His own would include his slaves and dependents. So Cyprian requires the 
Christian masters to tend their sick slaves in a pestilence. (Cyp. de Mortalitate.) 


456 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


4 
especially for his kindred, he has denied the faith, and is worse 
than an unbeliever. 
Qualifications A widow, to be placed on the: list, must be not 8 


δῖ widows o 


thelist. Jess than sixty years of age, having been the wife 
of one husband ;? she must be well reported of for her good 1 
deeds, as one who has brought up children, received strangers 
with hospitality, washed the feet of Christ’s people, relieved 
the distressed, and diligently followed every good work. But 
younger widows reject; for when they have become wanton — 
against Christ, they desire to marry; and thereby incur con-12 
demnation, because they have broken their former? promise. 
Moreover, they learn‘ to be idle, wandering about from house 13 
to house; and not only idle, but tattlers also and busy-bodies, 
speaking things which ought not to be spoken. [ wish there-14 
fore that younger widows should marry, bear children, rule 
their households, and give no occasion to the adversary for re- 
proach. For already some of them have gone astray after 15 
Satan. 


1 Jt is a disputed point, what list is referred to in this word καταλεγέσθω ; whether 
(1) it means the list of widows to be supported out of the charitable fund, or (2) the 
list of deaconesses (for which office the age of sixty seems too old), or (3) the τάγμα 
χηρῶν or body of church-widows who are mentioned by Tertullian (de Veland. Virg. 
c. 9), and by other writers, as a kind of female Presbyters, having a distinct ecclesias- 
tical position and duties. The point is discussed by De Wette (in /oco), Huther p. 167, 
and Wiesinger, p. 507-522. We are disposed to take a middle course between the 
first and third hypotheses ; by supposing, viz., that the Zist here mentioned was that of 
all the widows who were officially recognised as supported by the Church; but was 
not confined to such persons, but included also richer widows, who were willing to 
devote themselves to the offices assigned to the pauper widows. It has been argued 
that we cannot suppose that needy widows who did not satisfy the conditions of verse 
9, would be eaxc/uded from the benefit of the fand; nor need we suppose this ; but 
since all could scarcely be supported, certain conditions were prescribed, which must 
be satisfied before any one could be considered as officially entit/ed to a place on the 
list. From the class of widows thus formed, the subsequent τάγμα χηρῶν would 
naturally result. There is not the slightest ground for supposing that yypai here 
means virgins, as Baur has imagined. His opinion is well refuted by Wiesinger, 
p- 520-522, and by De Wette in loco. 

? For the meaning of this, see note on iii. 2 

3 Πίστιν ἀθετεῖν means to break a promise, and is so explained by Chrysostom, and 
by Augustine (in Ps. 75). Hence we see that, when a widow was received into the 
number of church-widows, a promise was required from her (or virtualiy understood} 
that she would devote herself for life to the employments which these widows under- 
took ; viz. the education of orphans, and superintendence of the younger women There 
is no trace here of the subsequent ascetic disapprobation of second marriages, as is 
evident from verse 14, where the younger widows are expressly desired to marry again 
This also confirms our view of the ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς γυνή. See note on iii. 2. 

4’Apyai μανθάνουσι. A peculiar construction, but not unexampled in classical 
Greek ; see Huther, p. 174. Winer explains *t in the same way. 


FIRS£ EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 457 


16 If there are widows dependent on any believer (whether 
man or woman), let those on whom they depend relieve them, 
and let not the Church be burdened with them; that it may 
relieve the widows who are destitute. 


7 Let the Presbytersewho perform their office well Government οι 
e Presbyters. 


be counted worthy of a twofold? honour, especially 

18 those * who labour in speaking and teaching. For the Serip- 
ture saith, “ Zhou shalt not muzeale the ox that treadeth out the 
corn ;”? and “the labourer is worthy of his hire.” . 

19 Against a Presbyter receive no accusation except on the 

20 testimony * of two or three witnesses. Rebuke the offenders 

21in the presence of all, that others also may fear. I adjure 
thee, before God and*® Christ Jesus and the chosen? angels, 
that thou observe these things without prejudice against any 
man, and do nothing out of partiality. 

22 Lay hands hastily on no man, nor make thyself® _oraination. 
a partaker in the sins committed by another. Keep thyself 
pure. 

23. Drink no longer water only, but use a little wine, Particular ana 


general cau 


for the sake of thy stomach, and thy frequent mala-_ tions. 
dies. 

24 [In thy decisions remember that] the sins of some men are 
manifest before-hand, and lead the way to their condemnation; 


* Τιμῆς here seems (from the next verse) to imply the notion of reward. Compare 
τιμᾶ in verse 3 above. Upon a carnal misinterpretation of this verse was founded the 
disgusting practice, which prevailed in the third century, of setting a double portion 
of meat before the Presbyters, in the feasts of love. 

3 In Vol. I. p. 434 we observed that the offices of πρεσβύτερος and διδάσκαλος were 
united, at the date of the Pastoral Epistles, in the same persons; which is shown by 
διδακτικός being a qualification required in a Preshyter, 1 Tim. iii. 2. But though 
this union must in all cases have been desirable, we find, from this passage, that there 
were still some πρεσβύτεροι who were not διδάσκαλοι, i. 6. who did not perform the 
office of public instruction in the congregation. This is another strong proof of the 
early date of the Epistle. 

3 This quotation (Deut. xxv. 4) is applied to the same purpose, 1 Cor. ix. 9 (where 

he words are quoted in a reverse order). The LX-X. agrees with 1 Cor. ix. 9. 

4 Luke x. 7. 

5 This rule is founded on the Mosaic jurisprudence, Deut. xix. 5, and appealed ἐς by 
St. Paul, 2 Cor. xiii. 1. : 

6 Κυρίου is omitted by the best MSS. 

7 By the chosen angels are probably meant those especially selected by God as His 
messengers to the human race, such as Gabriel. 

8 The meaning of the latter part of this verse is, that Timotheus, if he <rZ.ined un: 
54 persons (6. g. friends or relations) out of partiality, would thereby make himself a 
participator in their sins 


458 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


but the sins of others are not seen till afterwards. Likewise, 25 
also, the good deeds of some men are conspicuous; and those 
which they conceal cannot be kept hidden. v1 
Duties of slaves. Let those who are under the yoke as bondsmen, 1 
esteem their masters worthy of all honour, lest reproach be 
brought upon the name of God and His doctrine. And let 2 
those whose masters are believers, not despise them because 
they are brethren, but serve them with the more subjection, 
because they who claim! the benefit are believing und beloved. 
Thus teach thou, and exhort. 
Halse tenchiers If any man teach falsely, and consent ποῦ to the 3 
eovetousness. gound words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the 
godly doctrine, he is blinded with pride, and understands 4 
nothing, but is filled with a sickly* appetite for disputations 
and contentions about words, whence arise envy, strife, re- 
proaches, evil suspicions, violent collisions? of men whose 5 
mind is corrupted, and who are destitute of the truth; who 
think that godliness‘ is a gainful trade.° But godliness with 6 
contentment is truly gainful; for we brought nothing into the 7 
world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out; but having 8 
food and shelter, let us be therewith content. They who seek 9 
for riches fall into temptations and snares, and many foolish 
and hurtful desires, which drown men in ruin and destruction. 
For the love of money is a root of all evils; and soine,10 
through coveting it, have been led astray from the faith, and 
pierced themselves through with many sorrows. 
Exhortations to But thou, O man of God, flee these things; and11 
follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, 
stedfastness,° meekness. Fight the good fight’ of faith, lay 12 
hold on eternal life, to which thou’ wast called, and didst con- 


1 The A. V. is inconsistent with the article of. The verb ἀντιλαμβάνομαι has the 
sense of claim in classical Greek (Arist. Ran. 777), though not elsewhere in the N. T. 

3 Νοσῶν repl—antithesis to ὑγιαίνουσι above. Compare Plato Phadr. ὁ νοσῶν 
περὶ λόγων ἀκοήν. 

3 The best MSS. read διαπαρατρι3αί. The original meaning of παρατριβὴ is friction. 

4 The A. V. here reverses the true order, and violates the laws of the article. 

The words ἀφίστασο ἀπὸ τῶν τοιούτων are not found here in the best MSS. 

6 Ὕπομονήν, stedfast endurance under persecution. 

7 Here we have another of those metaphors from the Greek games, so frequent with 
Bt. Paul. See 2 Tim. iv. 7. 

® Kai is omitted by the best MSS. 


Ἷ FIRST EPISTLE ΤῸ TIMOTHEUS. 459 


ofess the gc od' confession before many witnesses. I charga 
thee in the presence of God who gives life to all things, and 

| Christ Jesus who bore testimony under Pontius Pilate* to the 

14 good confession, that thou keep that which thou art command- 
ed, spotlessly and irreproachably, until the appearing of our 

15 Lord Jesus Christ; which shall in due time be made manifest 

16 by the blessed and only? potentate, the King of kings, and Lord 
of lords; who only hath immortality, dwelling in light unap- 
proachable; whom no man hath seen, nor can see; to whom 
be honour and power everlasting. Amen. 

11 Charge those who are rich in this present world, Duties of the 
not to be high-minded, nor to trust in uncertain 
riches, but in‘ God, who provides all things richly for our use. 

18 Charge them to practise benevolence, to be rich in good works, 

19to be bountiful and generous, and thus to store up for them- 
selves a good foundation for the time to come, that they may 
lay hold on eternal " life. 

20  O Timotheus, guard ὁ the treasure which is com- Timotheusagain 


reminded of his 


mitted to thy trust, and avoid the profane babblings commission. 
2land antitheses’ of the falsely-named “ Knowledge ;”® which 
some professing, have erred concerning the faith. 


1“ The (not a) good confession” means the confession of faith in Jesus as the 
Christ. (Compare Rom. x. 10.) Timotheus had probably been a confessor of Christ 
in persecution, either at Rome or elsewhere; or it is possible that the allusion here 
may be to his baptism. 

* For this use of μαρτυρῶ with the accusative, compare John iii. 32, ὁ ἐῶρακε, τοῦτο 
μαρτυρεῖ. Our Lord testified before Pontius Pilate that He was the Messiah. 

3 Μόνος. This seems to allude to the same polytheistic notions of incipient Gnosti- 
cism which are opposed in Col. i. 10. 

4 Τῷ ζῶντι is omitted by the best MSS. Ὁ 

5. The majority of MSS. read τῆς ὄντως ζωῆς, the true life, which is equivalent to the 
received text. 

6 The παρακαταθηκή here mentioned is probably the pastoral office of superintend- 
ing the Church of Ephesus, which was committed by St. Paul to Timotheus. Cf. 2 
Tim. i. 14. 

7 ᾽Αντιθέσεις. There is not the slightest ground (as even De Wette allows) for sup- 
posing with Baur, that this expression is to be understood of the contrarie opposi- 
tiones (or contrasts betaveen Law and Gospel) of Marcion. If there be an allusion to 
any Gnostic doctrines at all, itis more probable that it is to the dualistic opposition 
between the principles of good and evil in the world, which was an Oriental element 
in the philosophy of some of the early Gnostics. But the most natural interpretation 
(considering the junction with κενοφωνίας, and the λογομαχίας ascribed to the heretics 
above, vi. 4) is to suppose that St. Paul here speaks, not of the doctrines, but of the 
dialectical and rhetorical arts of the false teachers. 

8 From this passage we see that the heretics here opposed by St. Paul laid claim te 
8 peculiar philosophy, or Τνῶσις. Thus they were Gnostics, at all events in name 


460 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΤ. PAUL. § 


Concluding ben- Grace be with thee.’ 


ction. 


The expectations which St. Paul expressed in the above letter of 
more prolonged absence from Ephesus, could scarcely have been fulfilled 
for soon after? we find that he had been in Crete (which seems to imply 
that, on his way thither, he had passed through Ephesus), and was now 
again on his way westwards. We mnst suppose, then, that he returned 
shortly from Macedonia to Ephesus, as he hoped, though doubtfully, to be 
able todo when he wrote to Timotheus. From Ephesus, as we have just 
suid, he soon afterwards made an expedition to Crete. It can scarcely 
be supposed that the Christian Churches of Crete were first founded 
during this visit of St. Paul; on the contrary, many indications in the 
Epistle to Titus show that they had already lasted for a considerable 
time. But they were troubled by false teachers, and probably had never 
yet been properly organised, having originated, perhaps, in the private 
efforts of individual Christians, who would have been supplied with a 
centre of operations and nucleus of Churches by the numerous colonies of 
Jews established in the island St. Paul now visited them in company 
with Titus, whom he left in Crete as his representative on his departure 
He himself was unable to remain long enough to do what was needful, 
either in silencing error, or in selecting fit persons as presbyters of the 
numerous scattered Churches, which would manifestly be a work of time. 
Probably he confined his efforts to a few of the principal places, and 
empowered Titus to do the rest. Thus, Titus was left at Crete in the 
same position which Timotheus had occupied at Ephesus during St. Paul’s 


how far their doctrines agreed with those of later Gnostics, is a farther question. We 
have before seen that there were those at Corinth (1 Cor. viii. 1, 10, 11) who were 
blamed by St. Paul for claiming a high degree of γνῶσις ; and we have seen him con- 
demn the φιλοσοφία of the heretics at Colosse (Col. ii. 8), who appear to bear the 
closest resemblance to those condemned in the Pastoral Epistles. See Vol. 1. p. 
448-459, 

1 ᾽Αμήν is not found in the best MSS. 

2 See note on the date of the Pastoral Epistles in the Appendix. 

3 Philo mentions Crete as one of the seats of the Jewish dispersion ; see Vol. I. p. 18. 

4 For the earlier mention of Titus, see above, pp. 124, 125. There is some interest 
in mentioning the traditionary recollections of him, which remain in the island of 
Crete. One Greek legend says that he was the nephew of a pro-consul of Crete, an- 
other that he was descended from Minos. The cathedral of Megalo-Castron on the 
north of the island was dedicated to him. His name was the watchword of the 
Cretans, when they fought against the Venetians, who came under the standard of St. 
Mark. The Venetians themselves, when here, “seem to have transferred to him part of 
that respect, which, elsewhere, would probably have been manifested for Mark alone. 
During the celebration of several great festivals of the Church, the response of the 
Latin clergy of Crete, after the prayer for the Doge of Venice, was Sancte Marce tu 
nos adjuva; but, after that for the Duke of Candia, Sancte Tite, tu nos adjuve. 
Pashley’s Travels in Crete, vol. i. p. 6 and 175. 


EPISTLE TO TITUS. 461 


recent absence ; and there would, consequently, be the same advantage in 
nis receiving written directions from St. Paul concerning the government 
and organisation of the Church, which we have before mentioned in tha 
ease of Timotheus. Accordingly, shortly after leaving Crete, St. Paul 
sent a letter to Titus, the outline of which would equally serve for that of 
che former epistle. But St. Paul’s letter to Titus seems to have been still 
further called for, to meet some strong opposition which that disciple had 
encountered while attempting to carry out his master’s directions. This 
may be inferred from the very severe remarks against the Cretans which 
occur in the Epistle, and from the statement, at its commencement, that 
the very object which its writer had in view, in leaving Titus in Crete, 
was that he might appoint Presbyters in the Cretan Churches ; an indica- 
tion that his claim to exercise this authority had been disputed. This 
Epistle seems to have been despatched from Ephesus at the moment when 
St. Paul was on the eve of departure on a westward journey, which was to 
take him as far as Nicopolis! (in Epirus) before the winter. The following 
is a translation of this Epistle. 


THE EPISTLE TO TITUS. 


LE 
1 Pavt, A BONDSMAN oF Gop, AND AN APOSTLE of |) τ 


Jesus Curist—sent forth to bring God’s chosen to faith, 
and to the‘ knowledge of the truth which is according to 

2 godliness, with hope of eternal life, which God, who 
cannot lie, promised before the times of old;* (but He 

3 made known His word in due season, in the message? 
committed to my trust by the command of God our 

4  Saviour),—ro Trrus, My TRUE SON IN OUR COMMON FAITH. 
Grace and Peace* from God our Father, and the Lord 
Jesus Christ our Saviour. 


1 See below, p. 465, note 10. 

® For the date of this Epistle, see the Appendix. 

3 The original here is perplexing, but seems to admit of no other sense than this; 
ἀπόστολος κατὰ τιμωρίαν would mean an apostle sent forth on an errand of punish- 
ment ; 80 ἀπόστολος κατὰ πίστιν Means an apostle sent forth on an errand of farth, 
Nompare 2 Tim. i. 1, ἀπόστολος Kar’ ἐπαγγελίαν ζωῆς. 

4 For ἐπίγνωσις, see note on 1 Tim. ii. 4. 

5 EdoeGeia. See note on 1 Tim. ii. 2. 

6 Tlpd χρόνων αἰωνίων : i.e. in the old dispensation; of. Rom. xvi. 25 and note ou 
2 Tim. i. 9. 

7 Literally, proclamation. 

8 The best MSS. omit ἔλεος here. 


402 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΥ. PAUL. 


Soromlerion of This was the [very] cause' why 1 left thee in 5 
ἰαίσπμιο Cretan Crete, that thou mightest farther? correct what is 
deficient, and appoint Presbyters in every city, as I 
ρα ον, gave thee commission. No man must be appointed 6 
a Presbyter but he who is without reproach, the husband of 
one wife,? having believing children, who are not accused of 
riotous living, nor disobedient; for a‘ Bishop must be free 7 
from reproach, as being a steward of God; not self-willed, uot 
easily provoked, not a lover of wine, not given to brawls, not 
gree@y of gain; but hospitable to® strangers, a lover of good 8 
men, self-restrained,® just, holy, continent; holding fast the 9 
words which are faithful to our teaching, that he may be able 
both to exhort others in the sound? doctrine, and to rebuke the 


gain-sayers. 


ities αἰδοῖ op. For there are many disobedient babblers and de-1¢ - 
pose the false 3 ᾿ _ ΜῊ 
teachers. ceivers, specially they of the circumcision, whose 11 


mouths need® bit and bridle; for they subvert whole houses, 
by teaching evil, for the love of shameful gain. It was said by 12 
one of themselves, a prophet ® of their own,— 


“‘ Always liars and beasts are the Cretans, and inwardly sluggish.” 


This testimony is true. Wherefore rebuke” them sharply, 13 


1 This commencement seems to indicate (as we have above remarked) that, in exer- 
cising the commission given to him by St. Paul for reforming the Cretan Church, 
Titus had been resisted. 

2 "πιδιορθώσῃς, not simply διορθώσῃς (as in A. V.). 

3 This part of the Presbyter’s qualifications has been very variously interpreted. 
See note on 1 Tim. iii. 2. 

4 Tov ἐπίσκοπον : rightly translated in A. V. “a” (not the) “ bishop,’’ because the 
article is only used generically. So, in English, “the reformer must be patient :” 
equivalent to “a reformer,” ἄορ. We see here a proof of the early date of this Epistle, 
in the synonymous use of ἐπίσκοπος and πρεσβύτερος ; the latter word designating the . 
rank, the former the duties, of the Presbyter. The best translation here would be the 
Im overseer, which is employed in the A. V. as a translation of ἐπίσκοπος, Acts xx. 
28; but, unfortunately, the term has associations in modern English which do not 
permit of its being thus used here. Compare with this passage 1 Tim. iii. 2. 

5 Cf. 3 John 5, 6. In the early Church, Christians travelling from one place te 
another were received and forwarded on their journey by their brethren ; this is the 
‘“nospitality ” so often commended in the New Testament. 

© See the list in Appendix of words peculiariy used in the Pastoral Epistles, and 
note on 1 Tim. ii. 9. 

7 See the list above referred to. 

8 "Επιστομίζειν (ἵππον): to put a bit and bridle upon ὦ, horse. 

® Epimenides of Crete, ἃ. poet who lived in the 6th century B.c., is the author 
quoted. His verses were reckoned oracular, whence the title “prophet.” So by 
Plato he is called ἀνὴρ ϑεῖος (Legg. i. 642), and by Plutarch, ϑεοφιλης (Sol. ο. 12) 

10 Ἔ λεγχε seems to refer to the previous ἐλέγχειν (verse 9). 


EPISTLE TO TITUS. 463 


14 thst they may be so.nd in faith, and may no more give heed 
to Jewish fables,' and precepts? of men who turn away from 
15 the truth. To the pure all thinys are pure ;? but to the pulluted 
and unbelieving nothing is pure, but both their understanding 
16 and their conscience is polluted. They profess to know God, 
but by thei: works they deny Him, being abominable and dis. 
π. obedient, and worthless‘ for any good work. 


1 But do thou speak conformably to the sound _ Directions to 
Titus how ha 


2 doctrine. Exhort the aged men to be sober, grave, is to instruct 


ὃ _ ἣ A those of differ 
self-restrained, sound in faith, in love, in stedfast- ent ages and 


3 ness. Exhort the aged women, likewise, to let their ὧν: 
deportment testify of holiness, to keep themselves from slander 
4 and from drunkenness, and to give good instruction; that they 
may teach discretion to the younger women, leading them to 
5 be loving wives and loving mothers, self-restrained, chaste, 
keepers at home, amiable and obedient to their husbands, lest 
6 reproach be brought upon the Word of God. In like manner, 
7 do thou exhort the young men to self-restraint. And show 
thyself in all things a pattern of good works; mani- His owa con- 
8 festing in thy teaching uncorruptness, gravity,° Br 
soundness of doctrine not to be condemned, that our adversa- 
ries may be shamed, having no evil to say against us. 
9 Exhort bondsmen to obey their masters, and _ to Duties of slaves. 


lostrive to please them in all things, without gainsaying ; not 


purloining, but showing all good fidelity, that they may adorn 


1 Μύθοις. See note on 1 Tim. iv. 7. 

2 'Evtodaic: these precepts were probably those mentioned, 1 Tim. iv. 3, and Col. 
ii, 16-22. The “Jewish” element appears distinctly in the Colossian heretics ‘ef, 
σαββάτων, Col. ii. 16), although it is not seen in the Epistles te Timothy. Comp. iit. 
9, and see Vol. I. p. 451. 

3 It would seem from this, that the heretics attacked taught their followers to ab 
stain from certain acts, or certain kinds of food, as being impure. We must not, : 
however, conclude from this that they were Ascetics. Superstitious abstinence from 
certain material acts is quite compatible with gross impurity of teaching and of prac- 
tice, as we see in the case of Hindoo devotees, and in those impure votaries of Cybele 
and of Isis, mentioned so often in Juvenal and other writers of the same date. The 
early Gnostics, here attacked, belonged apparently to that class who borrowed their 
theosophy from Jewish sources, and the precepts of abstinence which they im 
posed may probably have been derived from the Mosaic law. Their immorality is 
plainly indicated by the following words. 

4 ᾿Αδόκιμοι : literally, unable to stand the test ; i.e. when tested by the call of duty, 
they fail. 

© The best MSS. omit ἀφθαρσίαν. 

Ἡμῶν (not ὑμῶν) is the reading of the best MSS 


464 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


General motives the doctrine of God our Saviour in all things. Fort‘ 
wees" the grace of God has been made manifest, bringing 
salvation to all’ mankind; teaching us to deny ungodliness1 
and earthly lusts, and to live temperately, justly, and godly in 
this present world; looking for that blessed hope,’ the appear-14 
ing of the glory of the great God, and our*® Saviour Jesus 
Christ; who gave Himself for us, that He might redeem us14 
from all iniquity, and purify us unto Himself} as “a peculiar 
people,” zealous of good works. These things speak, and ex-15 
hort and rebuke with all authority. Let no man despise thee.1, 
Duty towards Remind * them to render submission to magis- 1 


Government 


and towards trates and authorities, to obey the Government, to 


unbelievers ge- 


aerally, perform every good work readily, to speak evil of 2 
no man, to avoid strife, to act with forbearance, and to shew all 
meekness to all men. For we ourselves also were formen:y 3 
without understanding, disobedient and led astray, enslaved to 
all kinds of lusts and pleasures, living in malice and in envy, 
hateful and hating one another. But when God our Saviour 4 
made manifest His kindness and love of men, He saved us, not 5 
᾿ through works of righteousness which we had done, but accord- 
ing to his own mercy, by the laver® of regeneration, and the 
renewing of the Holy Spirit, which He richly poured forth 6 
upon us, by Jesus Christ our Saviour’; that, being justified by 7 
His grace, we might become heirs, through’? hope, of life eter- Ὁ 
Titus must en- nal, Faithful is the saying,® and these things I de- 8 


force good 


1 This statement seems intended to contradict the Gnostic notion that salvation was 
given to the enlightened alone. It should be observed that the ἡ of T. R. is omitted 
by the best MSS. 

* Compare the same expectation expressed, Rom. viii. 18~25. 

3 The A. V. here is probably correct, notwithstanding the omission of the article 
before σωτῆρος. We must not be guided entirely by the rules of classical Greek, in thig 
matter. Comp. 2 Thess. i. 12, and see Winer Gram. § 19, 5. 

4 Aadv περιούσιον, This expression is borrowed from the Old Testament. Deu 
vii. 6. Deut. xiv. 2, and other places. (LXX.) 

6 St. Paul himself had no doubt insisted on the duty of obedience te the civil magis- 
trate, when he was in Crete. The Jews throughout the Empire were much disposed 
ty insubordination at this period. 

6 Aovtpév does not mean “washing” (A. V.), but Javer; i. e. a vessel mn which 
washing takes place. 

7 Kar’ ἐλπίδα is explained by Rom. vill. 24, 25. 

8 The “saying” referred to is supposed by some interpreters to be the statement 
which precedes (from 3 to7), These writers maintain that the iva makes it ungram- 
teatical to refer the πιστὸς ὁ λόγος to the following, as is done in A. V. But this ob- 
jection is avoided by taking iva as ἃ part of the quotatien, and sunposing it used with 


EPISTLE TO TITUS. 465 


sire thee to affirm, “ Let them that have believed in Works and re 
9 God be careful to practice good works.” These ‘che 
things are good and profitable to men: but avoid foolish dispu 
tations,' and genealogies,’ and strifes and contentions concern- 
{0ing the? Law, for they are profitless and vain. A sectarian, 
11 after uwo admonitions, reject, knowing that such a man is per- 
verted, and by his sins is self-condemned. 
12 When I send Artemas or Tychicus® to thee, en- Special a 
deayour to come to me to Nicopolis;* for there I an ΟΣ 
1i3have determined to winter. Forward Zenas the 
lawyer and Apollos on their journey zealously, that they may 
14 want for nothing. And let our people also’ learn to practise 
good works, ministering to the necessities of others, that they 
may not be unfruitful. 


15 All that are with me salute thee. Salute those Salutations: 
who love us in faith. 


Grace be with you all. Concluding be 


nediction. 


We see from the above letter that Titus was desired to join St. Paul 
at Nicopolis, where the Apostle designed to winter. We learn, from an 
incidental notice elsewhere,? that the route he pursued was from Ephesus 
to Miletus, where his old companion Trophimus remained behind from 
sickness, and thence to Corinth, where he left Erastus, the former Trea- 
surer of that city, whom, perhaps, he had expected, or wished, to accom- 
pany him in his farther progress. The position of Nicopolis 19 would ren- 


the subjunctive (like ὅπως in classical Greek) as equivalent to an imperative. Com- 
pare Eph, v. 23, ἡ γυνὴ iva φοβῆται τὸν ἄνδρα. 

1 Ζητήσεις : see 1 Tim. vi. 4, and 2 Tim. ii. 23. 

? See 1 Tim. i. 4. 

3 Compare ἐντολαί (i, 14), and νομοδιδασκ. 1 Tim. i. 7. 

* Αἰοετικόν, We have seen that αἵρεσις is used by St. Paul, in his earlier writings, 
simply for a religious sect, sometimes (as Acts xxvi. 5) without disapprobation, some- 
times (as 1 Cor. xi. 19) in a bad sense; here we find its derivative αἱρετικός (which 
‘occurs nowhere else in the N. T.) already assuming a bad sense, akin to that which it 
afterwards bore. It should be also observed that these early heretics united moral 
depravity with erroneous teaching; their works bore witness against their doctrine ; 
and this explains the subsequent ἁμαρτάνει, ὧν αὐτοκατάκριτος. See Vol. 1. p. 452-454, 

5 Cf, Col. iv. 7. & Sce below, note 10. 

7 i.e. The Cretan Christians were to aid in furnishing Zenas and Apollos with all 
fhat they needed. 

8 The auyv is omitted in the vest MSS. 9 2 Tim. iv. 20. 

% It is here assumed that the Nicopolis spoken of Titus iii, 12, was the city of that 

VOL. 11.—30 


406 THE LIFE AND XPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


der it a good centre for operating upon the surrounding province ; and 
thence St. Paul might make excursions to those Churches of Ilyricum 
which he perhaps ' founded himself at an earlier period. The city which 
was thus chosen as the last scene of the Apostle’s labours, before his final 
imprisonment, is more celebrated for its origin than for its subsequent his- 
tory. It was founded by Augustus, as a permanent memorial of the vie- 
tory of Actium, and stood upon the site of the camp occupied by his land 
forces before that battle. We learn, from the accounts of modern travel- 
lers, that the remains upon the spot still attest the eatent and importauce 
cf the “ City of Victory.” “Α long, lofty wall spans a desolate plain ; to 
the north of it rises, on a distant hill, the shattered scena of a theatre ; 
and, to the west, the extended, though broken, line of an aqueduct con- 
nects the distant mountains, from which it tends, with the main subject ot 
the picture, the city itself.”* ΤῸ people this city, Augustus uprooted the 
neighbouring mountaineers from their native homes, dragging them by his 
arbitrary compulsion “from their healthy hills to this low and swampy 
plain.” It is satisfactory to think (with the accomplished traveller from 
whom the above description is borrowed) that, “in lieu of the blessings 
of which they were deprived, the Greek colonists of Nicopolis were con- 
soled with one greater than all, when they saw, heard, and talked with 
the Apostle who was debtor to the Greeks.” 

It seems most probable, however, that St. Paul was not permitted to 
spend the whole of this winter in security at Nicopolis. The Christians 
were now far more obnoxious to the Roman authorities than formerly. 
They were already distinguished from the Jews, and could no longer 
shelter themselves under the toleration extended to the Mosaic religion 
So eminent a leader of the proscribed sect was sure to find enemies every- 
where, especially among his fellow countrymen ; and there is nothing im- 
probable in supposing that, upon the testimony of some informer, he 
was arrested? by the Duumvirs of Nicopolis, and forwarded to Rome‘ 
for trial. The indications which we gather from the Second Epistle to 


name in Epirus. There were other places of the same name, but they were compara- 
tively insignificant. 

1 See above, p. 128. 

2 See Wordsworth’s Greece, p. 229-232, where a map of Nicopolis will be found, 
and an interesting description of the ruins. See also Leake’s Northern Grecee, νυ]. i. 
p. 178, and vol. iii. p. 4915; and Merivale’s Rome, vol. iii. p. 327, 328. 

3 It may be asked, why was he not arrested sooner, in Spain or Asia Minor? The 
explanation probably is, that he had not before ventured so near Italy as Nicopolis. 

4 The law required that a prisoner should be tried by the magistrates within whose 
jurisdiction the offence was alleged to have been committed; therefore a prisoner ac- 
cused of conspiring to set fire to Rome must be tried at Rome (Geib, 487, 490, 491) 
There can be no doubt that this charge must have formed one part of any accusation 
brought against St. Paul, after 64 4.p. Another part (as we have suggested below 
may have been the charge of introducing a religio nova et illicita. 


HIS SECOND ROMAN IMPRISONMENT. 467 


fimotheus render it probable that this arrest took place not later than 
mid-winter, and the authorities may have thought to gratify the Emperor 
by forwarding so important a criminal immediately to Rome. It is true 
that the navigation of the Mediterranean was in those times suspended 
during the winter ; but this rule would apply only to longer voyages, and 
not to the short passage” from Apollonia to Brundisium. Hence, it. ia 
not unlikely that St. Paul may have arrived at Rome some time before 
spring. 

In this melancholy journey he had but few friends to cheer him. Titus 
had reached Nicopolis, in obedience to his summons ; and there were 
others, also, it would seem, in attendance on him ; but they were scattered 
by the terror of his arrest. Demas forsook him, “ for love of this present 
world,”* and departed to Thessalonica ; Crescens‘ went to Galatia on 
the same occasion. We are unwilling to suppose that Titus could have 
yielded to such unworthy fears, and may be allowed to hope that his 
journey to the neighbouring Dalmatia® was undertaken by the desire of 
St. Paul. Luke,s at any rate, remained faithful, accompanied his master 
once more over the wintry sea, and shared the dangers of his imprisonment 
at Rome. 

This imprisonment was evidently more severe than it had been five 
years before. Then, though necessarily fettered to his military guard, he 
Yad been allowed to live in his own lodgings, and had been suffered to 
preach the Gospel to a numerous company who came to hear him. Now, 
he is not only chained, but treated “as a malefactor.”7 His friends, 
indeed, are still suffered to visit him in his confinement, but we hear 
nothing of his preaching. It is dangerous and difficult 8 to seek his prison, 
so perilous to show any public sympathy with him, that no Christian ven- 


1 The reason for supposing this is, that it leaves more time for the events which in- 
tervened between St. Paul’s arrest and his death, which took place (if in Nero’s reign) 
not later than June. If he had not been arrested till the spring, we must crowd the 
occurrences mentioned in the Second Epistle to Timothy into a very short space. 

3 Even an army was transported across the Hadriatic by Casar, during the season 
of tae “ Mare Clausum,”’ before the battle of Philippi. 

3 2 Tim. iv. 10. 

4 2 Tim. iv. 10. 

5 Ibid. See above, p. 126. 

6 2 Tim. iv. 11. 

72Tim. ii. 9. According to the legends of the Medieval Church, St. Paul war 
imprisoned in the Mamertine prison, together with St. Peter; see the Martyrolory of 
Baronius (Par. 1607), under March 14. But there is no early authority for this story, 
which seems irreconcileable with the fact that Onesiphorus, Claudia, Linus, Pudens, 
&c., had free access to St. Paul during his imprisonment. It seems more likely [see 
2 Tim. i. 16] that he was again under military custody, though of a severer nature 
than that of his former imprisonment. Very full details will be found in Sir W 
Gell’s work on Rome and its neighbourhood. 

8.2 Tam. i. 16 


408 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


tures to stand by him in the court of justice! Andas the final stage of 
his trial approaches, he looks forward to death as his certain sentence. 

This alteration in the treatment of St. Paul exactly corresponds with 
that which the history of the times would have led us toexpect. We 
nave seen that his liberation took place early in a. Ὁ. 63 ; he was therefore 
far distant from Rome when the first Imperial persecution of Christianity 
broke out, in consequence of the great fire in the summer of the following 
year. Then, first, as it appears, Christians were recognized as a distinct 
body, separate both from Jews and heathens ; and their number must have 
been already very great at Rome, to account for the public notice attract- 
ed towards a sect whose members were, most of them, individually so ob- 
scure in social position.? When the alarm and indignation of the people 
was excited by the tremendous ruin of a conflagration, which burnt down 
almost half the city, it answered the purpose of Nero (who was accused 
of causing the fire) to avert the rage of the populace from himself to the 
already hated votaries of a new religion. Tacitus‘ describes the success 
of this expedient, and relates the sufferings of the Christian martyrs, who 
were put io death with circumstances of the most aggravated cruelty. 
Some were crucified ; some disguised in the skins of beasts, and hunted to 
death with dogs ; some were wrapped in robes impregnated with inflam- 
mable materials, and set on fire at night, that they might serve to illumin- 
ate the circus of the Vatican and the gardens of Nero, where this diabol- 
ical monster exhibited the agonies of his victims to the public, and gloated 
over them himself, mixing among the spectators in the costume of a char- 
ioteer. LDrutalised as the Romans were, by the perpetual spectacle of 
human combats in the amphitheatre, and hardened by popular prejudice 
against the ‘‘ atheistical ” sect, yet the tortures of the victims excited ever 
their compassion. ‘A very great multitude” as Tacitus informs us, per- 
ished in this manner ; and it appears from his statement that the mere 

1 2 Tim. iv. 16. 2 2 Tim. iv. 6-8. 3 1 Cor. i. 26. 

4 The following is the well-known passage of Tacitus :—“ Sed non ope humana, nou 
Jargitionibus principis, aut Deum placamentis, decedebat infamia, quin jussum incen- 
dium crederetur. Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quesitissimis poenis 
affecit, quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Cristianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus 
Christus, Tiberio imperitante, per Procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus 
erat ; repressaque in prasens exitiabilis superstitio rursim erumpebat, non modo per 
Judxam, originem illius mali, sed per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut 
pudenda confluunt celebranturque. Igitur primum correpti qui fatebantnr, deinde 
indicio eorum multitudo ingens, haud proinde in crimine incendii, quam odio humani 
generis, convicti sunt. Et pereuntibus addjta ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti lan- 
jatu canum interierint, aut crucibus affixi, aut flammandi atque, ubi defecisset dies, in 
uszm nocturni luminis urerentur. Hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulcrat, et cir- 
ccense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigse permixtus plebi, vel curriculo insistens. Unde, 
quamquam adversus sontes, et novissima exempla meritos, miseratio orichatur, ta. 


quam non utilitate publica, sed in sevitiam unius absumerentur.” (Tac. Ann 
xy. 44.) Ξ 


EIS SECOND ROMAN IMPRISONMENT. 468 


fact of professing Christianity was accounted sufficient! to justify thei 
execution ; the whole body of Christians being considered as involved ia 
the crime of firing the city. This, however, was in the first excitement 
which followed the fire, and evan then, probably, but few among those whe 
perished were* Roman citizens. Since that time some years had passed, 
and now a decent respect would be paid to the forms of law, in dealing 
with one who, like St. Paul, possessed the privilege of citizenship. Yet 
we can quite understand that a leader of so abhorred a sect would be sub 
jected to a severe imprisonment. 

We have no means of knowing the precise charge now made against 
the Apostle. He might certainly be regarded as an offender against the 
law which prohibited the propagation of a new and illicit religion (religzo 
nova et rlictta) among the citizens of Rome. But, at this period, one 
article of accusation against him must have been the more serious charge, 
of having instigated the Roman Christians to their supposed act of incen- 
diarism, before his last departure from the capital. It appears that 
“ Alexander the brass-founder” (2 Tim. iv. 14) was either one of his 
accusers, or, at least, a witness against him. If this was the same with 
the Jewish * Alexander of Hphesus (Acts xix. 33), it would be probable 
that his testimony related to the former charge. But there is no proof 
that these two Alexanders were identical. We may add, that the em- 
ployment of Informer (delator)* was now become quite a profession at 
Rome, and that there would be no lack of accusations against an unpopu- 
lar prisoner as soon as his arrest became known. 

1 it was criminal, according to the Roman law, to introduce into Rome any religio 
nova et illicita, Yet, practically, this law was seldom enforced, as we see by the 
multrtude of foreign superstitions continually introduced into Rome, and the occa 
sionai and feeble efforts of the Senate or the Emperor to enforce the law. Moreover, 
the panishment of those who offended against it seems only to have been expulsion 
from the city, unless their offence had been accompanied by aggravating circum- 
stanc.s. It was not, therefore, under this law that the Christians were executed ; and 
when Suetonius tells us that they were punished as professors of a superstitio 
nova et malefica (Suet. Nero, 16), we must interpret his assertion in accordance with 
the more detailed and accurate statement of Tacitus, who expressly says that the vio- 
tims of the Neronian persecution were condemned on the charge of arson. Hence the 
extreme crueity of their punishment, and especially the setting them on fire. 

2 No doubt most of the victims who perished in the Neronian persecution were 
foreigners, slaves, or freedmen ; we have already seen how large a portion of the Ro- 
man Church was of Jewish extraction (see p. 155, n. 3). It was illegal to subject a 
Roman citizen to the ignominious punishments mentioned by Tacitus; but probably 
Nero would not have regarded this privilege in the case of freedmen. although by 
their emancipation they had become Roman citizens. And we know that the Jewish 
population of Rome had, for the most part, a servile origin; see Vol. I. p. 386, and 


Vol. li. p. 369. 

3 An Alexander is mentioned, 1 Tim. i. 20, as a heretic, who had been excommunis 
eated wy St. Paul. This is, probably, the same person with the Alexander of 2 Tim 
Iv. 14, und if so, motives of personal malice would account for his conduct. 


4 Sec acib, p. 531, 532. 


410 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Probably no long time elapsed, after St. Paul’s arrival, before his 
eause came on for hearing. The accusers, with their witnesses, would be 
already on the spot ; and on this occasion he was not to be tried by the 
Emperor in person,' so that another cause of delay,? which was often 
interposed by the carelessness or indolence of the Emperor, would be 
removed. The charge now alleged against him, probably fell under the 
cognisance of the City Prefect (Prefectns Urbi), whose jurisdiction 
daily encroached, at this period, on that of the ancient magistracies.* 
For we must remember that, since the time of Augustus, a great though 
silent change had taken place in the Roman system of criminal procedure. 
The ancient method, though still the regular and legal system, was rapidly 
becoming obsolete in practice. Under the Republic, a Roman citizen 
could theoretically be tried on a criminal charge only by the Sovereign 
People ; but the judicial power of the people was delegated, by special 
laws, to certain bodies of Judges, superintended by the several Preetors. 
Thus one Pretor presided at trials for homicide, another at trials for 
treason, and so on.4 But the presiding magistrate did not give the sen- 
tence ; his function was merely to secure the legal formality of the pro- 
ceedings. The judgment was pronounced by the Judices, a large body of 
judges, (or rather jurors, ) chosen (generally by lot) from amongst the sena- 
tors or knights, who gave their vote, by ballot, for acquittal or condemnation. 
But under the Empire this ancient system, though not formally abolished, 
was gradually superseded. The Emperors from the first claimed supreme ὃ 
judicial authority, both civil and criminal. And this jurisdiction was ex- 
ercised not only by themselves, but by the delegates whom they appointed. 
It was at first delegated chiefly to the Prefect of the city ; and though 
causes might, up to the beginning of the second century, be tried by the 
Pretors in the old way, yet this became more and more unusual. In the 


1 Clemens Romanus says that Paul, on this occasion, was tried ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων. 
Had the Emperor presided, he would have said ἐπὶ τοῦ Kaicapoc. 
᾿ 3 See above, p. 376. 

3 “Qmnia omnino crimina prefectura urbis sibi vindicavit,” (L. i., pr. Ὁ. de Offic, 
Pref. Urb.) quoted by Geib, p. 440. 

4 This was the system of Questiones Perpetue. It is fally explained by Geib in 
his second book, p. 169-215, and the change in his third book, p. 393-411. 

5 The origin of this jurisdiction is not so clear as that of their appellate jurisdiction, 
which we have explained above (p. 292). Some writers hold that the Emperor as 
sumed the supreme judicial power as an incident of his quasi-dictatorial authority. 
Others (among whom is Geib, p. 420-422) .think that it was theoretically based 
upon a revival of that summary jurisdiction which was formerly (in the earliest ages 
of the Commonwealih) exercised by the great magistrates whose functions were now 
concentrated in the Emperor. Others again refer it to the Tribunician power con- 
ferred upon the Emperor, which was extended (as we have seen) so as to give hima 
supreme appellate jurisdiction; and by virtue of which he might perhaps bring before 
his tribunal any cause in the first instance, which would ultimately come under his 
judgment by appeal. 


FIRST STAGE OF HIS FINAL TRIAL. 47] 


reion or Nero it was even dangerous for an accuser to prosecute an 
offender in the Pretor’s instead of the Preefect’s court.! Thus the trial of 
criminal charges was transferred from a jury of independent Judices to a 
single magistrate appointed by a despot, #ud controlled only by a Council 
of Assessors, to whom he was not bound to attend. 

Such was the court before which St. Paul was now cited. We have 
an account of the first hearing of the cause from his own pen. He writes 
thus to Timotheus immediately after :—‘‘ When I was first heard in my 
defence, no man stood by me, but all forsook me,—I pray that it be not 
laid to their charge——Nevertheless the Lord Jesus stood by me, and 
stren¢thened my heart ; that by me the proclamation of the Glad-tidings 
might be accomplished in full measure, and that all the Gentiles might 
hear ; and I was delivered out of the lion’s mouth.” We see, from this 
statement, that it was dangerous even to appear in public as the friend or 
adviser of the Apostle. No advocate would venture to plead his cause, 
no procurator® to aid him in arranging the evidence, no patronus (such as 
he might have found, perhaps, in the powerful Aumilian? house) to appear 
as his supporter, and to deprecate,‘ according to ancient usage, the seve- 
rity of the sentence. But he had a more powerful intercessor, and a 
wiscr advocate, who could never leave him nor forsake him. The Lord 
Jesus was always near him, but now was felt almost visibly present in the 
hour of his need. 

From the above description we can realise in some measure the exter- 
nal features of his last trial. He evidently intimates that he spoke be- 
fore a crowded audience, so that ‘all the Gentiles might hear ;” and this 
corresponds with the supposition, which historically we should be led to 
make, {ΠῚ} he was tried in one of those great basilicas which stood in the 
Forum. ‘Two of the most celebrated of these edifices were called the 
Pauline Basilicas, from the well-known Lucius Aimilius Paulus, who had 
built one of them and restored the other. It is not improbable that the 
greatest man who ever bore the Pauline name was tried in one of these. 
From specimens which still exist, as well as from the descriptions of Vi- 
truvius, we have an accurate knowledge of the character of these halls of 
justice. They were rectangular buildings, consisting of a central nave and 
two aisles, separated from the nave by rows of columns. At one end of 


1 Tacitus relates that Valerius Ponticus was banished under Nero, ‘“ quod reos, ne 
apud Prafectum urbis arguerentur, ad Practorem detulisset.”” (Ann. xiv. 41.) 

? The procurator performed the functions of our attorney. 

We have already (Vol. 1. p. 153) suggested the possibility of a connection of 
clientship between Paul’s family and this noble Roman house. 

4 It was the custom, both in the Greek and Roman courts of justice, to allow the 
friends of the accused to intercede for him, and to endeavor by their prayers and tears 
to move the feelings of his judges. This practice was gradually limited under the 
Imperial regime. Geib, p. 590. 


472 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


the nave was the tribune,’ in the centre of which was placed the magis 
trate’s curule chair of ivory, elevated on a platform called the tribunal, 
Here also sat the Council of Assessors, who advised the Preefect upon the 
law, though they had no voice in the judgment.* On the sides of the tré 
bune were seats for distinguished persons, as well as for parties engaged 
in the proceedings. Fronting the presiding magistrate stood the prisoner, 
with his accusers and his advocates. The public was admitted into the 
remainder of the nave and aisles (which was railed off from the portion 
devoted to the judicial proceedings) ; and there were also galleries along 
the whole length of the side aisles, one for men, the other for women.’ 
The aisles were roofed over ; as was the tribune. ‘The nave was originally 
left open to the sky. The basilicas were buildings of great size, so thate 
vast multitude of spectators was always present at any trial which excited 
public interest. 

Before such an audience it was, that Paul was now called to speak in 
his defence. His earthly friends had deserted him, but his Heavenly 
Friend stood by him. He was strengthened by the power of Christ’s 
Spirit, and pleaded the cause not of himself only, but of the Gospel. He 
spoke of Jesus, of His death and His resurrection, so that all the Hea- 
then multitude might hear. At the same time, he successfully defended 
himself from the first* of the charges brought against him, which perhaps 


1 The features of the basilica will be best understood by the following ground-plan 
of that of Pompeii. Here the tribune is rectangular ; in others it was semicircular. 


GROUND PLAN OF THE BASILICA OF POMMETI. (FROM GELL’S POMPE. ) 

2 Geib, p. 664. 

3 Pliny gives a lively description of the scene presented by a basilica at an interest- 
ing trial: ‘“‘Densa circumstantium corona judicium multiplici circulo ambibat. Ad 
hoc, stipatum tribunal, atque etiam superiore basilicee parte, qua foemine, gua viri, et 
audiendi (quod erat difficile) et (quod facile) visendi studio imminelant.” (Plin. Ep, 
vi. 33.) 

4 The hypothesis of an acquittal on the first charge agrees best with the ἐῤῥύσθην ἐκ 
στόματος λέοντος (2 Tim.iv.17). We have seen that it was Nero’s practice (and there- 
fore, we may suppose, the practice of the Preefects under Nero) to hear and decide 
each branch of the accusation separately (Suet. Ner. 15, before cited). Jad the trial 
taken place under the ancient system, we might have supposed an Ampliatio, which 
took place when the judices held the evidence insufficient, and gave the verdict Non 
liquet, in which case the trial was commenced de novo; but Geib has shown that 
under the Imperial system the practice of Ampliatio was discontinued. So also was 
the Comperendinatio abolished, by which certain trials were formerly divided into a 
prima actio and secunda actio. (See Geib, p. 377, 378, and 665-667.) We cannot 
therefore agree with Wieseler in supposing this “ πρώτη ἀπολογία "" to indicate an Au 
pliatio or Comperendinatin See Wieseler, p. 406, note 3. 


HE 185 REMANDED TO PRISON 473 


accused him of conspiring with the incendiaries of Rome. He was de 
livered from the immediate peril, and saved from the ignominious and 
painful death! which might have been his doom had he been convicted on 
such a charge, 

He was now remanded to prison to wait for the second stage of his 
trial. It seems that he himself expected this not to come on so soon as it 
really did ; or, at any rate, he did not think the final decision would be 
given till the following? winter, whereas it actually took place about mid- 
summer. Perhaps he judged from the long delay of his former trial ; or 
he may have expected (from the issue of his first hearing) fo be again 
acquitted on a second charge, and to be convicted on a third. He cer- 
tainly did not expect a final acquittal, but felt no doubt that the cause 
would ultimately result in his condemnation. We are not left to conjec- 
ture the feelings with which he awaited this consummation ; for he has 
himself expressed them in that sublime strain of triumphant hope which 
is familiar to the memory of every Christian, and which has nerved the 
hearts of a thousand martyrs. ‘‘I am now ready to be offered, and the 
time of my departure is at hand. I have fought the good fight, I have 
finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth is laid up for me 
the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall 
give me in that day.” He saw before him, at a little distance, the doom 
of an unrighteous magistrate, and the sword of a bloodstained execu- 
tioner ; but he appealed to the sentence of a juster Judge, who would 
soon change the fetters of the criminal into the wreath of the conqueror ; 
he looked beyond the transitory present ; the tribunal of Nero faded from 
his sight ; and the vista was closed by the judgment-seat of Christ. 

Sustained by such a blessed and glorious hope—knowing, as he did, 
that nothing in heaven or in earth could separate him from the love of 
Christ—it mattered to him but little, if he was destitute of earthly sym- 
pathy. Yet still, even in these last hours, he clung to the frieudships of 
early years ; still the faithful companionship of Luke consoled him, in the 
weary hours of constrained inactivity, which, to a temper like his, 
must have made the most painful part of imprisonment. Luke was the 
only one® of his habitual attendants who now remained to minister to him; 
his other companions, as we have seen, had left him, probanly betore his 
arrival at Rome. But one friend from Asia, Onesiphoros,* had diligently 

1 See the account given by Tacitus (above quoted) of the punishment of the sup 
posed incendiaries. In the case of such a crime, probably, even a Roman citizen 
would not have been exempted from such punishments. 

Ὁ Ὁ ΠΣ ὃν. 21]. 

3.2 Tim. iv. 11. If we suppose Tychicus the bearer of the Second Epistle tc Tim 
othy (2 Tim. iv. 12), he also would have been with St. Pail at Rome, till he was 


Zesnatched to Ephesus, 
42 Tim. 1. 16. 


474 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


sought him out, and visited him in his prison, undeterred by thie fear of 
danger or cf shame. And there were others, some of them high in station, 
who came to receive from the chained malefactor blessings infinitely 
greater than all the favours of the Emperor of the world. Among these 
was Linus, afterwards a bishop of the Roman Church ; Pudens, the son 
of a senator ; and Claudia, his bride, the daughter of a British king, 
But however he may have valued these more recent friends, their society 
could not console him for the absence of one far dearer to him : he longed 
with a paternal longing to see once more the face of Timotheus, his be- 
loved son. The disciple who had so long ministered to him with filia! 
affection might still (he hoped) arrive in time to receive his parting words, 
and be with him in his dying hour, But Timotheus was far distant, in 
Asia Minor, exercising apparently the same function with which he had 
before been temporarily invested. Thither then he wrote to him, desiring 
him to come with all speed to Rome, yet feeling how uncertain it was 
whether he might not arrive too late. He was haunted also by another 
fear, far more distressing. Either from his experience of the desertion of 
other friends, or from some signs of timidity which Timotheus* himself 
had shown, he doubted whether he might not shrink from the perils which 
would surround him in the city of Nero. He therefore urges on him very 
emphatically the duty of boldness in Christ’s cause, of stedfastness under 
persecution, and of taking his share in the sufferings of the Saints. And, 
lest he should be prevented from giving him his last instructions face to 


1 For the evidence of these assertions, see note on 2 Tim. iv. 21. We may take 
this opportunity of saying, that the tradition of St. Paui’s visit to Britain rests on no 
sufficient authority. Probably all that can be said in its favour will be found in the 
Tracts of the late Bishop Burgess on the origin of the Ancient British Church. See 
especially pp. 21-54, 77-83, and 108-120. 

* We cannot say with certainty where Timotheus was at this time; as there is no 
direct mention of his locality in the Second Epistle. It would seem, at first sight, 
probable that he was still at Ephesus, from the salutation to Priscilla and Aquila, who 
appear to have principally resided there. Still this is not decisive. since we know 
that they were occasional residexts both at Rome and Corinth, and Aquila was him- 
self a native of Pontus, where he and Timotheus may perhaps have been. Again it 
is difficult, on the hypothesis of Timotheus being at Ephesus, to account for 2 Tim. iy. 
12. ““Τύχικον ἀπέστειλα εἰς "Egecov,” which Timotheus need not have been told. if 
himself at Ephesus. Also, it appears strange that St. Paul should have tcid Timo- 
theus that he had left Trophimus sick at Miletus, if Timotheus was himself at Ephesas, 
within thirty miles of Miletus. Yet both these objections may be explained away, as 
we have shown in the notes on 2 Tim. iv. 12, and 2 Tim. iv. 20. The message about 
bringing the articles from Troas shows only that Timotheus was in a place whence the 
road to Rome lay through Troas; and this would agree either with Ephesus, or Pon 
tus, or any other place in the north-west of Asia Minur. [See the map showing the 
Roman roads in this district, Vol. I. p. 279.] It is most probable that Timothens waa 
not fixed to any one spot, but employed in the general superintendence of the Pauiine 
Churches throughout Asia Minor. This hypothesis agrees best with his designation aa 
un Evangelist (2 Tim. iv. 5), a term equivalent to itinerant missionary. 


SECOND EPISTLE ΤῸ TIMO'THEUS. A475 


tace, he impresses on him, with the earnestness of a dying man, the various 
duties of his Ecclesiastical office, and especially that of opposing the he 
resies which now threatened to destroy the very essenee of Christianity. 
But no summary of its contents ean give any notion of the pathetic ten- 
derness and deep solemnity of this Epistle. 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS.: 


1 Pavt, an Apostte or Jesus Curist BY THE WILL OF _ Salutation. 
Gop—sent forth? to proclaim the promise of the life 
2 which is in Christ Jesus—ro Tmornrus My BELOVED 
Son. , 
Grace, Mercy, and Peace from God our Father, and 
Christ Jesus our Lord. 


3 Ithank God (whom I worship, as? did my fore- Timotheus is 


reminded of hia 


fathers, with a pure conscience) whenever‘ I make. rast history 
and exhorted 


mention of thee, as I do continually, in my prayers ἴο persever- 


ance and cour- 


4 might and day. And I long to see thee, remember- #s¢ by the hope 


of immortality, 


ing thy [parting] tears, that I might be filled with 
5 joy. For I have ean ina of thy undissemblei Haith, 
which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois and thy mother 
6 Eunice, and (I am persuaded) dwells in thee also. Wherefore 
I call thee to remembrance, that thou mayest stir up the gift of 
7 God, which is in thee by the laying on of my® hands. For 


1 For the date of this Epistle, see the Appendix. 

2 »Απόστολος κατ᾽ ἐπαγγελίαν ζωῆς. See note on Tit. i. 1. 

3 Some interpreters have found a difficulty here, as though it were inconsistent with 
St. Paul’s bitter repentance for the sins he had committed in the time of his Judaism. 
(Cf. 1 Tim. i. 13.) But there is no inconsistency. Al that is said here is, that the 
worship (λατρεία) of God was handed down to St. Paul from his forefathers, or, in 
other words, that his religion was hereditary. This is exactly the view taken of 
the religion of all converted Jews in Rom. xi. 23, 24, 28. Compare also τῷ πατρώῳ 
ϑεῷ (Acts xxiv. 14), and πάσῃ ουνειδήσει ἀγαθῇ meroditevuae (Acts xxiii. 1). 
These latter passages remind us that the topic was one on which St. Paul had probably 
insisted, in his recent defence ; and this accounts for its parenthetical introductice 
here. 

4 Literally, as the mention which I make of thee in my prayers ws continual. 

5 Λαβών is the reading of the best MSS. Perhaps a message or other incident had 
reminded St. Paul of some proof which Timotheus had given of the sincerity of his 
faith (as Bengel thinks) ; or, still more probably, he was reminded of the faith of 
Timotheus by its contrast with the cowardice of Demas and others. He mentions it 
here obvivusly as a motive to encourage him to persevere in ¢ ἣν 

6 The grace of God required for any particular office in t 

1 -fter prayer and the laying on of hands. This imposi 


4 6 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


God gave us not a spirit of cowardice, but a spirit of power 
and love and self-restraint.'. Be not therefore ashamed of the 8 
testimony of our Lord, nor of me His prisoner; but share the 
affliction? of them who publish the Glad-tidings, according to. 
the power of God. For He saved us, and called us with a holy 9 
calling, not dealing with us according to our own works, but 
according to His own purpose and grace, which was bestowed 
upon us in Christ Jesus before the times? of old, but is now1¢ 
made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ, 
who has put an end to death, and brought life and immortality 
from darkness into light; and this He has done by the Glad-11 
tidings, whereunto I was appointed herald and 4postle, and 
teacher of the Gentiles. Which also is the cause of these suf-12 
ferings that I now endure; nevertheless I am not ashamed ; 
for I know in whom I have trusted, and I am persuaded that 
He is ablo to guard the treasure* which I have committed to 
Him, even unto that day. 

Exhortation to Hold fast the pattern of sound*® words which13 


fulfil his com- 


meen ait thou hast heard from me, in the faith and love 
“ft which is in Christ Jesus. That goodly treasure1 

which is committed to thy charge, guard by the Holy Spirit 

who dwelleth in us. 

Conduct οἵ οο- Thou already knowest that I was abandoned 5 by 15 


tain Asiatic 


whenever any one was appointed to a new office or commission. The reference here 
may, therefore, be to the original “ ordination’? of Timotheus, or to his appointmen‘ 
to the superintendence of the Ephesian Church. See Vol. I. p. 437, and compare Acts 
vill. 18, and 1 Tim. iv. 145 also Vol. I. p. 269, note 7. 

1 Σωφρονισμός would restrain the passion of fear. 

5. Literally, share affliction for the Glad-tidings. The dative used as in Phil. i. 27. 
(De W.) } 

3 Πρὸ χρόνων αἰωνίων (which phrase also occurs in Titus i. 2) appears to mean the 
period of the Jewish dispensation. The grace of Christ was virtually bestowed on 
mankind in the Mosaic covenant, though only made manifest in the Gospel. 

4 Τὴν παρακαταθήκην μου. It is strange that so acute an interpreter as De Wette 
should mainiain that this expression must necessarily mean the same thing as τὴν 
καλὴν παρακαταθήκην in verse 14. Supposing St. Paul to have said “God will keep 
the trust committed to Him; do thou keep the trust committed to thee,” it would not 
follow that the same trust was meant in each case. Paul had committed himself, his 
soul and body, his true life, to God’s keeping; this was the παρακαταθήκη which he 
trusted to God’s care. On the other hand, the παρακαταθήκη committed to the charge 
of Timotheus was the ecclesiastical office entrusted to him. (Compare 1 Tim. vi. 20.) 

5. “Ὕγιαινόντων λόγων. The want of the article shows that this expression had be- 
come almost a technical expression at the date of the Pastoral Epistles. : 

6 This appears to refer to the conduct of certain Christians belonging to the pro 
vince of Asia, who deserted St. Paul at Rome when he needed their assistance. Οἱ ἐσ 


SECOND EPISTLE ΤῸ 'TIMOTHEUS. 477 


all the Asiaties, among whom are Phygellus and Christions δ. 
16 Hermogenes. The Lord give mercy to the house of i 
Onesiphorus ;! for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed 
11 οὗ my chain;? but when he was in Rome, sought me out 
ig very diligently and found me. The Lord grant unto him that 
he may find mercy from the Lord in that day. And all his 
I. services? at Ephesus, thou knowest better than I. 
1 Thou, therefore, my son, strengthen thy heart? Duty of Time 


theus on Church 


2 with the grace that is in Christ Jesus. And those government. 
things which thou hast heard from me attested® by many 
witnesses, deliver into the keeping of faithful men, who shall 
be able to teach others in their turn.’ 


8 Take thy 8 share in suffering, as a good soldier of He is exhorted 
not to shrink 


4 Jesus Christ. The soldier when® on service abstains ‘rom suffering, 
from entangling himself in the business of life, that he may 
5 please his commander. And again, the wrestler does not win 
6 the crown, unless he wrestles lawfully.° The husbandman who 
toils must share the fruits of the ground before" the idler. 


τῇ ’Aoia is used instead of of ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίας, because these persons had probably now 
returned home. 

1 An undesigned coincidence should be observed here, which is not noticed by 
Paley. Blessings are invoked on the house of Onesiphorus, not on himself; and in 
verse 18 a hope is expressed that he may find mercy at the last day. This seems to 
show that Onesiphorus was dead ; and so, in iv. 19, greetings are addressed not to 
himeelf, but to his house. 

2 Tv ἅλυσιν. Hence we see that St. Paul was, in his second imprisonment, as in 
the first, under Custodia Militaris, and therefore bound to the soldier who guarded 
him by a chain.. See above, p. 288. 

3 Moz is omitted by the best MSS. 

4 Βέλτιον, because Timotheus had been more constantly resident at Ephesus than 
“St. Paul. 

5 Ἔνδυν. Cf. Rom. iv. 20 and Eph. vi. 10. 

6 We agree with De Wette, Huther, and Wiesinger, that the construction here is 
ἤκουσας διὰ μαρτύρων, but cannot agree with him in supposing διὰ equivalent to 
ἐνώπιον, nor in referring this passage to Timothy’s ordination or baptism. The literal 
English must be, those things which thou hast heard from me by the intervention of 
many witnesses, which is surely equivalent to, “by the attestation of many wit- 
nesses.” In asimilar way St. Paul appeals to the attestation of other witnesses in J 
Cor. xv. 3-7. 

7 The καὶ seems to have this meaning here. 

8 Συγκακοπάθησον is the reading of the best MSS., instead of σὺ οὖν κακ, 

2 Observe the force of στρατευόμενος. Cf. Luke iii. 14. 

10 Nouiuwe. See Vol. Il. p. 199. The word ἀθλεῖν is not confined to wrestling, 
put incindes the other exercises of the athletic contests also; but there is no Englich 
verb co-extensive with it. 

 Wadrov, The Authorised Version, and not its margin, is here correct. 


478 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Consider what I say; for the Lord will’ give thee understand- ἢ 
ing in all things. Remember that Jesus Christ, of the seed* of 8 
David, is? raised from the dead, according to the Glad-tidings 
which I proclaim. Wherein I suffer afiliction even unto 9 
chains, as a malefactor; nevertheless the Word of God is bound 
by no chains. Wherefore I endure all for the sake of the 10 
chosen, that they also may obtain the salvation which is in 
Christ Jesus, with glory everlasting. Faithful is the saying, 1] 
“Hor if we have died with Him, we shall also live with 
Him ; if we suffer, we shall also reign with Him ; if we deny 12 
Him, Le also will deny us; if we be faithless, yet He abideth 13 
faithful; LHe cannot deny Himself.” 

He must op- Call men to remembrance of these things, and14 


pose the false 


teachers and adjure them before the Lord not to contend * about 


their immorali- 


ties, and care- words, with no profitable end, but for the subver- 
fully preserve ) ? 


his own purity. sion of their hearers. Be diligent to present thyself15 
unto God as one proved trustworthy? by trial, a workman not 
to be ashamed, declaring the word of truth without distortion. 
But avoid the discussions of profane babblers; for they will 16 
go farther and farther in ungodliness, and their word will eat17 
like a cancer. Among whom are Hymenzeus and Philetus;1ig 
who concerning the truth have erred, for they say that the 
resurrection is past? already, and overthrow the faith of some. 


1 Δώσει, uot δῴη, is the reading of the best MSS. De Wette and others object to 
this verse, that it is impossible to suppose that St. Paul would imagine Timotheus so 
dull of apprehension as not to comprehend such obvious metaphors. But they have 
missed the sense of the verse, which is not meant to enlighten the understanding of 
Timotheus as to the meaning of the metaphors, but as to the personal application of 
them. 

3 7. e. though a man in flesh and blood ; therefore His resurrection is an encourage- 
ment to His followers to be fearless. 

3 "Eynyepuévov not ἐγέρθεντα. 

4 This is another of those quotations so characteristic of the Pastoral Epistles. It 
eppears to be taken froma Christian hymn. The Greek may be easily sung to the 
music of one of the ancient ecclesiastical chants. 

3 Rom. vi. 8, εἰ ἀπεθάνομεν σὺν Χριστῷ πιστεύομεν ὃτι Kai συζήσομεν αὐτῷ. 

6 Compare | Tim. vi. 4. 

7 Δόκιμος, tested and proved worthy by trial. Cf. 2 Cor. xiii. 7. 

8 ᾽Ορθοτομεὶν (not found elsewhere in the New Testament) means to cut straignt. So 
in the LXX. δικαιοσύνη ὀρθοτομεῖ ὁδούς. (Prov. xi.5.) The metaphor here, being 
connected with the previous ἐργάτην, appears to be taken from the work of a carpenter. 

9 See Vol. I. p. 451, and the passage of Tertullian quoted in the note there, which 
shows that the Gnostics taught that the Resurrection was to be understood of the 
rising of the soul from the death of ignorance to the light of knowledge. ‘Lhere is 
nothing here to render doubtful the date of this Epistle, for we have already seen thar 


SECOND EPISTLE ΤῸ TIMOTHETS, 479 


19 Nevertheless the firm' foundation of God stands unshakenr 
having this seal, “Zhe Lord knew them that were his”? and 
“ Let every one that nameth the name of the Lord depart from 

2omiquity.”* But in a great house there are not‘ only vessels of 
gold and silver, but also of wood and clay; and some for 

21 honour, others for dishonour. If a man therefore purify him- 
self from these, he shall be a vessel for honour, sanctified and 
fitted for the master’s use, being prepared for every good work. 

22 Flee the lusts of youth;* and follow righteousness, faith, 
love, and peace with these who call on the Lord out of a pure 

23heart; but shun the disputations of the foolish and ignorant, 

24 knowing that they breed strife; and the bondsmen of the Lord ° 
Jesus ought not to strive, but to be gentle towards all, skilful 

25in téaching, patient of wrong, instructing opponents with 
meekness; if God perchance may give them repentance, that 
they may attain the knowledge of the truth, and may escape, 

26 restored? to soberness, out of the snare of the * Devil, by whom ® 
they have been taken captive at his will. 


even so early as the First Epistle to Corinth, there were neretics who denied the 
resurrection of the dead. JBaur’s view—that the Pastoral Epistles were written 
against Marcion—is inconsistent with the present passage ; for Marcion did not deny 
the resurrection of the dead, but only the resurrection of the flesh. (See Tertull. adv. 
Marcion, v. 10. 

1 The Authorised Version here violates the laws of the article. 

* Numbers xvi. 5. (LXX. with κύριος for Θεός.) We must not translate ἔγνω 
- knoweih,” asin A.V. The context of the passage, according to the LXX. (which 
differs from the present Hebrew text), is, “Moses spake unto Core saying ... The Lord 
knew them that were His, and that were holy, and brought them near unto Him- 
self; and whom He chose unto Himself, He brought near unto Himself.”’ 

3 This quutation is not from the Old Testament; Isaiah lii. 11 is near it in senti- 
ment, but can scarcely be referred to, hecause it is quoted exactly at 2 Cor. vi. 17 
The MSS. read κυρίου instead of the Χριστοῦ of T. R. 

4 The thought here is the same as that expressed in the parable of the fishes and of 
the tares,—viz. that the visible church will never be perfect. We are reminded ot 
Rom. ix. 21 by the σκεύη εἰς ἀτιμίαν. 

5 Compare 1 Tim. iii. 2, and the remarks upon the age of Timotheus in the Essay in 
the Appendix, on the date of these Epistles. 

6 Κυρίου. Compare δοῦλος Χριστοῦ, 1 Cor. vii. 22. 

7 ᾿Ανανήψωσιν. See 1 Cor. xv. 34. 

8 The expression διάβολος appears to be used here, and in Eph. iv. 27, and Eph. vi. 
11, for the devil, who is elsewhere called Σατανᾶς ΕΥ̓͂ St. Paul. In the Gospels and 
Acts the two expressions are used with nearly equal frequency. 

® The interpretation of this last clause is disputable. The construction is awkward, 
and there is a difficulty in referring αὐτοῦ and éxetvov to the same subject; but De 
Wette shows that this is admissible by a citation from Plato. Wiesinger refers αὐτὸς 
4¢ Timotheus, and ἐκείνου to God. 


480 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΒΊ. PAUL. 


; Il 
Denatecus, er Know this, that in the last! days evil times 1 
days.” shall come. For men shall be selfish, cove- 2 


tous, false boasters,? haughty, blasphemous, disobedient to 
parents, ungrateful, unholy, without natural affection, ruthless, 3 
calumnious, incontinent, merciless, haters of the good, treacher- 4 
ous, head-long with passion, blinded with pride, lovers of 
pleasure rather than lovers of God; having an outward form 5 
of godliness, but renouncing its power. From such turn € 
away. Of these are they who creep into houses, and lead 
captive silly women, laden with sin, led away by lusts of all 7 
kinds, perpetually learning, yet never able to attain the know- 
_ledge* of the truth. And as Iannes and Iambres* resisted 8 
Moses, so do these men resist the truth, being corrupt in mind, 
and worthless* in all that concerns the faith. But they ® shall 9 
not advance farther, for their folly shall be made openly mani- 
fest to all, as was that of Iannes and Jambres. 

Exhortation to But thou hast been the follower’ of my teaching 16 


be stedfast in 


Paul’sdoctrine. and behaviour,’ my resolution,’ faith, patience, love, 
and stedfastness; my persecutions and sufferings, such 881] 
befel me at Antioch Iconium, and Lystra. [Thou hast seen] 


1 ᾿Ἐσχάταις ἡμέραις (used without the article, as having become a familiar expres 
sion) generally denotes the termination of the Mosaic dispensation ; see Acts ii. 17. 
1 Pet. i. 5,20. Heb.i. 2. Thus the expression generally denotes the time present; 
but here it points to a future immediately at hand, which is, however, blended with 
the present (see verses 6, 8), and was, in fact, the end of the Apostolic age. Compare 
1 John ii. 18, ἐσχάτη ὥρα ἐστίν. The long duration of this last period of the world’s 
development was not revealed to the Apostles; they expected that their Lord’s re 
turn would end it, in their own generation; and thus His words were fulfilled, that 
none should foresee the time of His coming. (Matt. xxiv. 36.) 

2 Several of the classes of sinners here mentioned occur also Rom. i. 30. 

3 For the meaning of ἐπίγνωσις (Cf. above, ii. 25), see Rom. x. 2, and 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 

4 These, as we find in the Targum of Jonathan, were the traditional names of the 
Egyptian sorcerers who opposed Moses. 

5 ᾽Αδόκιμοι, Sve Tit. i. 16, and note. 

6 It has been thought that this od προκόψουσιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον contradicts the asser- 
tion in ii, 16, ἐπὶ πλεῖον προκόψουσιν doeBetac; but there is no contradiction, for the 
present passage speaks of outward success, the former of inward deterioration. Im- 
pestors will usually go on from bad to worse (as it is said just below, προκόψουσιν ἐτὶ 
τὸ χεῖρον, verse 13), and yet their success in deceiving others is generally soon ended 
by detection. 

7 Παρηκολούθηκας cannot be accurately translated “hast fully known” (Authorised 
Version), but its meaning is not very different. Chrysost/m explains it τούτων σὺ 
“μάρτυς. 

® Tn this meaning ἀγωγὴ is found in LXX. 

® Προθέσει : compare Acts xi. 23. 

” It has been before remarked how appropriate this reference is. Sce Vol. I. p. 198 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 481 


12what persecutions I endured; and out of them all the Lord 
delivered me. Yea, and all who determine to live a godly 
i3life in Christ Jesus, will suffer persecution. But wicked men 
and impostors will advance from bad to worse, deceiving and 
\4being deceived. But do thou continue in that which was 
taught thee, and whereof thou wast. persuaded; knowing who 
were! thy teachers, and remembering that from a child thou 
15 hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee 
wise unto salvation, by the faith which is in Christ Jesus. 
16 All Scripture is inspired by God, and may profitably be used 
for teaching,’ for confutation,® for correction,‘ and for right- 
17 eous discipline ;* that the man of God may be fully prepared, 
fv.and thoroughly furnished for every good work. 
1  J*adjure thee before God and Jesus Christ, who solemn charge 


to perform his 


is about to judge the living and the dead—I adjure commission — 
᾿ 5 5 faithfully, in 


2 thee by His appearing and His kingdom—proclaim zpectatien οἱ 


evil times, and 


the tidings, be urgent in season and out of season, °?ul’sdeath. 
convince, rebuke, exhort, with all forbearance and persever- 
3 ance in teaching. For a time will come when they will not 
endure the sound doctrine, but according to their own inclina- 
tions they will heap up for themselves teachers upon teachers, 
4 to please theiritching ears. And they will turn away their ears 
from the truth, and turn aside to fables. 
5 But thou in all things be sober,’ endure affliction, do the 
work of an Evangelist, accomplish thy ministration in fuil 
ὁ measure. Jor I am now ready " to be offered, and the time of 


Τίνων is the reading of the best MSS. 

3. St. Paul frequently uses the Old Testament for teaching, i. e. to enforce or illus 
trate his doctrine; e. g. Rom. i. 17. 

3 The numerous quotations from the Old Testament, in the Romans and Galatians, 
are mostly examples of its use for confutation. 

4 ᾿;Ὡπανόρθωσιν means the setting right of that which is wrong. The Old Testa- 
ment is applied for this purpose by St. Paul in 1 Cor. xiv. 21. 1 Cor. x. 1-10, and, 
generally, wherever he applies it to enforce precepts of morality. 

5 Παιδείαν τὴν ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ. The word παιδεία has the meaning of chastisement 
or discipline ; compare Heb. xii. 7. It is here used as a severer kind of ἐπανόρθωσις. 
Thus the Old Testament is applied in 1 Cor. v. 13. 

© The best MSS. omit ody ἐγὼ and τοῦ κυρίου, and read καὶ instead of κατὰ in thig 
verse. 

7 Νῆφε, not “watch.” (A. V.) 

8 Compare Eph. iv. 11. And see Vol. I. p. 436. 

9 "Hdn onévdouat, literally, Iam already in the very act of being noured out as 4 
sacrificial offering. Compare Phil. ii, 17. 


VOL 11.-- 91 


482 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


my departure is at nand. I have fought! the good fight, i 1 
have finished my’ course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth is 
iaid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the g 
righteous’ judge, shall give me in that day; and not to me 
only, but to all‘ who love His appearing. 

Timotheus is Do thy utmast to come to me speedily; for De- 9 


required to 


eom2 to Rome mas has forsaken me, for love of this present world, 16 
ἔπη and has departed to Thessalonica;* Crescens is gone 
to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia; Luke alone is with me. Take1l | 
Mark and bring him with thee, for his services’ are profitable 12 
tome; But Tychicus* I have sent to Ephesus. 

When thou comest, bring with thee the case* which I left13 
at Troas with Carpus, and the books, but especially the parch- 


ments. 


Intelligence of Alexander the brass-founder 19 charged " me with 14 
the progress of 

1 It is impossible to translate ἀγῶνα ἠγώνισμαι fully in English. It is not strictly 
correct to render it “I have fought the fight,’ and seems to introduce a new metaphor ; 
ἀγών means a contest for a prize, and the metaphor is taken from the Greek foot- 
races. Ihave run the good race would be perhaps\more exact. ‘Phe literal English 
is, Ihave completed the glorious contest. See pp. 198-200 above, and 1 Tim. vi. 12. 

? Δρόμον, the course marked out for the race. This expression occurs only in two 
other places in the New Testament, both being in speeches of St. Paul. 

3 “The righteous judge’ contrasted with the unrighteous jadge, by whose sen- 
tence he was soon to be condemned. 

4 Πᾶσι is the best reading. See Tischendorf. 

5 Demas is mentioned as a “ fellow-labourer” at Rome with St. Paul, Philem. 24, 
and joined with Luke, Col. iv. 14. Nothing further is known of him. Crescens is noi 
mentioned elsewhere. In saying here that he was deserted by all but Luke, St. Paul 
speaks of his own companions and attendants; he had still friends among the Roman 
Christians who visited him (iv. 21), though they were afraid to stand by him at hia 
trial. 

6 Mark was in Rome during a part of the former imprisonment, Col. iv. 10. 
Philem. 24. 

7 Διακονίαν, not “ the ministry.” (Authorised Version.) - 

5. If we suppose (see above, p. 474, note 2) that Timotheus was at Ephesus, we musi 
conclude that Tychicus was the bearer of this Epistle, and the aorist ἀπέστειλα, “1 
send herewith,” used acoording to the idiom of classical letter-writers. Sce Winer, 
§ 41, 5, p. 254. 3 

9. Φαιλόνης means either a travelling-case (for carrying clothes, books, &c.), or a 
travelling-cloak, The former seems the more probable meaning here, from the men- 
tion of the books. 

15 Χαλκεύς. Whether this Alexander is the same mentioned as put forward by the 
Jews at Ephesus in the theatre (Acts xix. 33), and as excommunicated by St. Paul (4 
Tim. i. 20), we do not know. If these names all belong to the same person, he was 
probably of the Judaizing faction. See above, p. 87. 

τι ᾿Ἐνεδείξατο (not “did.” Authorised Version). The verb ἐνδείκνυμαι, though of 

| frequent occurrence in the New Testament (in the sense of exhibit, display, manifest), 
does not elsewhere occur in the same construction as here, with an accusative of the 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 483 


much evil in his declaration; the Lord reward him Paws triat. 
15 according to his works. Be thou also on thy guard against 
him, for he has been a great opponent of my arguments. 
16 When I was first heard in my defence? no man stood by mg 
17 but all forsook me; (I pray that it be not laid to their charge.) 
Nevertheless the Lord Jesus* stood by me, and strengthened 
my heart,‘ that by me the proclamation of the® Glad-tidings 
might be accomplished in full measure, and that all the Gen- 
tiles might hear; and I was delivered out of the lion’s mouth.° 
ig And the Lord shall deliver me from every evil, and shall pre- 
serve me unto His heavenly kingdom. To Him be glory unto 
the ages of ages. Amen. 
19 Salute Prisca and Aquila, and the household of satutattonsana 


᾿ personal intelli- 
Onesiphorus. _ gence. 


20 Erastus? remained at Corinth; but Trophimus I left sick at 
Miletus. 


thing, and a dative of the person. The active form of the verb in classical Greek hag 
a forensic sense,—viz. to make a declaration against ; and as the verb is here uscd in 
an active sense (the active form of it not occurring in the New Testament), we may 
not unnaturally suppose that it is so used here. At any rate, the literal English is 
“ Alexander manifested many evi! things against me.” 

1 The “arguments”? here mentioned are probably those used by St. Paul in his 
defence. 

? On this xpwry ἀπολογία, see above, p. 472. The ancient interpreters, Eusebius, 
Jerome and others, understood St. Paul here to refer to his acquittal at the end of hia 
first imprisonment at Rome, and his subsequent preaching in Spain ; but while we 
must acknowledge that the strength of the expressions πληροφορηθῇ and πᾶντα τὰ 
ἔθνη are in favour of this view, we think that on the whole the context renders it 
unnatural. 3 'O κύριος. 

4’Eved. Cf. Rom. iv. 20. Eph. vi. 10. 5 Τὸ κήρυγμα, scilicet τοῦ εὐαγγελίου. 

ὁ By the lion’s mouth may be only meant the imminence of the immediate peril ; 
but it may mean that St. Paul, at his first hearing, established his right, as a Roman 
citizen, to be exempted from the punishment of exposure to wild beasts, which was 
inflicted during the Neronian persecution on so many Christians. On the historical 
inferences drawn from this verse, see the preceding remarks, 

7 This verse is an insuperable difficulty to those who suppose this Epistle written in 
the first imprisonment at Rome; since it implies a recent journey, in which St. Paul 
had passed through Miletus and Corinth. (See Wieseler’s vain attempt to get over 
this difficulty, Chronologie, p. 465-469.) It has been also thought inexplicable that 
Paul should mention to Timotheus (who was at Ephesus, so near Miletus) the fact that 
Trophimus was left there. But many suppositions might be made to account for this, 
For instance, Trophimus may have only stayed a short time at Miletus, and come on 
by the first ship after his recovery. This was probably the first communication from 
δ΄. Paul to Timotheus since they parted ; and there would be nothing unnatural even 
if it mentioned a circumstance which Timotheus knew already. For example, 4. at 
Calcutta writes to B. in Londen, “TJ left C. dangerously ill at Southampton. 
plthongh he may be sure that B. has heard of C.’s illness long before he can receive 
the letter. 


484 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


Do thy utmost to come before winter. 21 
There salute thee, Eubulus, and Pudens, and Linus,’ and 
Claudia,’ and all the brethren. 


1 Linus is probably the same person who was afterwards bishop of Rome, and ia 
mentioned by Irenzeus and Eusebius. 

2 Pudens and Claudia. The following facts relating to these names are taken 
from an ingenious essay on the subject entitled ‘Claudia and Pudens, by J. Wil- 
liams, M.A. (London, 1848).”? | 

There are two epigrams of Martial (iv. 13, and xi. 54), the former of which describes 
the marriage of a distinguished Roman named Pudens to a foreign lady (peregrina) 
named Claudia, and the latter of which tells us that this Claudia was a Briton, and 
gives her the cognomen of Rufina. When the latter epigram was written, she had 
grown-up sons and daughters, but herself still retained the charms of youth. Both 
these epigrais were written during Martial’s residence at Rome ; and, therefore, their 
date must be between a.p. 66 and a.p. 100. (See Clinton’s Fasti.) The former of the 
two epigrams was not published till the reign of Domitian, but it may very probably 
have been written many years earlier. Thus the Claudia and Pudens of Martial may 
be the same with the Claudia and Pudens who are here’ seen as friends of St. Paul in 
A.D. 68. 

But, further, Tacitus mentions (Agric. 14) that certain territories in the south-east 
of Britain were given to a British king Cogidunus as a reward for his fidelity to Rome: 
this occurred about Α. Ὁ. 52, while Tiberius Claudius Nero, commonly called Claw. 
dius, was emperor. 

Again, in 1723, a marble was dug up at Chichester, with the following inscription 
(in which the brackets indicate the part lost by the portion of the stone broken off) 


[NJEPTUNO ET MINERVA 
TEMPLUM 
[PRJO SALUTE DOMUS DIVINA 
AUCTORITATE TIB. CLAUD. 
[CO]GIDUBNI REGIS LEGATI AUGUSTI IN. BRIT. 
[COLLE]GIUM FABRORUM ET QUI IN EO 
TA SACRIS SUNT] DE SUO DEDICAVERUNT DONANTE ARKAM 
[PUD]ENTE PUDENTINI FILIO. 


Now, the Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus here mentioned as British king of Chi- 
chester, is proved by Mr. Williams to be undoubtedly the same mentioned by Tacitus, 
and we see that Cogidunus had (according to the practice in such cases) adopted the 
nomen and prenomen of nis patron the emperor Claudius. dence, this king’s daugh- 
ter must, according to Roman usage (see Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, p. 640), 
have been called Claudia. It is also in exact accordance with that which was the 
common practice in such cases, that a daughter of king Cogidunus should have been 
sent to Rome (as a pledge of his fidelity) to be there educated. If this was done the 
young Claudia would no doubt be placed under the protection of Pomponia, the wife 
of Aulus Plautius, the conqueror of Britain; for this Piautius had been the Imperial 
legate in Britain, a. ἢ. 43-52, and had been aided by the fidelity of Cogidunus. Now 
this Pomponia (as we learn from Tacitus, Annal. xiii. 32) was accused in a. Ὁ. 57 of 
being tainted with “a foreign superstition: which may pot improbably have been 
Christianity. Aud if so, she may have converted her supposed protégée Claudia. 

Another connecting link between Claudia and Pomponia may perhaps be found in 
the cognomen Rujina attached to Claudia by Martial. For a distinguished branch of 
the Pomponian gens at this pericd hore the cognomen Rufus; and if our Pomponia 
was of this Rufine branch, it would be agreeable to Roman usage that her protégé 
Claudia should be called Rufina. And this probability is increased when we find a 


BECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHEUS. 488 


2 The Lord Jesus Christ be with thy spirit. Grace Concluding ben 
edictions, 
be with you’ all. 


We know not whether Timotheus was able to fulfil these last requests 
of the dying Apostle ; it is doubtful whether he reached Rome in time te 
receive his parting commands, and cheer his latest earthly sufferings. The 
only intimation which seems to throw any light on the question, is the 
statement in the Epistle to the Hebrews, that Timotheus had been libe- 
rated from imprisonment in Italy. If, as appears not improbable,’ that 
Epistle was written shortly after St. Paul's death, it would be proved not 
only that the disciple fearlessly obeyed his master’s summons, but that he 
actually shared his chains, though he escaped his fate. This, also would 
lead us to think that he must have arrived before the execution of St. 
Paul, for otherwise there would be no reason to account for his being 
himself arrested in Rome ; since had he come too late, he would naturally 
have returned to Asia at once, without attracting the notice of the au 
thorities. 

We may, therefore, hope that Paul’s last earthly wish was fulfilled. 
Yet if Timotheus did indeed arrive before the closing scene, there could 
have been but a very brief interval between his coming and his master’s 
death. For the letter which summoned him* could not have been de- 


Rufus (in Martial’s Epigram) taking an interest in the marriage of Claudia. We 
know also that a Jewish Christian at Rome bore the name of Rufus (see Rom. xvi. 13, 
and note) ; and it may be conjectured that this Rufus had assumed his Roman name 
(as we know was commonly done by the Jews) from his being under the protection of 
one of this powerful house of Pomponius Rufus, some of whom would thus again be 
connected with Roman Christianity. 

Lastly, in the above inscription we find the name of Pudens, son of Pudentinus, 
united with that of Cogidunus ; which would exactly correspond with the hypothesis 
that the former was a son-in-law of the latter. 

There are only two difficulties in the identification of the Claudia and Pudens οἱ 
St. Paul, with the Claudia and Pudens of Martial. First, that, had St. Paul’s Claudia 
and Pudens been husband and wife, the name of Linus would not have been inter 
posed between them. This, however, is not a conclusive objection, for the names Ὁ. 
Linus and Pudens may easily have been transposed in rapid dictation. Secondly, that 
the Pudens of Martial and of the Sussex inscription acted as a pagan. To meet this, 
it may be supposed either that Pudens concealed his faith, or that his relatives, in their 
anxiety to shield him, did idolatrous acts in his name. 

We may add that, according to the tradition of the Mediaval Church (which could 
hardly be acquainted with these epigrams of Martial) a certain Timotheus, son of a 
Roman senator named Pudens, took part in the conversion of the Britons to Chris 
tianity. 

1 Ὑμῶν (not cov) is the reading οὐ the best MSS., which also omit ἀμήν. In Eng- 
tish we are compelled to insert αἱ here, in order to shew that you is plural. 

3. See the next chapter. If our Chronolgy be right, Timothy’s escape would be ae 
souuted for by the death of Nero, which immediately followed that of St. Paul. 

3 Supposing the letter to have been despatched to Timotheus on the Ist of March 
he cou'd scarcely have arrived at Rome from Asia Minor before the end of May. 


4560 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8ST. PAUL. 


spatehed from Rome till the end of winter, and St. Paul’s martyrdow took 
vlace in the middle of summer.'' We have seen that this was sooner than 
he had expected ; but we have no record of the final stage of his trial, 
and cannot tell the cause of its speedy conclusion. We only know that it 
resulted in a sentence of capital punishment. 

The privileges of Roman citizenship exempted St. Paul from the igno- 
minious death of lingering torture, which had been lately inflicted on sa 
many of his brethren. He was to die by decapitation ;? and he was led 
out to execution beyond the city walls, upon the road to Ostia, the port 
of Rome. As he issued forth from the gate, his eyes must have rested 
for a moment on that sepulchral pyramid which stood beside the road, 
and still stands unshattered, amid the wreck of so many centuries, upon 
the same spot. ‘That spot was then only the burial-place of a single Ro- 
man; it is now the burial-place of many Britons. The mausoleum of 
Caius Cestius? rises conspicuously amongst humbler graves, and marks 
the site where Papal Rome suffers her Protestant sojourners to bury their 
dead. In England and in Germany, in Scandinavia and in America, 
there are hearts which turn to that lofty cenotaph as the Sacred Point of 
their whole horizon ; even as the English villager turns to the gray church 
tower, which overlooks the grave-stones of his kindred. Among the 
works of man, that pyramid is the only surviving witness of the martyr- 
dom of St. Paul ; and we may thus regard it with yet deeper interest, as 
a monument unconsciously erected by a pagan to the memory of a martyr. 
Nor let us think that they who lie beneath its shadow are indeed resting 
(as degenerate Italians fancy) in unconsecrated ground. Rather let us 
say, that a spot where the disciples of Paul’s faith now sleep in Christ, so 


1 Nero’s death occurred in June, a.p. 68. Accepting therefore, as we do, the uni 
versal tradition that St. Paul was executed in the reign of Nero, his execution must 
have taken place not later than the beginning of June. We have endeavoured to 
show (in the article on the Pastoral Epistles in the Appendix) that this date satisfies 
all the necessary conditions. 

2 Such is the universal tradition ; see note 2 in the next page. The constitutional 
mode of inflicting capital punishment on a Roman citizen was by the lictor’s axe. 
The criminal*was tied to a stake; cruelly scourged with rods, and then beheaded. 
See Livy, ii. 6. “Missi lictores ad sumendum supplicium, nudatos virgis cedunt, 
securique feriunt.”’ Compare Juv. 8, “legum prima securis.’? But the military 
mode of execution—decapitation by the sword—was more usual under Nero. Many 
examples may be found in Tacitus; for instance. the execution of Subrius Flavius 
(Tac. Ann. xv. 67). The executioner was generally one of the speculatores, or in- 
perial body-guards, under the command of a centurion, who was responsible for the 
execution of the sentence. See the interesting story in Seneca de Jrd, lib. i. cap. 16. 

3 The pyramid of Caius Cestius, which now marks the site of the Protestant buryipg- 
ground, was erected in, or just before, the reign of Augustus, It was outside the walls 
in the time of Nero, though within the present Aurelianic walls. See Beschreivucg 
Roms, vol. iii. p. 435. Also Burton’s Antiquities of Rome, p. 250; and Burgess, voi 
ii. p. 207. 


ST. PAUL’S DEATH. 487 


near the soil once watered by his blood, is doubly hallowed ; and that 
their resting-place is most fitly identified with the last earthly journey 
and the dying glance of their own Patron Saint, the Apostle of the Gen 
tiles. . 
As the martyr and his executioners passed on, their way was crowded 
with a motley multitude of goers and comers between the metropolis 
and its harbour—merchants hastening to superintend the unloading of 
their cargoes—sailors eager to squander the profits of their last voyage 
in the dissipations of the capital—officials of the government, charged 
with the administration of the Provinces, or the command of the legions 
en the Euphrates or the Rhine—Chaldean astrologers—Phrygian eunuchs 
_—dancing-girls from Syria with their painted turbans—mendicant priests 
from Egypt howling for Osiris—Greek adventurers, eager to coin their 
national cunning into Roman gold—representatives of the avarice and 
ambition, the fraud and lust, the superstition and intelligence, of the Im- 
perial world. Through the dust and tumult of that busy throng, the 
small troop of soldiers threaded their way silently, under the bright sky 
of an Italian midsummer. They were marching, though they knew it 
not, in a procession more truly triumphal than any they had ever followed, 
in the train of General or Emperor, along the Sacred Way. Their prisoner, 
now at last and for ever delivered from his captivity, rejoiced to follow 
his Lord! “ without the gate.” The place of execution was not far dis- 
tart ; and there the sword of the headsman? ended his long course of 


1 Heb. xiii. 12, ἐξὼ τῆς πύλης ἔπαθε. 

* The death of St. Paul is recorded by his cotemporary Clement, in the passage 
already quoted as the motto of this Chapter; also by the Roman presbyter Caius 
(about 200 4.p.) (who alludes to the Ostian road as the site of St. Paul’s martyrdom), 
by Tertullian (Apol. v. and other passages referred to in the note at the end of this 
Chapter), Eusebius (in the passage above cited), Jerome, and many subsequent writers. 
The statement of Caius is quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ii. 25). That of Jerome is 
the most explicit, “Hic ergo decimo quarto Neronis anno (eodem die quo Petrus) 
Rome pro Christo capite truncatus sepultusque est, in via Ostiensi.” (Hieron. 
Catal. Script.) The statement that Paul was beheaded on the Ostian road agrees with 
the usage of the period, and with the tradition that his decapitation was by the sword, 
not the axe: “Paulum g/adio occidit”’ (Orosius, Hist. vii. 7); and similarly Lactan- 
tius de Morte Persec. It was not uncommon to send prisoners, whose death might 
attract too much notice in Rome, to some distance from the city, under a military 
escort, for execution. Wieseler compares the execution of Calpurnius Galerianus, ag 
recorded by Tacitus, ‘custodia militari cinctus ne in ipsa urbe conspectior mors foret, 
ad quadragesimum ab urbe Lapidem via Appia fuso per venas sanguine extinguitur ” 
(Tac. Hist. iv.11). This happened 4.p. 70. The great basilica of St. Paul now stands 
outside the walls of Rome, on the road to Ostia, in commemoration of his martyrdom, 
and the Porta Ostiensis (in the present Aurelianic wall) is called the gate of St. Paul. 
The traditional spot of. the martyrdom is the ¢re fontane not far from the basilica; 
see the note at the end of this Chapter. The basilica itself (S. Paolo fuor de’ muri} 
was first built by Constantine. The great work on it is Vicolai della basilica di 5 
Paolo (Rom. 1815). Till the Reformation it was under the protection of the Kings 


488 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


sufferings, and released that heroic soul from that feeble body. Weeping 
friends took up his corpse, and carried it for burial to those subterranean 
labyrinths, where, through many ages of oppression, the persecuted 
Church found refuge for the living, and sepulehres for the dead. 

Thus died the Apostle, the Prophet, and the Martyr ; bequeathing te 
the Church, in her government and her discipline, the legacy of his Apos 
tolic labours; leaving his Prophetic words to be her living oracles 
pouring forth his blood to be the seed of a thousand Martyrdoms 
Thenceforth, among the glorious company of the Apostles, among the 
goodly fellowship of the Prophets, among the noble army of Martyrs, 
his name has stood pre-eminent. And wheresoever the holy Church 
throughout all the world doth acknowledge God, there Paul of Tarsus is 
revered, as the great teacher of a universal redemption and a catholic rée- 
ligion—the herald of glad tidings to all mankind. 


of England, and the emblem of the Order of the Garter is still to be seen among its 
decorations. (See Bunsen’s Beschreibung Roms, vol. iii. p. 440.) The church is de- 
scribed by Prudentius (Peristeph. Hym. 12): “ Titulum Pauli via servat Ostiensis.” 

1 Eusebius (ii. 25) says that the original burial-places of Peter and Paul, in the 
Catacombs (κοιμητήρια), were still shown in his time. This shows the tradition on the 
subject. Jerome, however, in the passage above cited, seems to make the place of 
burial and execution the same. See also the following Note. 


NOTE. 
On certain Legends connected with St. Paul’s Death. 


We have not thought it right to interrupt the narrative of St. Paul’s last impris- 
onment, by noticing the legends of the Roman martyrology upon the subject, nor 
by discussing the tradition which makes St. Peter his fellow-worker at Rome, and 
the companion of his imprisonment and martyrdom. The latter tradition seems 
to have grown up gradually in the Church, till at length, in the fourth century, it 
was accredited by Eusebius and Jerome. If we trace it to its origin, however, 
it appears to rest on but slender foundations. In the first piace, we have an 
undoubted testimony to the fact that St. Peter died by martyrdom, in St. John’s 
Gospel (Chap. xxi. 18,19). The same fact is attested by Clemens Romanus (a 
cotemporary authority) in the passage! which we have so often referred to. But 
in neither place is it said that Rome was the scene of the Apostle’s labours Οἱ 
death. The earliest authority for this is Dionysius,? Bishop of Corinth, (about 
4D 170), who calls “ Peter and Paul” the “founders of the Corinthian and Roman 


1 Clem. Rom. i. 5. 

* The passage of Ignatius (ep. ad Rom. 6. 4) sometimes quoted is quite inconclusive 
(οὐκ ὡς ἸΙέτρος καὶ Παῦλος διατάσσομαι ὑμῖν), even if it be genuine, which few pas 
sages in the epistles of Ignatius can be confidently assumed to be. 


LEGENDS CONNECTED WITH ST. PAUL’S DEATH. 480 


Churches,” and says that they both taught in Rome together, and suffered martyr 
dom “ about the same time” (κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρόν).1 The Roman Presbyter Caius 
{about a.p. 200), in the passage to which we have already referred (p. 487, note), 
mentions the tradition that Peter suffered martyrdom in the Vatican (which, if he 
suffered in the reign of Nero, he very probably would have done. Sce Tac. xv 
44, before quoted). The same tradition is confirmed by Irenzus,’ frequently 
alluded to by Tertullian, accredited (as we have before mentioned) by Eusebius 4 
and Jerome,’ and followed by Lactantius,® Crosius,? and all subsequent writers till 
the Reformation. This apparent weight of testimony, however, is much weak- 
ened by our knowledge of the facility with which unhistoric legends originate, 
especially when they fall in with the wishes of those among whom they cirenlate ; 
and it was a natural wish of the Roman Church to represent the “ Chief of the 
Apostles” as having the seat of his government, and the site of his martyrdom, 
in the chief city of the world. It cannot indeed be denied, that St. Peter may 
possibly have suffered martyrdom at Rome; but the form which the tradition 
assumes in the hands of Jerome, viz. that he was bishop of Rome for twenty-five 
years,’ from a.p. 42 to 68, may be regarded as entirely fabulous ; for, in the first 
place, it contradicts the agreement made at the Council of Jerusalem, that Peter 
should work among the Jews (Gal. ii. 9; compare Rom. i. 13, where the Roman 
Christians are classed among Gentile churches) ; 2dly, it is inconsistent with the 
First Epistle of St. Peter (which, from internal evidence, cannot have been writ- 
ten so early as 42 a.p.), where we find St. Peter labouring in Mesopotamia :9 
3dly, it is negatived by the silence of all St. Paul’s Epistles written at Rome. 

If Jerome’s statement of St. Peter's Roman Episcopate is unhistorical, his 
assertion that the two Apostles suffered martyrdom on the same day may be 
safely disregarded. We have seen that upon this tradition was grafted a legend 
that St. Peter and St. Paul were fellow-prisoners in the Mamertine.” It is like 
wise commemorated by a little chapel on the Ostian Road, outside the gate of San 
Paolo, which marks the spot where the Apostles separated on their way to death." 


1 Dionysius, quoted in Euseb. H. E. ii. 25. 3 Tren. adv. Her. iii. 3. 

3 Tertull. Scorp. 15, and Prescript. adv. Her. 36. 

4 In the place before cited, and in his Chronicon. 

5 See above, p. 487, note. € De Mort. Persec. 2. 7 Hist. vii. 7. 

8 Jerome says that St. Peter ‘‘secundo Claudii anno ad expugnandum Simonem 
magum Romam pergit” (Hieron. Sc. Ecc. sub Petro). Wieseler has shown how this 
notion probably originated from Justin’s well-known mistake of Semo Sancus for 
Simon Magus (Wieseler, p. 572, &c.). 

9 It is scarcely necessary to notice the hypothesis that in 1 Pet. v. 13, where St 
Peter sends salutations from “ Babylon,’’ he uses Babylon for Rome. We know from 
Josephus and Philo that Babylon in the Apostolic age contained an immense Jewish 
population, which formed a fitting field for the labours of St. Peter, the apostle of the 
circumcision. See Wieseler, p. 557, note 1. 

10 See the passage cited above, p. 487, note. 

1 See Martyrology of Baronius (Par. 1607) under March 14 (the passage before re- 
ferred to, p. 467, note). ‘Rome natalis sanctorum quadraginta septem martyrum 
qui baptizati sunt a B. Apostolo Petro, cum teneretur in custodia Mamertini cum co- 
apostolo suo Paulo, ubi novem menses detenti sunt.”” How obviously irreconcilable 
is this with 2 Tim. iv. 11, “Luke alone is with me.” 

2 Beschreibung Roms, vol. iii. p. 439. 


496 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF §8T. PAUL. 


St. Peter’s martyrdom is commemorated at Rome, not only by the great basilica 
xhich bears his name, but also by the little church of Domine quo vadis on the 
Appian Way, which is connected with one of the most beautiful legends! of the 
martyrology. This legend may be mentioned in advantageous contrast with that 
connected with the supposed site of St. Paul’s death, marked by the church of § 
Paolo alle tre fontane. According to the latter, these three fountains sprang up 
miraculously “abscisso Pauli capite triplici saltu sese sustollente.”? The legend 
goes on to say, that a noble matron named Lucina buried the body of St. Paul 
on her own land, beside the Ostian Road. 


1 The legend is that St. Peter, through fear of martyrdom, was leaving Rome by the 
Appian Road in the early dawn, when he met our Lord, and, casting himself at the 
feet of his Master, asked him “Domine quo vadis?”’ To which the Lord replied, 
“ Venio iterum crucifigi.””? The disciple returned, penitent and ashamed, and was mar- 
tyred. 

2 See the Acta Sanctorum, vol. vii., under June 29, in the “ Acta S. Pauli Apostoli ” 
The place is described as being “ Ad Salvias Aquas tertio ab Urhe lapide.” 


WHE EPISTLE ΤῸ THE WEBREWS. 491 


CHAPTER XXVIHI. 


HE BEING DEAD YET SPEAKETH. (Heb. xi. 4.) 


Ei τις οὖν ἐκκλησία ἔχει ταύτην τὴν ἐπιστόλην ὡς Παύλου, αὕτη εὐδοκιμεῖται 
καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ... . .. τίς δὲ ὁ γράψας τὴν ἐπιστόλην, τὸ μὲν ἄληθες Θεὸς olden 
(ORIGENES ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 25.) 

“Ad Hebreos epistolam Pauli, sive cujuscunque alterius eam esse putas.” 
(Hizronymvs, Comm. in Titum, c. 2.) 


THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.—I1S INSPIRATION NOT AFFECTED BY THE DOUBTS CON. 
CERNING ITS AUTHORSHIP.—ITS ORIGINAL READERS,—CONFLICTING TESTIMONY OF TUE 
PRIMITIVE CHURCH CONCERNING ITS AUTHOR.—HIS OBJECT IN WRITING IT.—TRANSLA- 
TION OF THE EPISTLE. 


Tue origin and history of the Epistle to the Hebrews was a subject of 
controversy even in the second century. There is no portion of the New 
Testament whose authorship is so disputed ; nor any of which the inspira- 
tion is more indisputable. The early Church could not determine whether 
it was written by Barnabas, by Luke, by Clement, or by Paul. Since 
the Reformation still greater diversity of opinion has prevailed. Luther 
assigned it to Apollos, Calvin to a disciple of the Apostles. The Church 
of Rome now maintains by its infallibility the Pauline authorship of the 
Epistle, which in the second, third, and fourth centuries, the same Church, 
with the same infallibility, denied. But notwithstanding these doubts 
concerning the origin of this canonical book, its inspired authority is be- 
yond all doubt. It is certain, from internal evidence, that it was written 
by a cotemporary of the Apostles, and before the destruction of Jerusa- 
lem ;! that its writer was the friend of Timotheus ;? and that he was the 
teacher? of one of the Apostolic Churches. Moreover the Epistle was 
received by the Oriental Church as canonical from the first Every 
sound reasoner must agree with St. Jerome,’ that it matters nothing 

1 See Heb. vii. 25, xiii. 11-13, and other passages which speak of the Temple services 
as going on. 

* See xiii. 23. 3 See xiii. 19, ἀποκατασταθῶ ὑμῖν. 

4 Clemens Alex. ap. Enseb. (H. E. vi. 14); Orig. ap. Euseb. (H. Εἰ. vi. 25); and the 
passages of St. Jerome quoted below. 


5 “Tilud nostris dicendum est, hanc epistolam que inscribitur ad Hebr@os non solum 
9b ecelesiis orientis, sed ab omnibus retro ecclesiasticis Graci sermonis scriptoribus 


492 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


whether it were written by Luke, by Barnabas, or by Paul, since it is 
allowed to be the production of the Apostolic age, and has been read in 
the public service of the Church from the earliest times. Those, there- 
fore, who conclude with Calvin, that it was not written by St. Paul, must 
also join with him in thinking the question of its authorship a question of 
little moment, and in “embracing it without controversy as one of the 
Apostolical Epistles.”! 

But when we call it an £pistle, we must observe that it 1s distin- 
guished, by one remarkable peculiarity, from other compositions which 
bear that name. In ancient no less than in modern times, it was an essen- . 
tial feature of an epistle, that it should be distinctly addressed, by the 
writer, to some definite individual, or body of individuals ; and a compa. 
sition which bore on its surface neither the name of its writer, nor an ad- 
dress to any particular readers, would then, as now, have been called 
rather a treatise than a letter. It was this peculiarity ? in the portion of 
Scripture now before us, which led to some of the doubts and perplexities 
concerning it which existed in the earliest times. Yet, on the other hand, 
we cannot consider it merely as a treatise or discourse ; because we find 
certain indications of an epistolary nature, which show that it was origi- 
nally addressed not to the world in general, nor to all Christians, nor even 
to all Jewish Christians, but to certain individual readers closely and per- 
sonally connected with the writer. 

Let us first examine these indications, and consider how far they 
tend to ascertain the readers for whom this Epistle was originally 
designed. 

In the first place, it may be held as certain that the Epistle was ad- 
dressed to Hebrew Christians. Throughout its pages there is not a single 
reference to any other class of converts. Its readers are assumed to be 
familiar with the Levitical worship, the Temple services, and all the insti- 
tutions of the Mosaic ritual. They are in danger of apostasy to Judaism, 
yet are not warned (like the Galatians and others) against circumcision ; 
plainly because they were already circumcised. They are called to view 
in Christianity the completion and perfect consummation of Judaism. 
They are called to behold in Christ the fulfilment of the Law, in His per- 


quas: Paut apostoli suscipi, licet plerique eam vel Barnabz vel Clementis arbitrentur ; 
et NIHIL 'VTERESSE CUJUS SIT, cum ecclesiastici viri sit et quotidie ecclesiarum lectione 
eelebretur..’? Hieron. Ep. ad Dardanum, 129. 

1 “Feo eam inter Apostolicas sine controversia amplector.... Quis porro eam 
composucrit non magnopere curandum est..... Ego ut Paulum agnoscam auctorem, 
adduci nequeo.’”’—Calvin. in Ep. ad Heb. 

3 We need scarcely remark that the inscription which the Epistle at present beara 
was not ἃ part of the original document. It is well known that the titles of all the 
Hpistles were of later origin; and the title by which this was first known was merely 
πρὸς ‘EGnaiave, and not Παύλου πρὸς Ἑβραίους. 


THE REaDERS OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 494 


son the antitype of the priesthood, in His offices the eternal realisation οἱ 
the sacrificial and mediatorial functions of the Jewish hierarchy. 

Yet, as we have said above, this work is not a treatise addressed to ali 
Jewish Christians throughout the world, but to ‘ne particular Church, 
concerning whick we learn the following facts :—First, its members had 
stedfastly endured persecution and the loss of property ; secondly, they 
had shewn sympathy to their imprisoned brethren and to Christians gene: 
rally (x. 32-34 and vi. 10) ; thirdly, they were now in danger of apostasy, 
and had not yet resisted unto blood (xii. 3-4; see also v. 11, &e., vi. 9, 
ἄς.) ; fourthly, their church had existed for a considerable length of time 
(v. 12), and some of its chief pastors were dead (xiii. 7) ; fifthly, their 
prayers are demanded for the restoration to them of the writer of the Epis- 
tle, who was therefore personally connected with them (xiii. 19) ; sixthly, 
they were acquainted with Timotheus, who was about to visit them (xiii. 
23) ; seventhly, the arguments addressed to them presuppose a power on 
their part of appreciating that spiritualising and allegorical interpretation 
of the Old Testament which distinguished the Alexandrian! School of 
Jewish Theology ; cighthly, they must have been familiar with the Scrip- 
tures in the Septuagint version, because every one of the numerous quota- 
tions is taken from that version, even where it differs materially from the 
Hebrew ; ninthly, the language in which they are addressed is Hellenistic 
Greek, and not Aramaic.’ 

It has been concludea by the majority, both of ancient and modern 
critics, that the church addressed was taat of Jerusalem, or at least was 
situate in Palestine. In favour of this view it is urged, first, that no 
church out of Paiestine could have consisted so exclusively of Jewish 
converts. ΤῸ this it may be replied that the Epistle, though addressed 
only to Jewish converts, and contemplating their position and their 
dangers exclusively, might still have been sent to a church which cor- 


1 The resemblance between the Epistle to the Hebrews and the writings of Philo is 
most striking. It extends not only to the general points mentioned in the text, but to 
particular doctrines and expressions: the parallel passages are enumerated by Bleek. 

? It may be considered as an established point, that the Greek Epistle which we 
now have is the original. Some of the early fathers thought that the origtnal had 
been written in Aramaic ; but the origin of this tradition seems to have been, Ist, the 
belief that the Epistle was written by St. Paul, combined with the perception of its 
lissimilarity in style to his writings ; and 2ndly, the belief that it was addressed to the 
Palestinian Church. That the present Epistle is not a translation from an Aramaic 
original is proved, Ist, by the quotation of the Septuagint argwmentatively, where it 
differs from the Hebrew; for instance, Heb. x. 38: 2ndly, by the paronomasias upon 
Greek words, which could not be translated into Aramaic, e. g. that on διαθήκη 
(ix. 16); 3rdly, by the free use of Greek compounds, such as πολυμερῶς, ἀπαύγασμα, 
εὐπερίστατος, &c., which could only be expressed in Aramaic by awkward periphrases; 
4th, by the fact that even the earliest writers had never seen a copy of the supposed 
Aramaic original. Its existence was only hypothetical from the first. 


4904 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ΚΤ. PAUL. 


tained Gentile converts also. In fact, even in the church of Jerusalem 
itself there must have been some converts from among the Gentile so 
journers who lived in that city ; so that the argument proves too much, 
Moreover, it is not necessary that every discourse addressed to a mixed 
congregation should discuss the position of every individual member. If 
an overwhelming majority belong to a particular class, the minority is 
often passed over in addresses directed to the whole body. Again, the 
Epistle may have been intended for the Hebrew members only of some 
particular church, which contained also Gentile members ; and this would 
perhaps explain the absence of the usual address and salutation at the 
commencement. Secondly, it is urged that none but Palestinian Jews 
would have felt the attachment to the Levitical ritual implied in the 
readers of this Epistle. But we do not see why the same attachment 
may not have been felt in every great community of Hebrews ; nay, we 
know historically that no Jews were more devotedly attached to the Tem- 
ole worship than those of the dispersion, who were only able to visit the 
Temple itself at distant intervals, but who still looked to it as the central 
point of their religious unity and of their national existence.' Thirdly, it 
is alleged that many passages seem to imply readers who had the Temple 
services going on continually under their eyes. The whole of the ninth 
and tenth chapters speak of the Levitical ritual in a manner which natu- 
rally suggests this idea. On the other hand it may be argued, that such 
passages imply no more than that amount of familiarity which might be 
presupposed, in those who were often in the habit of going up to the great 
feasts at Jerusalem.’ 

Thus, then, we cannot see that the Epistle must necessarily have been 
addressed to Jews of Palestine, because addressed to Hebrews.’ And, 
moreover, if we examine the preceding nine conditions which must be sa- 
tisfied by its readers, we shall find some of them which could scarcely 
apply to the church of Jerusalem, or any other church in Palestine. 
Thus we have seen that the Palestinian Church was remarkable 
for its poverty, and was the recipient of the bounty of other 
churches ; whereas those addressed here are themselves the liberal 
benefactors of others. Again, those here addressed have not yet ve 
sisted unto blood ; whereas the Palestinian Church had produced many 
martyrs, in several persecutions. Moreover, the Palestinian’ Jews 

1 They shewed this by the large contributions which they sent to the Temple from 
all countries where they were dispersed ; see above, p. 369. 

? We cannot agree with Ebrard, that the Epistle contains indications that the Chris 
tians addressed had been excluded from the Temple. 

3 Bleek and De Wette have urged the title πρὸς ᾿Εβραίους to prove the same point 
But Wieseler (p. 485-488) has conclusively shewn that Ἑβραῖος was applied as pro 


perly to Hebrews of the dispersion, as to Hebrews of Palestine. 
4 Cultivated individuals at Jerusalem (as, for instance, the pupils of Gamaliel} 


THE READERS OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 495 


would hardly be addressed in a style of reasoning adapted to minds im. 
bued with Alexandrian culture. Finally, a letter to the church of Pales 
tine would surely have been written in the language of Palestine ; or, at 
least, when the Scriptures of Hebraism were appealed to, they would not 
have been quoted from the Septuagint version, where wt differs from the 
Hebrew. 

These considerations (above all, the last) seem to negative the hypo- 
thesis that this Epistle was addressed to a church situate in the Holy 
Land ; and the latter portion of them point to another church, from which 
we may more plausibly conceive it to have been intended, namely, that of 
Alexandria.’ Such a supposition would at once account for the Alexan- 
drian tone of thought and reasoning,-and for the quotations from the Sep- 
tuagint ;? while the wealth of the Alexandrian Jews would explain the 
liberality here commended ; and the immense Hebrew population of Alex- 
andria would render it natural that the Epistle should contemplate the 
Hebrew Christians alone in that church, wherein there may perhaps at 
first have been as few Gentile converts as in Jerusalem itself. It must be 
remembered, however, that this is only an hypothesis, offered as being 
embarrassed with fewer difficulties than any other which has been pro- 
posed. 

Such then being the utmost which we can ascertain concerning the 
readers of the Epistle, what can we learn of its writer? Lect us first ex- 
amine the testimony of the Primitive Church on this question. It is, well 
summed up by St. Jerome in the following passage :*—‘‘ That which is 
called the Hpistle to the Hebrews is thought not to be Paul’s, because of 


would have fully entered into such reasoning; but it would scarcely have been ad- 
dressed to the mass of Jewish believers, Bleek (as we have before observed) hag 
shewn many instances of parallelism between the Epistle to the Hebrews and the 
writings of Philo, the representative of Alexandrian Judaism. 

1 The canon of Muratori mentions an epistle ad Alexandrinos (which it rejects), 
and takes no notice of any epistle ad Hebreos. We cannot prove, however, that this 
epistle ad Alexandrinos was the same with our Epistle to the Hebrews. 

? Bleek has endeavoured to prove (and we think successfully) that these are not 
only from the LXX., but from the Alexandrian MSS. of the LXX. But we do not 
insist on this argument, as it is liable to some doubt. 

3 It is to be regretted that Wieseler should have encumbered his able arguments in 
defence of this hypothesis (originally suggested by Schmidt) by maintaining that the 
constant allusions to the Temple and hierarchy in this Epistle refer to the Egyptian 
temple built by Onias at Leontopolis. This hypothesis is sufficiently refuted by Wie - 
seler’s own admission (501), that even Philo the Alexandrian, when epeaking of th. 
Temple, knows but one, viz. the Temple on Mount Zion. 

4 “Epistola que fertur ad Hebreos nou ejus [Pauli] creditur propter stili sermon- 
isque distantiam ; sed vel Barnabee (juxta Tertullianum); vel Luce evangelista 
(juxta quosdam) ; vel Clementis (Romane postea ecclesia episcopi) quem aiunt sen- 
tentias Pauli proprio ordinasse et ornasse sermone ; vel certe, quia Paulus secribebat 
ad Hebraos, et propter invidiam sui apud eos nomfnis, titulum iv principio saluta 
tionis amputaverat.’”’—Hieron. Catal. Script. 


496 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PADL. 


the difference of style and language, but is ascribed either to Darnabaa 
(according to Tertullian), or to Luke the Evangelist (according to some 
authorities), or to Clement (afterwards Bishop of Rome), who is said to 
have arranged and adorned Paul’s sentiments in his own language ; or at 
least it is thought that Paul abstained from the inscription of his name at 
its commencement, because it was addressed to the Hebrews, among whom 
he was unpopular.” Here then we find that the Epistle was ascribed to 
four different writers—St. Barnabas, St. Luke, St. Clement, or St. Paul. 
With regard to the first, Tertullian expressly says that copies of the Epis 
tle in his day bore the inscription, ‘‘the Epistle of Barnabas to the He 
brews.” ! The same tradition is mentioned by Philastrius.' The opinion 
that either Luke or Clement was the writer is mentioned by Clement of 
Alexandria,? Origen,? and others ; but they seem not to have considered 
Luke or Clement as the independent authors of ihe Epistle, but only as 
editors of the sentiments of Paul. Some held that Luke had only trans- 
lated the Pauline original ; others that he or Clement had systematised 
the teaching of their master with a commentary‘ of theirown. Fourthly, 
St. Paul was held to be, in some sense, the author of the Epistle, by the 
Greek* ecclesiastical writers generally ; though no one, so far as we 
know, maintained that he had written it in its present form. On the other 
hand, the Latin Church, till the fourth century, refused to acknowledge 
the Epistle 5 as Panl’s in any sense. 

Thus there were, in fact, only two persons whose claim to the indepen- 
dent authorship of the Epistle was maintained in the Primitive Church, 
viz. St. Barnabas and St. Paul. Those who contend that Barnabas was 
the author, confirm the testimony of Tertullian by the following argu- 
ments from internal evidence. First, Barnabas was a Levite, and there 
fore would naturally dwell on the Levitical worship which forms so pro- 
minent a topic of this. Epistie. Secondly, Barnabas was a native of 


1 Exiat enim et Barnnss titulus ap Hesrxos.’’—De Pudic. 20. “Sunt alii quoque 
qui epistolam Pauli ad Hebreos non adserunt esse ipsius, sed dicunt aut Barnabe esse 
apostoli aut,”? &e.—Philast. Heres. 89. 

3 σὴν πρὸς Ἑβραίους ἐπιστόλην Παύλου μὲν εἶναι φησι, γεγράφθαι δὲ Ἕ θραίοις 
‘EGpaiky φωνῇ. Λουκᾶν δὲ φι οτίμως αὐτὴν μεθερμηνεύσαντα, ἐκδοῦναι τοῖς “Ελλῆησειν, 
—Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. Η. E. vi. 14. 

3 After stating that the style is admitted not to be that of St. Paul, Origen addsthis 
own opinion that the Epistle was written by some disciple of St. Paul, who recorded 
the sentiments (τὰ νοήματα) of the Apostle, and commented like a scholiast (ὡσπεοεὶ 
σχολιογραφήσαντος) upon the teaching of his master. Then follows the passage which 
we have prefixed to this chapter as a motto; after which he mentions the tradition 
about Clement and Luke.—Origenes, ap. Euseb. Hist. Ec. vi. 25. 

+ See the preceding note. 

5 See the passage quoted above from Jerome’s Epistle to Dardanus. 

6 Even Cyprian rejected it (De Exhort. Mart. cap. xi.), and Hilary is the first writer 
of the Western Church who received it as St. Paul's 


THE WRITER OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 497 


_ Cyprus, and Cyprus was peculiarly connected with Alexandria ; so that 
a Cyprian Levite would most probably receive his theological education 
at Alexandria, This would agree with the Alexandrian character of the 
argumentation of this Epistle. Thirdly, the writer of the Epistle was a 
friend of Timotheus (see above) ; so was Barnabas (cf. Acts xiii. and 
xiv. with 2 Tim. iii. 11). Fourthly, the Hebraic appellation which Bar- 
nabas received from the Apostles—‘“ Sen of Exhortation” '—shews that 
he possessed the gift necessary for writing a composition distinguished for 
the power of its hortatory admonitions. 

The advocates of the Pauline authorship urge, in addition to the 
external testimony which we have before mentioned, the following argu- 
ments from internal evidence. First, that the general plan of the Epistle 
is similar to that of Paul’s other writings ; secondly, that its doctrinal 
statements are identical with Paul’s ; thirdly, that there are many points 
of similarity between its phraseology and diction and those of Paul.2. On 
the other hand, the opponents of the Pauline origin argue, first, that the 
rhetorical character of the composition is altogether unlike Paul’s other 
writings ; secondly, that there are many points of difference in the phra- 
seology and diction; thirdly, that the quotatiens of the Old Testament 
are ποῦ made in the same form as Paul’s ;* fourthly, that the writer in- 
eludes himself among those who had received the Gospel from the original 
disitples of the Lord Jesus (ii. 3), whereas St. Paul declares that the 
Gospel was not taught hem by man, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ 
(Gal. i. 11, 12); fifthly, that St. Paul’s Epistles always begin with his 
name, and always specify in the salutation the persons to whom they are 
addressed. 


1 The name is translated by Winer, Sohn kréftiger religiéser Ansprache, and is 
derived from y=5— προφητεύειν, or παρακαλεῖν. See Winer’s Realworterbuch, and 
Wahl’s Lexicon in voce, and Vol. I. p. 117, note 5. 

* The ablest English champion of the Pauline authorship is Dr. Davidson, who has 
stated the arguments on both sides with that perfect candour which so peculiarly dis- 
tinguishes him among theological writers. See Davidson's Introduction, vol. iii. Ὁ. 
163-259. Ebrard, in his recent work on the Epistle, argues plausibly in favour of the 
hypothesis mentioned above, that it was written by St. Luke, under the direction of St. 
Paul. He modifies this hypothesis by supposing Luke to receive Paul’s instructions 
at Rome, and then to write the Epistle in some other part of Italy. We think, how- 
ever, that the argument on which he mainly relies (viz. that the writer of xiii. 19 
could not have been the writer of xiii. 23) is untenable. 

3 It should be observed that the three preceding arguments do not contradict the 
primitive opinion that the Epistle contained the embodiment of St. Paul’s senti- 
ments by the pen of Luke or Clement. 

+ Some have argued that this could not have been said by Barnabas, because they 
receive the tradition mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, that Barnabas was one οἱ 
. the seventy disciples of Christ. But this tradition seems to have arisen from a confu- 
sion between Barnabas and Barsabas (Acts i. 23). Tertullian speaks of Barnabas as a 
disciple of the Apostles, “qui ab Apostolis didicit.””—De Pudice. ec. 20. 

* We have not mentioned here the mistakes which some suppose the writer to nave 

ΤΟΙ, 11.—-382 


498 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Several very able modern critics have agreed with Luther in assigning 
the authorship of this Epistle to Apollos, chiefly because we know him te 
have been a learned Alexandrian Jew,' and because he fulfils the other 
conditions mentioned above, as required by the internal evidence. But 
we need not dwell on this opinion, since it is not based on external tes- 
timony, and since Barnabas fulfils the requisite conditions almost equally 
well, Ἷ 

Finally, we may observe that, notwithstanding the doubts which we 
have recorded, we need not scruple to speak of this portion of Scripturs 
by its canonical designation, as “the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the 
Hebrews.” We have seen that Jerome expresses the greatest doubts 
concerning its authorship ; and that Origen says, “the writer is known to 
God alone :” the same doubts are expressed by Eusebius and by Augus- 
tine ; yet all these great writers refer to the words of the Hpistle as 
the words of Paul. In fact, whether written by Barnabas, by Luke, by 
Clement, or by Apollos, it represented the views, and was impregnated 
by the influence, of the great Apostle, whose disciples even the chief of 
these apostolic men might well be called. By their writings, no less than 
by his own, he being dead yet spake. 

We have seen that the Epistle to the Hebrews was addressed to 
Jewish converts, who were tempted to apostatise from Christianity, and 
return to Judaism. Its primary object was to check this apostasy, by 
shewing them the true end and meaning of the Mosaic system, and its 
symbolical and transitory character. They were taught to look through 
the shadow to the substance, through the type to the antitype. But the 
treatise, though first called forth to meet the needs of Hebrew converts, 
was not designed for their instruction only. The Spirit of God has chosen 
this occasion to enlighten the Universal Church concerning the design of 
the ancient covenant, and the interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures. 
Nor could the memory of St. Paul be enshrined in a nobler monument, 
nor his mission on earth be more fitly closed, than by this inspired record 
of the true subordination of Judaism to Christianity. 


made concerning the internal arrangements of the Temple and the official dutics of the 
High Priest. These difficulties will be discussed in the notes upon the passages wherw 
they occur. They are not οἵ ἃ kind which tend to fix the authorship of the Frisths 
upon one more than upon another of those to whom it has been assigned. 

1 Acts xviii 24 


EFISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 499 


THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.! 


᾽ God,? who at sundry times and in divers man- _ God has re 
vealed Himse 


ners‘spake of old to our fathers by the prophets, finally to man. 


n tho person 


2 hath® in these last days‘ spoken to us by® His Son, of His Sow. 
whom He appointed heir of all things, by whom also He made 

3 the universe ;* who being an emanation’ of His glory, and an 
express ὃ image of His substance, and upholding all things by 
the word of His power, when He had by Himself made purifi- 
cation ” for our sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty 

4 on high; being made so much greater than the angels, as He 
hath by inheritance obtained a more excellent name than they 

5 For to which of the Angels" said He at any who is higha 
time, “ Zhow art my son, this day have I begotten ss. 


1 We have the following circumstances to fix the date of this Epistle :— 

(1) The Temple of Jerusalem was standing, and the services going on undisturbed 
rvii. 25. xiii. 11-13). Hence it was written before the destruction of the Temple in 
A.D. 70. 

(2) Its author was at liberty in Italy; and Timotheus was just liberated from im 
prisonment (xiii. 23, 24). If St. Paul wrote it, this would fix the date at 63; but as 
we do not hear that Timotheus was then imprisoned in Italy (either in Acts, or in the 
Hpistles to Timothy, where allusions might be expected to the fact), it would seem 
more probable that his imprisonment here mentioned took place about the time of Si, 
Paul’s death ; and that he was liberated after the death of Nero. This would place 
the date of the Epistle in a.p. 68 or 69. 

(3) This date agrees with ii. 3, which places the readers of the Epistle among those 
who had not seen our Lord in the flesh ; for ἡμεῖς there plainly includes the readers as 
well as the writer. 

* In order to mark the difference of style and character between this and the pre 
ceeding Epistles, the translator has in this Epistle adhered as closely as possible to the 
language of the authorised version. 

3 The Hellenistic peculiarity of using the aorist for the perfect (which is not un- 
common in St. Paul’s writings, see Rom. xi. 30, and Phil. iii, 12) is very frequent in 
this Epistle. 

4 En’ ἐσχάτου is the reading of the best MSS. It should perhaps rather be trans- 
lated, “in the end of these days,” these days being contrastcd with the future period 
ὁ μέλλων αἰών. 

5. Ἐν is more than “dy” (so in the preceding verse); in the person of His Son 
would be more accurate. 

6 Tove αἰῶνας : so xi. 3. 

7 ᾿Απαύγασμα, not “ brightness” (A. V.), but emanation, as of light from the sun 
The word and idea occur in Philo. 

8 Χαρακτήρ, literally, impression, as of a 568] on wax. The same expression is used 
vy Philo concerning ὁ ἀΐδιος λόγος. 

9 Ὕπόστασις, not “person” (A. V.), but substance. Cf. xi. 1; and see note on 
hi. 14. 

* The dv’ ἑαυτοῦ and ἡμῶν of T. R. are not found mm some of the best MSS. 

’ The Law (according to a Jewish tradition frequently confirmed in the New Tes 


§09 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 81. PAUL. 


thee ;} and again, “J will be to hima father, and he shall be to 
me ason.”? But when He bringeth back®* the First-begotten 6 
into the world, He saith, “And Jet all the angels of God wor- 
chip him.”* And of the angels He saith, “Who maketh his ἢ 
angels spirits, and his ministers flames of jire.”* But unto the 
Son He saith, “Zhy throne, O God, is for ever and ever; a 8 
sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of thy kingdom. Thou 
hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity. Therefore, God, ¢ 
even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above 
thy fellows.”® And “ Zhou, Lord, i the beginning didst1e 
lay the foundation of the earth, and the heavens are the 
works of thine hands. They shall perish, but thou remainest ; 11 
and they all shall waa old as doth a garment, and as a ves- 12 
ture shalt thou fold them up and they shall be chansed ; 
but thou art the same, and thy years shall not fail.”? 

But to which of the angels hath He said at any time, “ S’¢13 
thow on my right hand, until I make thy enemies thy foot- 
stool.”* Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to exe-14 
cute His service, for 9 the sake of those who shall inherit salva- 
tion ¢ 


tament) was delivered by angels (Acts vii. 53. Gal. iii. 19. Heb. 11. 8). fence the 
ewphasis here laid upon the inferiority of the angels to the Messiah, whence follows 
the inferiority of the Law to the Gospel. This inference is expressed ii. 3. 

ISP SOIL, ἢ. (Lukoxs) 

2 2Sam. vii. 14 (LXX.) (originally spoken of Solomon, in whom we sve a type of 
Christ. Cf. Ps. 1xxii.) 

3 Ὅταν πάλιν εἰσαγάγῃ, literally, when he shall have brought back, quum rursus 
introduxerit, not iterum, quum introducit, (De Wette contra Bleek.) The ascen- 
sion of Christ having been mentioned, His return to judge the world follows. 

4 This quotation forms an exception to Bleek’s assertion that the quotations in this 
Epistle are always from the Alexandrian text of the LXX. It is from Deut. xxxii. 43, 
verbatim according to the MSS. followed by the T. R.; but not according to the 
Codex Alex., which reads viol, instead of ἄγγελοι. The LXX. here differs from the 
Hebrew, which entirely omits the words here quoted. The passage where the quota 
tion occurs is at the conclusion of the final song of Moses, where he is describing God’s 
vengeance upon His enemies. It seems here to be applied in a higher sense to the 
last judgment. 

5 Ps. civ. 4. Quoted according to LXX. The Hebrew is, “ Who maketh the winds 
his messengers, and the flames his ministers.’’? But the thought expressed here is, that 
God employs His angels in the physical operations of the universe. ‘IIvevuara is 
equivalent to ἄνεμοι, as at John iii. 8 and Gen. viii. 1. (LXX.) 

6 Ps, xlv. 6-7. (LXX.) 

7 Ps, cil. 26-28. (J.XX.) It is most important to observe that this descriptior, 
applied in the original to God, is here without hesitation applied to Christ. 

8 Ps, ex. ]. (LXX.) Applied to the Messiah by our Lord himself, by St. Peter 
(Acts ii. 35), and by St. Paul (1 Cor. xv. 25). 

9 The A.V.“ to minister for them,” is incorrect. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 501 
“" 
1 Therefore, we ought to give the more earnest heed to the 


‘nings which we have heard, lest at any time we should let 
2 them slip... For if the word declared by angels’ was stedfast, 
and every transgression and disobedience received a due re- 
3 quital; how shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation ὃ 
which was declared at first by the Lord, and was established 3 
4 unto us‘ on firm foundations by those who heard Him, God 
also bearing them witness both with signs and wonders and 
divers miracles, and with gifts of the Holy Spirit, which He 
distributed® according to His own will. 
5. For not unto angels hath He subjected the world ὁ to come, 
6 whereof we speak. But one in a certain place testified, saying, 
“What ἐδ man that thou art mindful of him, or the son of 
7 man that thou regardest him? For a little? while thow hast 
made him lower than the angels; thou hast crowned him 
8 with glory and honour, thou hast put all things in subjee- 
tion under his feet.”® For in that He “put all things in sub- 
jection” under Him, He left nothing that should not be put 
under Him. 
But now we see not yet all things in subjection the humite- 


tion of Jesus 


9 under Him. But we behold Jesus, who was “for was _ needful, 
that He might 


ὦ little while made lower than the angels,” crown- ve consecrated 


by sufferings as 


ed through ” the suffering of death with glory and High Priest for 


man. 


honour; that by the free gift of God He might 


1 The active signification here given in A. V. is defended by Buttman and Wahl. 
See Wahl in voce παραῤῥέω. 

* Viz. the Mosaic Law. See the note on i. 5. 

3 "Ἐβεθαιώθη, was established on firm ground. 

4 On the inferences from this verse, see above, p. 499. 

5 Μερισμοῖς. Cf. 1 Cor. xii. 11. 

6 The world to come here corresponds with the μέλλουσαν πόλιν of xiii. 14. The 
subjection of this to the Messiah (though not yet accomplished, sce verse 9) waa 
another proof of His superiority to the angels. 

7 Βραχύ τι may mean in a small degree, or for a short time; the former is the 
meaning of the Hebrew original, but the latter meaning is taken here, as we see from 
verse 9th. 

8 The T. R. inserts καὶ κατέστησας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα τῶν χειρῶν σοῦ, but this ia 
not found in the best MSS. 

9 Ps. viii. 5-7, (LXX.) Quoted also (with a slight variation) as referring te our 
Lord, 1 Cor. xv. 27, and Eph. i. 22. The Hebrew Psalmist speaks of mankind ; tae 
New Testament teaches us to apply his words in a higher sense to Christ, the repre 
sentative of glorified humanity. 

19 Compare Phil. ii. 8-9. 


δ02 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


taste death for all men. For it became Him, through ' whom 16 
are all things, and by whom are all things, in bringing* many 
sons unto glory, to consecrate*® by sufferings the captain‘ of | 
their salvation. 

For both He that sanctifieth, and they who are® sanctified, 11 
have all one Father; wherefore, He is not ashamed to call them 
brethren, saying, “4.7 will declare thy name to my brethren, vv 12 
the midst of the congregation will I sing praises unto thee.” 5 
And again, “ Zwill put my trust in him; lo, Land the child-13 
ren which God hath given me.’ Forasmuch then as “ the child-14 
ren” are partakers of flesh and blood, He also himself likewise 
took part of the same, that by death He might destroy the 
lord of death, that is, the Devil; and might deliver them who 15 
through fear of death were all their lifetime subject to bondage. 
For He giveth His aid,‘ not unto angels, but unto the seed of 1¢ 
Abraham. Wherefore, it behoved Him in all things to be17 
made like unto His brethren, that He might become a merci- 
ful’ and faithful High Priest in the things of God, to make 
expiation for the sins of the people. For whereas He hath him-1s 
self been tried’° by suffering, He is able to succour them that 
are in trial. 


1 Compare Rom. xi. 36, and 1 Cor. viii. 6 God is here described as the First 
Cause (δι ὃν), and the sustainer (δι od) of the universe. 

? ᾿Αγάγοντα is here used for ἀγάγοντι. So διακρινόμενον, Acts xi. 12. 

3 Τελειῶσαι, literally, to bring to the appointed accomplishment, to develope the 
full idea of the character, to consummate. The latter word would be the best trans- 
jation, if it were not so unusual as applied to persons ; but the word consecrate is often 
used in the same sense, and is employed in the A. V. asa translation of this verb, 
vii. 28. 

4 ’Apynyov. The σωζόμενοι are here represented as an army, with Jesus leading 
them on. Compare xii. 2. 

5 "Αγιαζόμενοι, literally, who are in the process of sanctification. 

6 Ps, xxii, 23. (LXX. with ἀπαγγελῶ for διηγήσομαι.) Here again the Messianio 
application of this Psalm (which is not apparent in the original) is very instructive. 

7 This quotation from Is. viii. 17-18 (LXX.) appears in English to be broken inte 
two (which destroys the sense), if the intermediate καὶ πάλιν be translated. Indeed, 
it may well be suspected that it has here been introduced into the MSS., by an error 
of transcription, from the line above. 

8 ᾿Επιλαμβάνεσθ 3, means to assist here. So it is used in Sirach iv. 12. The A. V. 
mistrarslates the present tense as past. 

® Perhaps it would be more correct to translate that he might become merciful, and 
a faithful, &e. 

10 Literally, hath suftred when in trial. Tetpdfeo6ac does not mean usually te be 
tempted to sin, but to be tried by affliction, “calamitatibus exerceri.’ (Wahl.) Cf. 
1 Cor. x. 13, and James i. 2. Hence it is better not to translate it by temptation, 

which, in modern English, conveys only the former-idea. A perplexity may perhaps 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 508 


1 Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of a hea- eesetinlantgs 
venly calling, consider the apostle: and High Priest 
2 of our? Confession, Christ? Jesus; who was faithful to Him that 
appointed Him, as Moses also was “ faithful in all the househola 
8 of God.” + For greater glory is due to Him than unto Moses, in 
asmuch as the founder of the household is honoured above the 
4 household. Jor every household hath some founder; but he 
5 that hath founded all things is God. And Moses indeed was 
“faithful im all the household of God” as “a Servant”® ap- 
pointed to testify the words that should be spoken [unto him]: 
6 but Christ as “ @ Son” 5 over His own household. 
And His household are we, if we hold fast our Warning against 
confidence, and the rejoicing of our hope, firmly unto am 
7 the end. Wherefore, as the Holy Spirit saith, “ Zo-day if ye 
8 will hear his voice, harden not your hearts as in the provocation, 
9 in the day of temptation in the wilderness ; when your fathers 
10 tempted me, proved me, and saw my works forty years. Where- 
Sore I was grieved with that generation, and said, They do 
always err in their hearts, and they? have not known my ways. 
So I sware m my wrath, they shall not enter into my rest.” 
12 Take heed, brethren, lest there be in any of you an eyil heart 
130f unbelief, in departing from the living God. But exhort 
one another daily while it is called To-day, lest any of you 
14 be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin. Jor we are made 
partakers® of Christ, if we hold our first foundation » firmly 
unto the end. 


be removed from some English readers by the information that St. James’s direction 
to “count it all joy when we fall into divers temptations,” is, in reality, an admoni- 
tion to rejoice in suffering for Christ’s sake. 

1 Ὰ τόστολος is here used in its etymological sense for one sent forth. 

* For ὁμολογία compare iv. 14 and x. 23. 

3 We have not departed here from the T. R.; but the best MSS. omit Χριστόν. 

4 Numbers xii. 7. (LXX.) Ὁ ϑεράπων μου Μωύσης ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ μου morog 
ἐστι, The metaphor is of a faithful steward presiding over his master’s ΠΟΙ ΒΟ ΠΟ] 
(οἴκος, ποὺ οἰκία). 

5. Θεράπων, quoted from the same verse, Numbers xii. 7. (LXX.) (See above.) 

6 See the quotations in i. 5. 7 Αὐτοὶ dé (emphitic). 

8 The ahove quotation is from Ps. xcy. 7-11, mainly according to the Codex Alexan- 
drinus of the LXX., but net entirely so, the τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη interpolated in verse 
9th being the principal, though not the only variation. The peculiar use of εἰ here 
(and iv. 3) is a Hebraism. 

9 Μέτοχοι. Compave iii. 1 and vi. 4 (μετόχους mvetuaroc). 

16 Tv ἀρχὴν τῆς ὑποστάσεως, literally, the beginning of our foundation. Tha 
orivin3! meaning of ὑπόστασις is that whereon anything else stands or as supported. 


604 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


When it is said, “ Zo-day, of ye will hear his vorze, harden 
not your hearts as in the provocation,’—who} were they that, 16 
though they had heard, did provoke? Were they not all? 
whom Moses brought forth out of Egypt? And with whom was 1; 
He grieved forty years? Was it not with them that had sinned, 
whose carcases* fell in the wilderness? And to whom sware 18 
He that they should not enter into His rest, but to them that 
were disobedient 3 And*wesee that they could not enter in 19 
[to the land of promise] because of unbelief.’ IV. 

Therefore let us fear, since a promise still’ remaineth of 1 
entering into His rest, lest any of you should be found * to come 
short of it. For we have received glad tidings as well as they ; 2 
but the report which they heard did not profit them, because 
it® met no belief in the hearers. For we, THAT HAVE BELIEVED, 3 
are entering into the [promised] rest. And thus He hath said, 

“ So I sware in my wrath, they shall nor enter into my rest.” ¥ 
Although " His works were finished, ever since the foundation 
of the world; for He hath spoken in a certain place of the 4 
seventh day in this wise, “And God did rust on the seventh 5 
day from all his works ;”” and in this place again “ they shall 


hence it acquired the meaning of substantia, or substance (in the metaphysical sense 
of the term). Cf. Heb. i. 3, and xi. 1; hence, again, that of subject-matter (2 Cor. ix. 
4; 2Oor. xi. 17). There is no passage of the New Testament where it can properly 
be translated “ confidence.” ; 

1 Wo take the accentuation adopted by Chrysostom, Griesbach, &c., τίνες (not 
τινὲς). 

3 The inference is that Christians, though delivered by Christ from bondage, would 
nevertheless perish if they did not persevere (see verses 6 and 14). The interrogation 
is not observed in A. V. 

3 Κῶλα, literally, Zimbs; but the word is used by the LXX. for carcases, Namivers 
xiv. 32. 

4 ᾿Απειθήσασι, not “that believed not’? (A. V). See note on Rom, xi, 39. 

5 Καὶ, not “so” (A. V.). 

6 The allusion is to the refusal of the Israelites to believe ia the good veport of the 
Jand of Canaan brought by the spies. (Numbers xiii, and xiv.) 

7 Καταλειπομένης. Compare ἀπολείπεται, verses ὃ and 3. The reasoning is ex- 
plained by what follows, especially verses 6-8. 

8 Aoki, should be seen. 

9 Literally, it was not mixed with belief. The other reading, συγκεκερασμένους, 
would mean, “they were not united by belief to its hearers,’ where its hearers 
must mean the spies, who reported what they had heard of the richness of the land 
Tischendorf, in his 2nd edition, retains the T. R. 

10 The A. V. here strangely departs from the correct translation of the εἰ εἰσελεν.- 
povtat, which it adopts above (iii. 11). 

11 For the meaning of καίτοι here, see Wahl. 

% Gen. ii. 2. (LXX, slightly altered.) 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 505 


6 Not enter ento my rest.” Since therefore it still remaineth 
that some must enter therein, and they who first received the 
7 glad tidings thereof entered not, because of disobedience,’ He 
AGAIN fixeth a certain day,—‘ro-pay ”—declaring in David, 
after so long a time (as hath been said), “Zo-day, if ye wilt 
8 hear his voice, harden not your hearts.” For if Joshua had 
given them rest, God would not have spoken afterwards ot 
9 anotHER day. ‘Therefore there still remaineth a Sabbath-rest? 
10 for the people of God. For he that is entered into God’s rest, 
must‘ himself also rest from his labours, as God did from His. 
{1 Let us therefore strive to enter into that rest, lest any man fall 
after the same example of disobedience.* 
12 For the word of God ® liveth and worketh, and is tor Goa’s judg- 


i ἃ ment cannot be 
sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to evaded. 


the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, yea, to the? inmost 
parts thereof, and judging the thoughts and imaginations of 
13 the heart. Neither is there any creature that is not manifest 
in His sight. But all things are naked and opened unto the 
eyes of Him with whom we have to do. 
14. Seeing, then, that we have a great High Priest, onrist is a High 


Priest who can 
who hath passed* through the heavens, Jesus the b« touched with 


a feeling of our 


15son of God, let us hold fast our Confession. For we infirmities. 
have not an High Priest that cannot be touched with a feeling 


1 The meaning of this is—God’s rest was a perfect rest,—He declared His intention 
that His people should enjoy His rest.—that intention has not yet been fulfilled,— 
its fulfilment therefore is still to come. 

? Here it is said they entered not δι’ ἀπειθείαν; in iii. 19, δ’ ἀπιστίαν; but this 

. does not justify us in translating these different Greek expressions (as in A. V.) by the 
same English word. The rejection of the Israelites was caused both by unbelief and 
by disobedience ; the dormer being the source of the latter. 

3 Σαββατισμός, a keeping of Sabbatical rest. 

4 Literally, hath rested, the aorist used for perfect. To complete the argument of 
this verse, we must supply the minor premiss, but God’s people have never yet en- 
joyed this perfect rest ; whence the conclusion follows, therefore its enjoyment ts 
still fulure, as before. 

5. The reasoning of the above passage rests upon the truth that the unbelief of the 
Israelites, and the repose of Canaan, were typical of higher realities; and that this 
fact had been divinely intimated in the words of the Psalmist. 

6 The word of God is the revelation of the mind of God, imparted to man. Sea 
note on Eph. v. 26. Here it denotes the revelation of God’s judgment to the cone 

cience. 

7 The re after ψυ ῆς is omitted by the best MSS. The expression, ψυχῆς καὶ πνεῦ» 
ματος, ἁρμῶν te καὶ μυελῶν, is literally, of soul and spirit, both joint and marrow 
the latter being a proverbial expression for wtter/y, even to the inmost parts. 

8 Διεληλυθότα, not “into” (A. V.). The allusion is to the high priest passing 
Δ στο ΟἿ the courts of the temple to the Holy of Holies. Compare ix 11 and 24. 


δὺ0 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


of our infirmities, but who bore in all things the likeness of cur 
trials,! yet without sin. Let us therefore come boldly to the 16 
throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace to ¥ 
help in time of need. For every High Priest taken from 1 
among men, is ordained to act on behalf of men in the things 
of God, that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sins; and is 2 
able to bear with the ignorant’ and erring, being himself also 
encompassed with infirmity. And by reason thereof, he is 3 
bound, as for the people, so also for himself, to make offering 
for sins. And no man taketh this honour on himself, but he 4 
that is‘ called by God, as was Aaron. So also Christ glorified & 
not Himself, to be made an High Priest; but He that said 
unto Him “Zhou art my son, to-day have I begotten thee.”* As 
He saith also in another place, “Zhow art a priest for ever 
after the order of Melchisedec.”* Who in the days of his flesh 
offered up prayers and supplications with strong crying and 
tears, unto Him that could save him from death, and was 
heard because he feared God;7 and though he was a Son, yet ὃ 
learned he obedience® by suffering. And when his consecra- 9 
tion® was accomplished, he became the author of eternz? sal- 
vation to all them that obey him; having been named by God tc 
an High Priest “after the order of Melchisedec.” 

The readers are Of whom I have many things to say, and bard of .1 


reproached for 


their decline in Interpretation, since ye have grown” dull ix under- 
spiritual un- 


derstanding, standing." For when ye ought, after so long: time, 12 
to be teachers, ye need again to be taught yourselves. what 


σι 


-1 


1 See note on ii. 18, 

* The sin-offerings were mostly for sins of ygnorance. Sce Leviticus, ciap. v. 

3 See Levit. chap. iv. and chap ix. 

4 If (with the best MSS.) we omit the article, the translation will kh , “but when 
called by God,” which does not alter the sense. 

5 Psalm ii. 7. (LXX.) 6 Ps.cx.4. (LXX.) 

7 Ἑὐλαβεία means the fear of God. Compare ἀνόρες εὐλαβεῖς, Ac sii. 5. The 
sentiment corresponds remarkably with that of chap. xii. 5-11. 

8 "Euabev ag’ ὧν ἔπαθε. The readers of Aschylus and Herodvtus are familiar 
with this junction of πάθος and μάθος. See Asch. Agam. and Herod. ", 207: ra dé 
μοι παθήματα μαθήματα γέγονεν. 

9. Compare ii. 10 and the note there. 

» Teyévare, implying that they had declined from a more advanced stute of Chris 
tian attainment. 

"1 Ταῖς ἀκοαῖς. Compare Acts xvii. 20, and Mat. xiii. 15. τοῖς ὠσὶ Bapéwe ἤκουσαν. 

2 Διὰ τὸν χρόνον, literally, because of the time, viz. the length of time elapsed since 
your conversion. Sce the preceding introductory remarks, p. 493. 

8 We read τίνα (with Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c.), not τινά. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREW). δΟΥ 


are the first principles of the oracles of God; and ye have coma 
3to need milk, instead of meat.!' For every one that feeds on 
milk is ignorant of the doctrine of righteousness, for he is a 
14babe; but meat is for men full grown, who, through habit, 
VI have their senses exercised to know good from evil. There- 
1 fore let me leave? the rudiments of the doctrine of Christ, and 
go on to the fulness of its teaching; not laying again the foun- 
dation,—of Repentance from dead works,’ and Faith towards 
2 God ;—Baptism,‘ Instruction * and Laying on of hands ; *—and 
Resurrection of the dead, and Judgment everlasting. 
3,4 And this I will do7if God permit. For it is wamed of the 


danger of apos- 
impossible* again to renew unto repentance those ty, 


who have been once enlightened, and have tasted of the 
5 heavenly gift, and been made partakers of the Holy Spirit, and 
have tasted the goodness of the word of God,’ and the powers 
6 of the world to come,” and afterwards fall away ; sceing they » 
erucify to themselves the Son of God afresh and put Him to 


1 Στερεᾶς does not mean “ strong” (A. V.), but solid, opposed to liquid. We use 
meat for solid food in general. 

* The Ist person plural here, as at v. 11, vi. 3, vi. 9, vi. 11, is used by the writer; 
it is translated by the 1st person singular in English, according to the principle laid 
down, Vol. I. p. 391, note 1. 

3 Dead works here may mean either sinful works (cf. Eph. ii. 1, νεκροὺς ταῖς 
ἁμαρτίαις), or legal works; but the former meaning seems to correspond better with the 
μετανοία here, and with ix. 14. 

4 We take the punctuation sanctioned hy Chrysostom, viz. βαπτισμῶν, διδαχῆς, 
ἐπιθέσεως. ᾿ 

5 Διδαχῆς. This was the Catechetical Instruction which, in the Apostolic age, fol- 
lowed baptism, as we have already mentioned, Vol. I. p. 438. 

6 This is mentioned as following baptism, Acts viii. 17-19, xix. 6, and other places. 

7 Or, let me do, if we read ποιήσωμεν, with the best MSS. 

8 A reason is here given by the writer, why he will not attempt to teach his readers 
the rudiments of Christianity over again; namely, that it is useless to attempt, by the 
repetition of such instruction, to recall those who have renounced Christianity to re 
pentance. The impossibility which he speaks of, has reference (it should he observed), 
only to human agents ; it is only said that all human means of acting on the heart 
have been exhausted in such a case. Of course no limit is placed on the Divine power. 
Kven in the passage, x. 26-31 (which is much stronger than the present’ passage) it is 
not said that such apostates are never brought to repentance ; but only that it cannot 
be expected they ever should be. Both passages were much appealed to by the Nova- 
tians, and some have thought that this was the cause which so long prevented the 
Latin Church from receiving this Epistle into the Canon. 

9 2. 6. have experienced the fulfilment of God’s promises. 

10 The powers of the world to come appear to denote the miraculous operations of 
the spiritual gifts. They properly belonged to the αἰὼν μέλλων. 

" These apostates to Judaism crucified Christ afresh, inasmuch as they virtually 
gaye their approbation to His crucifixion, by joining His crucifiers. 


508 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


an open shame. For the earth when it hath drunk in the rain ἢ 
that falleth oft upon it, if it bear herbs profitable to those for 
whom it is tilled, partaketh of God’s blessing; but if it bear § 
thorns and thistles, it is counted worthless and is nigh unto 
and reminded Cursing, and its end is to be burned. But be- 9 
of their motives δ 

to persever- loved, I am persuaded better things of you, and 
ane things that accompany salvation, though I thus 
speak. For God is not unrighteous to forget your labour, and το 
the love! which ye have shown to His name, in the services 
ye have rendered and still render’ to His people. But I desire 11 
earnestly that every one of you might show the same zeal, to 
secure the full possession® of your hope unto the end; that12 
ye be not slothful, but follow the example of them who through 
faith and stedfast endurance inherit the promises. For God, 13 
when He made promise to Abraham, because He could swear 14 
by no greater, sware by Himself, saying “Verily, blessing I 
will bless thee, and multiplying I will multiply thee ;”4 and so, 15 
having stedfastly endured,’ he obtained the promise. For1¢ 
men, indeed, swear by the greater ; and their oath establisheth « 
their word, so that they cannot gainsay it. Wherefore God,17 
willing more abundantly to show unto the heirs of the promise 
the immutability of His counsel, set an oath between Himself 
ani them;’ that by two immutable things, wherein it is im-1s 
possible for God to lie, we that have fled [to Him] for refuge 
might have a strong encouragement ὃ to hold fast the hope set 
before us. Which hope we have as an anchor of the sonl, both 19 
gure and stedfast, and entering within the veil; whither Jesus, 20 


1 Tod κόπου is omitted in the best MSS. 

2 Compare x. 32 and the remarks, p. 494. For ἅγιοι, see note on 1 Cor. i. 2. 

3 Such appears the meaning of πρὸς πληροφορίαν here. The English word sates. 
faction, in its different uses, bears a close analogy to πληροφορία. 

4 Gen. xxii. 17. (LXX. except that ce is put for τὸ σπέρμα σου.) 

5. Abraham’s μακροθυμίᾳ was shown just before he obtained this promise, in the 
offering up of Isaac. 

6 Literally, their oath is tu them an end of all gainsaying, unto establishment 
[of their word]. 

7 Μεσιτεύειν means to interpose between two parties. Bleek (in loco) gives in- 
stances of the use of the verb, both transitively and intransitively. The literal Eng- 
lish of ἐμεσίτευσεν ὅρκῳ, is, he interposed with an oath between the two parties. 
The “two immutable things” are God’s promise, and His oath. 

8 This construction, joining παρακλησιν with κρατῆσαι, seems to agree better with 
the ordinary meaning both of παράκλησις (see Heb. xii. 5 and xiii. 22), and of κρατῆσαι 

see Heb. iv. 14) than the A. V. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 509 


our forerunner, is for us entered, being made “an High Priest 
Vit for ever after the order of Melchisedec.” 


1  Forthis Melchisedee,’ “ king of Salem,” “priest The Priesthoos 
; 2 " of Christ (typi 


of the most high God,” * who met Abraham return- fied by the 


ὦ 3 Priesthood οἵ 
ing from the slaughter of the kings, and blessed Melchisedee) is 


distinguished 


5 ᾿ (( , a 2» from the Levi- 
Ζ him, to whom also Abraham gave “ a tenth part of tom the Levi 


all,” -~-who is first, by interpretation, Kiya or by tse 
3 Ricurreusness,’ and secondly king of Salem,® which ¢#ccy- 
is Kine or Prace—without father, without mother, without 
table of descent having ‘ neither beginning of days nor end 
of life, but made like unto the Son of God—remaineth a priest 
for ever. | 
4 Now consider how great this man was, to whom even Abra- 
5 ham the patriarch gave a tenth of the choicest’ spoil. And 
truly those among the sons of Levi who receive the office of 
the priesthood, have a commandment to take tithes according 
to the Law from the People, that is, from their brethren, 
ὁ though they come out of the loins of Abraham. But he, 
whose descent is not counted from them, taketh tithes from 
7 Abraham, and blesseth ” the possessor of the promises. Now 
without all contradiction, the less is blessed by the greater.” 
g And here, tithes are received by men that die; but there, b¥ 
9 him of whom it is testified * that he liveth. And Levi also, 
the receiver of tithes, hath paid tithes (so to speak) by “ Abra- 
10ham ; for he was yet in the loins of his father when Melchise- 


dee met him. 


1 Ps. ex. 4, quoted above, verse 6 and verse 10, and three times in the next chapter 

2 The following passage cannot be rightly understood, unless we bear in mind 
throughout that Melchisedee is here spoken of, not as an historical personage, but as a 
tupe of Christ. 

3 Gen. xiv. 18. (LXX.) 4 Gen. xiv. 20. (LXX.) 

5. This is the translation of his Hebrew name, p> yx 55). 

6 pdm peace. 

7 ᾽᾿Αγενεαλύγητος. This explains the two preceding words; the meaning is, that 
the priesthood of Melchisedec was not, like the Levitical priesthood, dependent on his 
descent, through his parents, from a particular family, but was a personal office. 

8. Here, asin the previous dzatwp and ὠμήτωρ, the silence of Scripture is inter 
preted allegorically. Scripture mentions neither the father nor mother, neither the 
birth nor death of Melchisedec. 

9 Tor this meaning of ἀκροθίνια, see Bleek in loco. 

10 Δεδεκάτωκε and εὐλόγηκε, present-perfect. MN Ποῦ φηείττονος, comparei 4 

33 Viz. testified in Ῥβ. οχ. 4. “Thou art ἃ priest for ever’ 

4 τὦ ποὺ “25, (Α΄. Vals 


510 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


Now if all things! were perfected by the Levitical priest 11 
hood (since under it? the people hath received the Law), 
what further need was there that another priest should rise 
“ after the order of Melchisedec” and not be called “ after the 
order of Aaron.” For the priesthood being changed, there is13 
made of necessity a change also of the Law. For He® of 13 
whom these things are spoken belongeth to another tribe, of 
which no man giveth attendance® at the altar; it being evi-14 
dent that our Lord hath arisen? out of Judah, of which tribe 
Moses spake nothing concerning priesthood. And this is15 
far more evident when® another priest ariseth after the like- 
ness of Melchisedec; who is made not under the law of a16 
carnal commandment, but with the power of an:imperishabie 
life ; for it is testified® of him, “ Zhou art a priest. FOR EVER17 
after the order of Meichisedec.” On the one hand,” an old 18 
commandment is annulled, because it was weak and _ protitless 
(for the Law perfected" nothing); and on the other hand, a19 
better hope is brought in, whereby we draw near unto God. 

And inasmuch as this Priesthood hath the confirmation of 20 
an oath—(for Those priests are made without an oath, but He 21 
with an oath, by Him that said unto him, “ Zhe Lord sware 
and will not repent, Thou art.a priest for ever,” *)—insomuch 22 
Jesus is" surety of a better covenant. 

And They, indeed, are'* many priests [one succeeding to 23 


1 Τελείωσις, a word of very frequent occurrence and great significance in this 
Epistle, is not fully represented by the English “Perfection.” Τελειόω is to make 
τέλειος, i. 6. to bring a thing to the fulness of its designed development. Compare 
vii. 19, and note on ii. 10. 

2 En’ αὐτῇ, under its conditions and ordinances. Compare viii. 6. 

3 Νενομοθέτηται is the reading of the best MSS. 

4 Νόμος (as often), anarthral for the Law. Cf. note on nom. iii. 20. 

5 Viz. the Messiah, predicted in Ps. ex. 4. 

6 Προσέσχηκε is the reading of the best MSS., and is present-perfect here, as well 
BE μετέσχηκε. 

7 ᾽᾿Ανατέταλκεν. Compare the passage of Isaiah quoted Mat. iv. 16. 

8 ἘΠ used like εἴπερ here. 

9 The best MSS. read μαρτυρεῖται. 

10 Mév answering to the following δὲ (in verse 19). The overlooking of this caused 
the error in the A. V. 

11 Compare τελείωσις, verse 11. 

12 In this quotation (again repeated) from Ps. ex. 4, the words “after the order of 
Melchisedec ”’ are not found here in the best MSS. , 

12 Téyovey, not “was made” (A. V.), but has become or 15. 

4 Are, or have become, not “were” (A. V.); an important mistranslation, as the 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 51) 


another’s office], because death hindereth their continuance, 
24 But 116, because He remaineth for ever, giveth not His priest: 
25 hood to another.' Wherefore also He is able to save them ta 
the uttermost that come unto God by Him, seeing He ever 
liveth to make intercession for them. 
26 For such an High Priest became us, who is holy, harmless, 
undefiled,’ separate? from sinners, and ascended above the hea- 
27vens. Who needeth not daily,’ as those High Priests,‘ to offer 
up sacrifice, first for His own sins and then for, the People’s; 
for this He did once, when He offered up Himself. For the 
98 Law maketh men High Priests, who have infirmity ; but the 
word of the oath which was since the Law,’ maketh the Son, 


who is consecrated * for evermore. 
VIII. 


1 Now of the things which we have spoken,’ this me Μοσαίο ταν, 
. Ε Ε with its Temple, 
is the sum. We have such an High Priest, who hierarchy. and 

sacrifices, was 


hath sat down on the right hand of the throne of any imperiect 
5 


1adow of the 


2 the Majesty in the heavens; a minister of the sanc- better covenant, 


and the availing 


tuary,® and of the true tabernacle, which the Lord ἘΝ το ἀρ λον 
3 pitched, and not man. For every High Priest is 


present tense shows that the Levitical Priesthood was still enduring while this Epistle 
was written. 

1 *ArapdBartoc, non transiens in alium (Wahl). 

2 This seems to refer to the separation from all contact with the unclean, which was 
required of the High Priest; who (according to the Talmud) abstained from inter- 
course even with his own family, for seven days before the day of Atonement (Tract 
Jomah i. 1, quoted by Ebrard). 

3 This καθ᾽ ἡμέραν has occasioned much perplexity, for the High Priest only offered 
the sin-offerings here referred to once a year on the day of Atonement. (Levit. xvi. 
and Exod. xxx. 7-10.) We must either suppose (with Tholuck) that the καθ᾽ ἡμέραν 
is used for διαπαντός perpetuaily, 1. 6. year after year; or we must suppose a refer- 
ence to the High Priest as taking part in the occasional sacrifices made by all the 
Priests, for sins of ignorance (Levit. iv.) ; or we must suppose that the regular acts of 
the Priesthood are attributed to the High Priests, as representatives and heads of the 
whole order; or finally, we must take οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς as at Mat. ii, 4, Acts v. 24, and 
other places, for the heads of the twenty-four classes into which the Priests were 
divided, who officiated in turn. This latter view is perhaps the most natural. The 
Priests sacrificed a lamb every morning and evening, and offered an offering of flour 
and wine besides. Philo regards the lambs as offered by the Priests for the peonle, 
and the flour for themselves. (Philo, Opp. i. 497.) He also says the High Priest 
offered εὐχὰς καὶ ϑυσίας καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν. (Opp. ii. 321.) See Winer, Realw. 
(. 505. 

4 Οἱ Apy. Literally, the [ordinary] High Priests. 

5 Viz. the oath in Ps. ex. 4, so often referred to in this Epistle 

6 'Τετελειωμένον, Compare ii. 10. 

τ Τοῖς λεγομένοις, literally, the things which are being spoken. 

* Τῶν ἁγίων. Compare ix.12. Τὶς τὰ ἅγια. 


512 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


ordained: to offer gifts and sacrifices; wherefore this High 
Priest also must have somewhat? to offer. Now? if He were 4 
on earth, He would not be a Priest at all,‘ since the Priests 
are they that make the offerings according to the Law;* who 5 
minister to that which is a figure* and shadow of heavenly 
things, as Moses is admonished’? by God, when lie is about to 
make the tabernacle; for “See,” saith He, “ that thow make 
all things according to the pattern shewed thee in the mount.”s 
But now He hath obtained a higher ministry, by so much as 6 
He is the mediator ® of a better covenant, whereof the law is 
given? under better promises. 

For if that first covenant were faultless, no place would be 7 
sought " for a second; whereas He findeth fault,” and saith 8 
unto them, “ Behold the days come, saith the Lord, when I will 
accomplish» for the house of Israel and for the house of Ju- 
dah a new covenant. Not according to the covenant which I 9 
gave"! unto their fathers, in the day when I took them by the hand to 
lead them out of the laxd of Egypt ; because they continued not in 
my covenant, and I also turned my face from them, suith the Lord. 
For this is the covenant which I will make unto the house of Israel 10 
after those days, saith the Lord: I will give® my laws unto their 
mind, and write them upon their hearts ; and I will be to them a 
God, and they shall be to me a people. And they shall not teach 11 

1 The same thing issaidv. 1. _ 

? What the sacrifice was is not said here, but had been just before mentioned, vii. 27. 

3 Μὲν οὖν (not μὲν γὰρ) is the reading of the best MSS. 

4 Observe it is not οὐκ dv ἣν (as A.V. translates), but οὐδ᾽ dv ἦν. 

5 Our Lord being of the tribe of Judah, could not have been one of the Levitical 
Priesthood. So it was said before, vii. 14. 

6 Viz. the Temple ritual. 

7 Κεχρημάτιστα!, cf. Acts x. 22 and Heb. xi. 7. . 

8 Exod. xxv. 40. (LXX.) , 

9 Moses was called by the Jews the Mediator of the Law. See Gal. iii. 19 and note. 

Ὁ Ἥτις νενομοθέτηται, cf. vii. 11, not “was established” (A. V.), but hath been or 13. 

1 Ei ἦν, οὐκ ἄν ἐζητεῖτο (two imperfects), hence the A. V. is incorrect. 

15. Meudouevog refers to the preceding ἄμεμπτος. The αὐτοῖς should be joined with 
λέγει. 

12 Συντελέσω, here substituted for the διαθήσομαι of the LXX. ᾿Ἐπὶ is not “ with.” 
(A. V.) 

14 Tt must be remembered that διαθήκη does not (like the English covenant) imply 
reciprocity. It properly means α Jegal disposition, and would perhaps be better 
translated dispensation here. A covenant between two parties is συνθήκη. The 
new dispensation is a gift from God, rather thun a covenant between God and man 
(see Gal. iii. 15-20). Hence perhaps the alteration of ἐποίησα hore for the διεδέμην 


of LXX. as well as that mentioned in the preceding note. 
ih Λιδοὺς, not “ put.’ (A. V.) 


EPISTLE ΤῸ THE HEBREWS. 513 


every man his neighbour! and every man his brother, saying know 
the Lord ; for all shall know me, from the least unto the greatest, 
12 For I will be merciful unto their unrighteousness, and their sins 
13 and their iniquities will I remember no more.” * In that He saith 
“ Anew covenant,” He hath made the first old; and that which 
ΙΧ. 15. old® and stricken in years, is ready to vanish away. 
1 Now the first covenant also had ordinances of worship, and 
2 its Holy Place was in this world. For a tabernacle was made 
[in two portions] ; the first (wherein was the candlestick,’ and 
the table,° and the shewbread,’y which is called the* sanctu- 
3 ary; and behind the second veil, the tabernacle called the 
4 Holy of Holies, having the golden altar of incense,® and the 
ark of the covenant 10 overlaid round about with gold, where 
in" was the golden pot* that had the manna, and Aaron’s 


1 The best MSS. read πολίτην instead of πλήσιον, which does not, however, alter the 
sense. 

3 Jer. xxxi. 31-34. (LXX. with the above-mentioned variations.) 

3 Παλαιούμενον refers to time (growing out of date), and yjpackov to the weakness 
of old age. 

4 Τό τε ἅγιον κοσμικόν, not “A sanctuary” (A, V.), and observe the tee of the 
words, shewing that κοσμικόν is the predicate. 

5 Exod. xxv. 31, and xxxvii. 17. 

6 Exod. xxv. 23. and xxxvii. 10. 

7 Exod. xxv. 30, and Levit. xxiv. 5. 

8 See the note on ix. 24, 

9 Θυμιατήριον. This has given rise to much perplexity. According to Exod. xxx 
6, the Incense-altar was not in the Holy of Holies, but on the outer side of ‘the veil 
which separated the Holy of Holies from the rest of the Tabernacle. Several methods 
of evading the difficulty have been suggested ; amongst others, to translate ϑυμιατή- 
ρίον, censer, and understand it of the censer which the High Priest brought into the 
Holy of Holies once a year; but this was not kept in the Holy of Holies. Moreover 
ϑυμιατήριον is used for the Incense-altar by Philo ani J ean The best explanation 
of the discrepancy is to consider that the Incense-altar, though not within the Holy 
of Holies, was closely connected therewith, and was sprinkled on the day of Atone 
ment with the same blood with which the High Priest made atonement in the Holy 
of Holies. See Exod. xxx. 6-10, and Levit. xvi. 11, &c. 

10 Exod. xxv. 11, 

1 Here we have another difficulty ; for the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were ποὶ 
kept in the Ark, in Solomon’s time, when it contained nothing but the tables of the 
Law. See 1 Kings viii. 9. 2 Chron. v.10. It is, however, probable that these were 
originally kept in the Ark. Compare Exod. xvi. 33, and Numbers xvii. 10, where 
they ore directed to be laid up “before the Lord,’ and “before the testimony, [i. e. 
the tables of the Law],’’ which indicates, at least, a close juxta-position to the Ark. 
More gencrally, we should observe that the intention of the present passage is not to 
give us a minute and'accurate description of the furniture of the tabernacle, but te 
allude to it rhetorically ; the only point insisted upon in the application of the descrip- 
tion (see verse 8), is the symbolical character of the Holy of Holics. Hence the 
extreme anxiety of commentators to explain away every minute inaccuracy is super- 
fluous. 13 Exod. xvi. 32, &ce. 


VOL 11.-- 99 


514 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


rod! that budded, and the tables? of the covenant; and over § 
it the cherubims* of g\ory shadowing the Mercy-seat.« Where- 
of we cannot now speak particularly. Now these things being 6 
thus ordered, unto the first tabernacle the priests go* in con- 
tinually, accomplishing the offices* of their worship. But 7 
into the second goeth the High Priest alone, once a year, not 


without blood, which he offereth for himself and for the er- 
rors? of the people. Whereby the Holy Spirit signifieth that 8 
the way into the Holy Place is not yet made fully manitest,° 
while still the outer® tabernacle standeth. But it is a figure 9 
for the present time,” under» which gifts and sacrifices are of 
fered that cannot perfect the purpose of the worshipper, accord- 
ing to the conscience ; being carnal ordinances, commanding 10 


1 Numbers xvii. 10. 

3 Wxod. xxv. 16. 3 Exod. xxv. 18. 

4 Exod. xxv. 17. Ἱλαστήριον is the LXX, translation of the Hebrew p4p5. (See 
Wahl in voce.) 

5 The writer of the Epistle here appears to speak as if the Tabernacle were still 
atanding. Commentators have here again found or made a difficulty, because the 
Temple of Herod was in many respects different from the Tabernacle, and especially 
because its.Hu/y of Holies did not contain either the Ark, the Tables of the Law, the 
Cherubim, or the Mercy-seat (all which had been burnt by Nebuchadnezzar with Solo- 
mon’s Temple), but was empty. See above, p. 250. Of course, however, there was 
no danger that the original readers of this Epistle should imagine that its writer spoke 
of the Tabernacle as still standing, or that he was ignorant of the loss of its most pre- 
cious contents. Manifestly he is speaking of the Sanctuary of the First Covenant 
(see ix. 1) as originally designed. And he goes on to speak of the existing Temple- 
worship, as the continuation of the Tabernacle-worship, which, in all essential points, 
it was. The translators of the Authorised Version (perhaps in consequence of this 
difficulty) have mistranslated many verbs in the following passage, which are in the 
present tense, as though they were in the past tense, Thus εἰσίασιν is translated 
“went,” προσφέρει “ offered,” προσφέρονται “were offered,’”’ προσφέρουσιν (x. 1) 
“ they offered,” &c. ‘The English reader is thus led to suppose that the Epistle was 
written after the cessation of the Tempie-worship. 

ὃ Τὰς λατρείας, not τὴν λατρείαν (A. Y.). 

7 ’Ayvonudtwv., Compare v. 2, and the note. 

8. On the mistranslation of πεφανερῶσθαι in A. V., see note 5 above. It may be 
asked, how could it be said, after Christ’s ascension, that the way into the Holy Place 
was not made fully manifest. The explanation is, that while the Temple-worship, 
with its exclusion of all but the High Priest from the Holy of Holies, still existed, the 
way of salvation would not be fully manifest to those who adhered to the outware 
and typical observances, instead of being thereby led to the Antitype. 

9 That πρώτης has this meaning here is evident from ix. 2. 

10 The A. V. here interpolates “then” in order to make this correspond with the 
mistranslated tenses already referred to. 

11 Καθ' ἣν, according to which figure. “Hv is the reading of the best MSS., and 
adopted by Griesbach, Lachmann, and Tischendorf’s Ist edition; it suits better with 
κατὰ than the other reading, ὃν, to which Tischendorf has returned in his 2nd edition. 

4 Kara συνείδησιν τελειῶσαι τὸν λατρεύοντα. This is explained x. 2 as eqnivalent 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 515 


meats and drinks, and diverse washings, imposed until 4 time 
of reformation.’ 

1 But when Christ appeared, as High Priest of the good 
things to come, He passed through the greater and more _per- 
fect tabernacle? not made with hands (that is, not of man’s 

12 buildings), and entered, not by the blood of goats and calves, 
but by His own blood, once for all into the Holy Place, having 

13 obtained an everlasting redemption.‘ Tor if the blood of bulls 
and goats, and the ashes of an heifer® sprinkling the unclean, 

.Asanctifieth to the purification of the flesh; how much more 
shall the blood of Christ, who through the eternal Spirit 
offered Himself without spot to God, purify our® conscience 
from dead works, that we may worship the living God. 

15 And for this cause Ie is the mediator of a new testament; 
that when death had’ made redemption for the transgressions 
under the first testament, they that are called might receive 

16 the promise of the eternal inheritance. For where a testament 


to “τὸ μηδεμίαν ἔχειν ἔτι συνείδησιν ἁμαρτιῶν τοὺς λατρεύοντας ἅπαξ κεκαθαρμένους."" 
Τελειῶσαι τὸν λατ. is to bring him to the accomplishment of the τέλος of his wor- 
ship, viz., remission of sins. It is not adequately represented by to make perfect, as 
we have before remarked ; to consummate would be again the best translation, if it 
were less unusual. 

1 The reading of this verse is very doubtful. The best MSS. (which we follow) read 
« κΚαιώματα instead of καὶ δικαιώμασιν ; but this reading perhaps originated from a 
desire to correct the soleecism which otherwise is presented by ἐπικεΐμενα. Accord- 
ingly, Tischendorf in his 2nd edition returns to the reading of the T. R., which is also 
defended by De Wette. The construction is ἐπικείμενα ἐπὶ B. καὶ π. κ. τ. A.; literally, 
unposed with conditions of (ἐπὶ) meats, &c., until a time of reformation. 

* This greater Tabernacle is the visible heavens, which are here regarded as the 
outer sanctuary. 

3 Literally, this building. This parenthesis nas very much the appearance of 
kaving been originally a marginal gloss upon οὐ χειροποιήτου. 

4 There is nothing in the Greek corresponding to the words “ for us” (A.V.). 

5 The uncleanness contracted by touching a corpse, was purified by sprinkling the 
unclean person with the water of sprinkling (ὕδωρ ῥαντισμοῦ), which was made with 
the ashes of a red heifer. See Numbers xix. (LXX.) 

6 Ἡμῶν (not ὑμῶν) is the reading of the best MSS. 

7 Literally, after death had occurred for the redemption of,” &c. ; γενομένου must 
he joined with εἰς ἀπολύτρωσιν. 

8 The Authorised Version is unquestionably correct, in translating διαθήκη testa- 
ment in this passage. The attempts which have been made to avoid this meaning, are 
irrecuncilabl: with any natural explanation of ὁ διαθέμενος. The simple and obvious 
translation should not be departed from, in order to avoid a difficulty ; and the diffi. 
culty vanishes when we consider the rhetorical character of the Epistle. The state 
ment in this verse is not meant as a logical argument, but as a rhetorical illustration 
which is suggested tu the writer by the ambiguity of the word διαθήκη 


516 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


is, the death of the testator must be declared ;' because a tes- 14 
tament is made valid by death, for it hath no force at all 
during the lifetime of the testator. 

Wherefore * the first testament also hath its dedication ἡ not 18 
without blood. Forwhen Moses had spoken to all the people1s 
every precept according to the Law, he took‘ the blood of the 
ealves and goats, with water and scarlet wool and hyssop, and 
sprinkled both the book itself® and all the people, saying, 

“ This is the blood of the testament which God hath enjoined 20 
unto you.” 5 Moreover he sprinkled with blood the tabernacle? 21 
also, and all the vessels of the ministry, in like manner. And 22 
according to the Law, almost all things are purified with blood, 
and without shedding of blood is no remission. It was, 23 
therefore, necessary that the patterns of heavenly things should 
thus be’ purified, but the heavenly things themselves with 
better sacrifices than these. For Christ entered not into the 24 
sanctuary ὃ made with hands, which is a figure of the true, but 
into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for 
us. Nor yet that He should offer [Himself often, as the [igh 25 
Priest entereth the sanctuary every year with blood of others; 
for then must He often have suffered since the foundation 26 
of the world: but now once, in the end® of the ages, hath Ie 


1 Φέρεσθαι is omitted in A.V. The legal maxim is the same as that of English 
Law, /Vemo est hares viveniis. 

2 This ὅθεν does not refer to the preceding illustration, concerning the death of the 
testator, but to the reasoning from which that was only a momentary digression. 
Compare verse 18 with verses 12-14. 

3 ᾿Εγκαινίζειν is “to dedicate” in the sense of to inaugurate; cf. Heb. x. 205 86 
the feast commemorating the opening or inauguration of the Temple by Judas Mae- 
cabseus (after its pollution by Antiochus Epiphanes) was called éyxaivea. (John x. 22.) 

4 See Exod. xxiv. 3-8. The sacrifice of goats (besides the cattle) and the sprinkling 
of the book are not in the Mosaic account. It should be remembered that the Old 
Testament is usually referred to memoriter by the writers of the New Testament 
Moreover, the advocates of verbal inspiration would be justified in maintaining that 
these circumstances actually occurred, though they are not mentioned in the books of 
Moses. See, however, Vol. I. p. 176, note 1. 

5 Αὐτὸ is not translated in A. V. 

6 Exod. xxiv. 8 (LXX. but ἐνετείλατο, substituted for διέθετο), 

7 Apparently referring to Levit. viii. verses 19, 24, and 30. 

8 “Ἅγια, not “the holy places” (A.V.), but the holy place, or sanctuary. Com- 
pare viii. 2. ix. 2. ix. 25. xiii. 11. It is witbout the article here, as is often the 
case with words similarly used. See Winer Gram. § 18, 1. 

8 Συντελεία τῶν αἰώνων means the termination of the period preceding Christ’a 
* coming. It is a phrase frequent in St. Matthew, with aiwvog instead of αἰώνων, ut not 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. SIT 


27 appeared,' to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself.2 And 
as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judg: 
28 ment, so Christ was once offered “to bear the sins of many,” * 
and unto them that look for Him shall He appear a second 
X. time, without sin,‘ unto salvation. 
1 For the Law having ἃ shadow of the® good things to come, 
and not the very image of the reality,s by the unchanging 
2 sacrifices which year by year they offer continually,’ can 
never perfect® the purpose of the offerers.2 For then, would 
they not have ceased to be offered? because the worshippers, 
once purified, would have had no more conscience of sins. But 
3 in these sacrifices there #8 a remembrance of sins made every 
4year. Tor it is not possible that the blood of bulls and goats 
5should take away sins. Wherefore, when He cometh into the 
world, He saith, “ Sacrifice and offering thou wouldest not, but 
6 a body hast thou prepared me.” In burnt-offerings and. sacri- 
ἢ fices for sin thou hast had no pleasure. Then said I, Lo, I 
come (in the volume of the book it is written of me) to do thy 
8 will, O God.”" When He had said before “Saertfice and 
offering and burnt-offerings and sacrifices for sin thou wouldest 
not, neither hadst pleasure therein” (which are offered under 
9 the law); “ Zhen” (saith He), “ Zo, 7 come to do thy will, O 
God.” Ile taketh away the first, that he may establish the 


vecurring elsewhere. The A. V. translates αἰώνων here by the same word «s κόσμου 
above. 

1 Wedavépwrac; literally, He hath been made manifest to the sight of men. 

3 The A. Y. is retained here, being justified by ἑαυτὸν προσήνεγκεν, verse 14. 

3 Isaiah liii. 12 (LXX.), ἁμαρτίας πολλῶν ανήνεγκε. 

4 Χωρὶς ἁμαρτίας. Tholuck compares κεχωρισμένος ἀπὸ τῶν ἁμαρτώλων» (VIL 28). 
The thought is the same as Rom. vi. 10. 

5 Τῶν is omitted in A.V. 

6 Τῶν πραγμάτων, the real things. 

7 Taic αὐταῖς is omitted in A. V. 

8 Τελειῶσαι. Compare ix. 9, and note. The τέλος of the worshippers was entire 
purification from sin; this they could not attain under the Law, as was manifest by 
the perpetual iteration of the self-same sacrifices, required of them. 

9 Τοὺς προσερχομένους, those who come to offer. 

10 In the Hebrew original the words are, “ thou hast opened [or pierced] my ears.” 
The LXX. (which is here quoted) translates this “ σῶμα κατηρτίσω μοι.) Perhaps the 
reading of the Hebrew may formerly have been different from what it now is; or per 
haps the σῶμα may have been an error for dria, which is the reading of some MSS. 

1 Ps, xl. 6-8. (LXX. with some slight variations.) 

13 Eipnxev, not “said he’’ (A. V.), but he hath said, or saith he. 

Ὁ The first, viz. the sacrifices ; the second, viz. the will of God. 


518 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


second. And in’ that “2d” we are sanctified, by the offering 
of the “ody”? of Jesus Christ, once for all. 

And every priest " standeth daily ministering, and offering 15 
oftentimes the same sacrifices, which can never take away sins. 
But O11, after He had offered one sacrifice for sins, for ever 12 
sat down on the right hand of God; from henceforth expect-13 
ing “tll his enemies be made his footstool.”+ For by one14 
offering He hath perfected* for ever the purification of them 
whom He sanctifieth. Whereof the Holy Spirit also is a wit-15 
ness to us. Jor after He had said before, “ This ἐ8 the cov-16 
enant that I will make with them after those days, saith the 
Lord ; Iwill give my Laws upon their hearts, and write them 
upon ther minds.”® He saith also “ Their sins and their iniqui-17 
tres will [ remember no more.”? Now where remission of these 18 
is, there is no more offering for sin. 


Renewed warn- Having therefore, brethren, boldness to enter 19 
ing against 
apostasy, the holy place through the blood of Jesus,’ by a20 


new and living way which He hath opened» for us, passing 
through the veil (that is to say, His flesh) ;'° and having an21 
High Priest" over the house of God; let us draw near with 22 


1 In (év) the will of God Christians are already sanctified as well as justified, and 
even glorified (see Rom. viii. 30) ; ὁ. e. God wills their sanctification, and has done His 
part to ensure it. 

? Σῶμα, alluding to the σῶμα κατηρτίσω of the above quotation. 

3 The MSS. are divided between ἱερεύς and ἀρχιερεύς ; if the latter reading be 
correct, the same explanation must be given as in the note on vii. 27. 

4 Ps. cx. 1 (LXX_), quoted above, i. 13. (See note there.) 

5 Tereheiwkev . . . τοὺς ἁγιαζομένους. Literally, He hath consummated them that 
are being sanctified. The verb to perfect does not, by itself, represent τελειόω. See 
notes on x. 1, ix. 10, and ii. 10. We should also observe, that ἁγεαζομένους is not 
equivalent to ἡγιασμένους. 

6 Jer. xxxi. 33. (LXX.) The part of the quotation here omitted is given above, 
viii. 10-12. It appears, from the ‘slight variations between the present quotation and 
the quotation of the same passage in Chap. viii., that the writer is quoting frem 
memory. 

7 Jer. xxxi. 34. (LXX.), being the conclusion of the passage quoted before, viii. 12, 
The omission of λέγει with the «ai which joins the two detached portions of the quotas 
tion, though abrupt, is not unexampled ; compare 1 Tim. y. 18. 

8 Ἔν τῷ αἵματι. Compare ix. 25. 

9 ’Evexaivicev. See note on ix. 18. 

10 The meaning of this is, that the flesh (or manhood) of Christ was a veil which bid 
His true nature ; this veil he rent, when he gave up his body to death; and through 
His incarnation, thus revealed under its true aspect, we must pass. if we would enter 
into the presence of God. We can have no real knowledge of God but through Hie 
mcarnation. 

11 Ἱερέα μέγαν. The same expression is used for High Priest by Philo and LXX. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 519 


a true heart, in full assurance of faith; as our hearts have been 
« sprinkled” from the stain of an evil conscience, and our 
23 bodies have been washed with pure water. Let us hold fast 
the confession of our hope,? without wavering, for faithful is 
24 Ue that gave the promise. And let us consider? the example 
one of another, that we may be provoked unto love and to good 
25 works. Let us not forsake the assembling‘ of ourselves toge- 
ther, as the custom of some is, but let us exhort one another; 
26and so much the more, as ye see The Day approaching.» For 
if we sin wilfully,* after we have received the knowledge? of 
27 the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sins, but a certain 
fearful looking for of judgment, and “ a wrathful fire that shall 
28 devour the adversaries.” * THe that hath despised the Law of 
Moses dieth® without mercy, upon the testimony of two or 
29 three witnesses. Of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, 
shall he be thought worthy, who hath trodden under foot the 
Son of God, and hath counted the blood of the covenant, 
wherewith he was sanctified, an unholy thing, and hath done 
30 despite unto the Spirit of Grace. For we know Him that hath 


1 ’Eppavriouévor (alluding to ix. 13 and 21), viz. with the blood of Christ; com- 
pare αἵματι ῥαντισμοῦ, xii. 24. Observe the force of the perfect participle in this and 
λελουμένοι ; both referring to accomplished facts. See x. 2. 

3. °F Aridoc, not “ faith.” (A. V.) 

3 Κατανοῶμεν. This is Chrysostom’s interpretation, which agrees with the use of 
the verb iii. 1. 

4 Jt was very natural that the more timid members of the Church should shrink 
from frequenting the assembly of the congregation for worship, in a time of persecution. 

5 “The Day” of Christ’s coming was seen approaching at this time by the threaten. 
ing prelude of the great Jewish war, wherein He came to judge that nation. 

6 'Exovciwc. This is opposed to the “ἐὰν ἁμάρτῃ ἀκουσίως ") (Levit. iv. 2. T.XX.} 
the involuntary sins for which provision was made under the Law. The particular 
sin here spoken of is that of apostasy from the Christian faith, to which these Hebrew 
Christians were particularly tempted. See the whole of this passage from x. 26 to 
xii. 29. 

7 ’Extyvwow. Compare Rom. x. 2. Phil. i. 9, &e. 

8. 15, xxvi. 11, Ζῆλος λήψεται λαὸν ἀπαίδευτον, καὶ viv nip τοὺς ὑπεναντίους 
ἔδεται. (I.XX.) Those who look for this quotation in A. V. will be disappointed, 
for the A. V., the Hebrew, and the LXX., all differ. 

9 ᾿Αποθνήσκει, the present, translated as past in A. V. The reference is to Deut. 
xvii. 2-7, which prescribes that an idolater should be put to death on the testimony of 
two or three witnesses. The writer of the Epistle does not mean that idolatry was 
actually thus punished at the time he wrote (for though the Sanhedrin was allowed to 
judge charges of a religious nature, they could not inflict death without permission of 
the Roman Procurator, which would probably have been refused, except under very 
peculiar circumstances, to an enforcement of this part of the law); but he speaks of 
te punishment prescribed by the Law. 


590 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL 


said, “ Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord;” and 
again, “ The Lord shall judge his people.”* It is a fearful 3) 
thing to fall into the hands of the living God. 


and exhortation But call to remembrance the former days, in 32 
not to let faith 


be conquered by Which, after ye were illuminated, ye endured : 

great fight of afflictions; for not only were yes3 
made a gazing-stock by reproaches and tribulations, but ye 
took part also in the sufferings of others who bore the ‘ike. 34 
For ye showed compassion to the prisoners,’ and took, joytully 
the spoiling of your goods, knowing that ye have ® in heaven a 
better and an enduring substance. Cast not away, therefore, 35 
your confidence, which hath great recompence of reward. Tor 36 
ye have need of stedfastness, that after ye have done the will of 
God, re might receive the promise. For yet a little while 37 
and “116 that cometh shall be come, and shall not tarry.”’ Now 38 
“ By faith shall the righteous live ;*” and “If he® draw back 
through fear, my soul hath no pleasure in him.” But we are 39 
not men of fear unto perdition, but of faith unto salvation.” 


1 Deut. xxxii. 35. This quotation is not exactly according to LXX. or Hebrew, 
but is exactly in the words in which it is quoted by St. Paul, Rom. xii. 19. The LXX. 
is ἐν ἡμερᾷ ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. 

3 Deut. xxxii. 86. (LXX). 

3 The preceding passage (from verse 26) and the similar passage, vi. 4-6, have 
proved perplexing to many readers; and were sucb a stumbling-block to Luther, that 
they caused him even to deny the canonical authority of the Epistle. Yet neither 
passage asserts the impossibility of an apostate’s repentance. What is said, amounts 
to this—that for the conversion of a deliberate apostate, God has (according to the 
ordinary laws of His working) no further means in store than those which have been 
already tried in vain. It should be remembered, also, that the parties addressed are 
not those who had already apostatised, but those who were in danger of so doing, and 
who needed the most earnest warning. 

4 If this Epistle was addressed to the Church of Jerusalem, the afflictions referred 
to would be the persecutions of the Sanhedrin (when Stephen was killed), of Herod 
Agrippa (when James the Greater was put to death), and again the more recent out- 
break of Ananus, when James the Less was slain. But sce the preceding remarks, 
p. 494. 

5 Τοῖς decuiotc (not δεσμοῖς pov) is the reading of all the best MSS. 

6 Not “knowing in yourselves” (A. V.). The reading of the best MSS. is ἔχειν 
ἑαντούς or ἑαυτοῖς, that ye have yourselves, or for yourselves, i. 6. as your own. 

7 Wabak. ii. 3. (LXX.) Not fully translated in A. V. 

8 Habak. ii. 4. (LXX.), quoted also Rom. i. 17 and Gal. iii. 11. 

9. The “any man” of A. V. is not in the Greek. Ὑποστέλλομαι, me subduca 
(Wahl). is exactly the English flinch. 

10 Habak ii. 4. (LXX.) But this passage in the original precedes the last quota- 
tion, which it here follows. 

1 Tlepiroinaw ψυχῆς, properly gaining of the soul, vite conservatio, and thus 
equivalent to salvation. See Wahl on πεοιποιυῦμαι and περιποίησις. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 591 


ΧΙ. 
1 Now faith is the substance’ of things hoped for, _ Faith defined 


as that princi. 


ἃ the evidence of things not seen. For therein the ple which ena 


bles men ἰ4 


Wt Ϊ . pt 2 refer things 
elders obtained a good report. fave toe 
3 By faith we understand that the universe? ig ‘nss visible. 


framed * by the word of God, so that the world which we ithe- 
hold 5 springs not from things that can be seen. 
4 Jy faith Abel offered unto God a more excel- | Its operation 


historically ex- 


lent sacrifice than Cain, whereby he obtained testi- emplitiea. 
mony that he was righteous, for God testified® unto his gifts; 
and by it he being dead yet speaketh.’ 

5 By faith Enoch was translated, that he should not see 
death, and “he was not found, because God translated 
him.” * For before his translation he had this testimony, that 

6 “he pleased God , 5 but without faith it is impossible to 
please Him ; for whosoever cometh unto God must have faith» 
that God is, and that Ie rewardeth them that diligently seek 
Him. 

7 + LBy faith Noah, being warned by God concerning things 
not seen as yet, through fear of God" prepared an ark, to the 
saving of his house. Whereby he condemned the world and 
became heir of the righteousness of faith. 

8 By faith, Abraham when he was called," obeyed the com- 
mand to go forth into a place * which he should afterward re- 
ceive for an inheritance; and he went forth, not knowing 

9 whither he went. By faith he sojourned in the land of pro- 


1 For the meaning of ὑπόστασις, see note on iii. 14. 

* ᾿Εμαρτυρήθησαν, cf. Acts vi. 3. This verse is explained by the remainder of the 
chapter. The faith of the Patriarchs was a type of Christian faith, because it was 
fixed upon a future and unseen good. 

3 ποὺς αἰῶνας, so i. 2. 

4 Observe κατήρτισθαι and γεγονέναι are perfects, not aorists 

5 Τὸ βλεπόμενον is the reading of the best MSS. The doctrine negatived is that 
which teaches that each successive condition of the universe is generated (γεγονέναι) 
from a preceding condition (as the plant from the seed) by a mere material develop 
ment, which had no beginning in a Creator’s will. 

6 Gen. iv. 4. The Jewish tradition was, that fire from heaven consumed Abel’s 
offering. 

7 This has been supposed (compare xii. 24) to refer to Gen. iv. 10, but it may be 
taken more generally. 

8 Gen. v. 24. (LXX.) 

® Gen. ν. 14. (LXX.), εὐηρέστησεν ’Evdy τῳ Sed, 

10 Πιστεῦσαι refers to the preceding πίστεως. 11 Compare Heb. v. 7. 

15 If we read ὁ x. (with some of the best MSS.) the translation will be “ He that 
was called Abraham [instead of Abram].” 

* Some of the best MSS. read ὅπον without the article. 


.ο 


522 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


mise as in a strange country, dwelling in tents, with Isaac 
and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same promise. For he1e 
looked for the city which hath sure' foundations, whose 
builder and maker is God. 

By faith also Sarah herself received power to conceivell 
seed, even when? she was past age, because she judged Him 
faithful who had promised. Therefore sprang there of one, 13 
and him as good as dead, “So many as the stars of the sky in 
multitude,” * and as the sand, which is by the sea-shore ‘ “nnu- 
merable. 

These all died in faith, not having received the promises, 13 
bnt having seen them afar off, and embraced them,* and con- 
fessed that they were strangers and pilgrims upon earth. For14 
they that say such things, declare plainly that they seek a 
country. And truly if they speak® of that country from15 
whence they came ‘forth, they might have opportunity to ree 
turn; but now they desire a better country, that is, an hea-16 
venly. Wherefore God is not ashamed to be called their God; 
for Ile hath prepared for them a city. 

By faith Abraham, when he was tried, offered’? up Isaac,17 
and he that had believed 5 the promises offered up his only be- 
gotten son, though it was said unto® him, “ Jn Lsaac shall thy 18 
seed be called ;” accounting that God was able to raise him 19 
up, even from the dead; from whence also (in a figure) he re- 
ceivea him. 

By faith Isaac blessed Jacob and Esau, CONCERNING THINGS 20 
TO COME. 


ΡΟ χι15.28: 3 Ἕτεκεν is not in the best MSS. 

3 Exod. xxxii. 18. (LXX.) 

4 The same comparison is found Is. x. 22, quoted Rom. ix. 27. 

5 Ἰϊεισθέντες is an interpolation not found in the best MSS. It was originally a 
marginal gloss on ἀσπασάμενοι. The latter word cannot be adequately translated in 
English, so as to retain the full beauty of the metaphor. 

6 "Eurnudvevov. Compare ἐμνημόνευσε, verse 22. The meaning is, “ If, in calling 
fhemselves strangers and pilgrims, they ref.r to the fact of their having left their 
aative land.” In other words, if Christians regret the world which they have re 
nounced, there is nothing to prevent their returning to its enjoyments. Here again 
we trace a reference to those who were tempted to apostatise. For the expianation 
of the two imperfects, see Winer, § 43, 2. 

7 Προσενήνοχεν, literally, hath offered. 

8 ᾿Αναδεξάμενος is more than “ received.’ (A. V.) His belief in the promises te 
his posterity enhanced the sacrifice which he made. 

9 Πρὸς, not “of? (A. V.) Πρὸς ὃν is equivalent to καίπερ πρὸς αὐτόν. 

10 Gen. xxi. 12. (LXX.) quoted also Rom. ix. 7 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 523 


2. ~=—C By faith Jacob, wen ue was py1ne, blessed both the son. 
of Joseph; and “ He worshipped, leaning upon the top of his 
staf.” 

22 (By faith Joseph, in ΤῊΒ HOUR oF HIS DEATH, spake’ of the de 
parting of the children of Israel; and gave commandment 
concerning his bones. 

23 Βγ faith Moses when he was born was hid three months 
by his parents, because “ they saw that the child was goodly ;”* 

24and they were not afraid of the king’s commandment. By 
faith Moses, “ when he was come to years,’ refused to be called 

25 the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, choosing rather to suffer afflic- 
tion with the People of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of 

26sin for a season; esteeming the reproach® of Christ greater 
riches than the treasures of Egypt; for he looked beyond® 

27 unto the reward.? By faith he forsook*® Egypt, not fearing the 
wrath of the king; for he endured, as seeing Him who is invi- 

agsible. By faith he hath established 5 the passover, and the 
sprinkling of blood, that the destroyer of the first-born might 
not touch the children of Israel. 

29 Jy faith they passed through the Red Sea as through dry 
land; which the Egyptians tried to pass, and were swallowed 
up. 

30 ‘By faith the walls of Jericho fell down, after they were 
compassed about for seven days. 

31 ‘By faith the harlot Rahab perished not with the disobedi- 
ent,"' because she had received the spies with peace. 

32 And what shall [ more say? for the time would fail me to 
tell of Gideon, and of Barak, of Sampson and of Jephthae, of 
1 Gen. xlvii. 31. (LXX.) The present Hebrew text means not the top of his staff, 

but the head of his bed ; but the LXX. followed a different reading. The “faith” of 

Jacob consisted in fixing his hopes upon future blessings, and worshipping God, even 

in the hour of death. 

* "᾿Εμνημόνευσε. See verse 15. Joseph’s “faith” relied on the promise that the 

seed of Abraham should return to the promised land. (Gen. xv. 16.) 

3 Exod. ii. 2. (LXX.) ϊδοντες αὐτὸ ἀστεῖον. The Hebrew speaks of his mother 
only. 

4 Exod. ii. 11 (LXX.). 

5 The reproach of Christ’s people is here called the reproach of Christ. Compare 

Sol. i. 24 and 2 Cor. i. 5; also see 1 Cor. x, 4. 

5 ᾿Απέβλεπε, literally, 2e looked away from that which was before his eyes. 

7 Μισθαπ. Cf. verse 6. 8 See Exod. ii. 15. 9 Tleroinke, perfect. 

10 Αὐτῶν. See Winer, Gram. § 22, 4. 

1 Απειθήσασι, not “ them that believedynot.” (A. V.) They had heard the miracles 
wrought in favour of the Israelites (Josh. ii, 10), and yet refused obedience. 


824. THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


David, and Samuel, and the prophets; who through faith sub-33 
dued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises, 
stopped the mouths of lions,! quenched the violence of fire,” 34 
escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness? were made 
strong, waxed valiant in fight, tuned to flight the armies of 
the aliens. Women‘ received their dead raised to life again ; 35 
and others were tortured,* not accepting deliverance, that they 
might obtain a better 5 resurrection. Others also had trials of 36 
cruel mockings? and scourgings, with chains also and imprison- 
ment. They were stoned,* were sawn® asunder, were tempt- 37 
ed,” were slain with the sword. They wandered about in 
sheep skins and goat skins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented. 
They wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and 3g 
caves of the earth; of whom™ the world was not worthy. 

And these all, having obtained a good report through faith, 39 
received not the promise. God having provided some better 49 
thing for us, that they, without us, should not be made per- 
fect.” 


1 Referring to Daniel. (Dan. vi. 17.) 

3 Referring to Dan. iii. 27. 

3 This and the two following clauses may be most naturally referred to the Mac- 
eaxbees. 

4 Referring to the widow of Sarepta (1 Kings xvii.) and the Shunamite (2 Kings vi.). 

5 This refers both to Eleazar (2 Mac. vi.), and to the seven brothers, whose torture 
is described, 2 Mac. vii. The verb ἐτυμπανίσθησαν points especially to Eleazar, who 
was bound to the τύμπανον, an instrument to which those who were to be tortured by 
kcourging were bound. (2 Mac. vi. 19.) The “not accepting deliverance” refers tc 
the mother of the seven brothers and her youngest son (2 Mac. vii.). 

ὁ Better, viz. than that of those who (like the Shunamite’s son) were only raised to 
return to this life. This reference is plain in the Greek, but cannot be rendered 
equally obvious in English, because we cannot translate the first ἀναστάσεως in this 
verse by resurrection. 

7 ’Euraryyov.. Still referring to the seven brothers, concerning whose torments 
this word is used. (2 Mac. vii. 7.) 

8. Zechariah, the son of Jehoiadah, was stoned. (2 Chron. xxiv. 20.) But it is not 
necessary (nor indeed possible) to fix each kind of death here mentioned on some person 
in the Old Testament. It is more probable that the Epistle here speaks of the general 
persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes. 

® According to Jewish tradition this was the death of Isaiah ; but see the preceding 
note. 

10 The received text is here retained; but there can scarcely be a doubt that the 
reading should be (as has been conjectured) either ἐπυράσθησαν or ἐπυρώθησαν, they 
were buried. This was the death of the seven brothers, 

" Literally, wandering—they of whom the world was not worthy—in deserts and 
im mountains, &c.; i.e. They for whom all that the world could give would have 
been too little, had not even a home wherein to lay their head, 

1 “ελειωθῶσι, See notes on ii. 10, vii. 11, ix. 9; literally, attain their consumma 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 325 
ΧΙ]. 
1 Wherefore, seeing we are compassed about #xhortation to 


imitate such 


with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us! also examples, and 


to follow Je- 
tay aside every weight, and the sin which cling- sus in stedfast 


endurance οἱ 


eth closely round τι, and run with courage? svlerins. 

2 the race that is set before us; looking onward: unto Jesus, the 
forerunner® and the finisher of our faith; who for the joy that 
was sect before Him, endured the cross, despising the shame, 

3 and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God. Yea, 
consider Him that endured such contradiction of sinners against 

4 Ilimself, lest ye be wearied and faint in your minds. Ye have 

5 not yet resisted unto blood,’ in your conflict against sin; and 
ye have forgotten the exhortation which reasoneth’? with you 
as with sons, saying, “ My Son, despise not thou the chasten- 

6 ing of the Lord, nor faint when thou art rebuked of him. For 
whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every son whom he 

7 receiveth.® If ye endure chastisement,? God dealeth with you as 

8 with sons; for where is the son that is not chastened by his 
father ? but if ye be without chastisement, whereof all [God’s 


tion, including the attainment of the full maturity of their being, and the attain 
ment of the full accomplishment of their faith ; which are indeed identical. They 
were not to attain this χωρὶς ἡμῶν, ὃ. 6. not until we came to join them. 

1 Kai ἡμεῖς, let us, as they did. The Agonistic metaphor here (see Vol. IT. p. 199) 
would be more naturally addressed to the Church of Alexandria than to that of Jerte 
salem. 

3 Εὐπερίστατος occurs nowhere else. Sin seems here to be described under the 
metaphor of a garment fitting closely to the limbs, which must be cast off (ἀποθεμ.) if 
the race is to be won. A garment would be called εὐπερίστατος, which fitted well all 
round. 

3 Ὑπομονὴ (as it has been before remarked) is not accurately represented by 
% patience ;’’ it means stedfast endurance, or fortitude. 

4 ᾿Αφορῶντες. Compare ἀπέβλεπε (xi. 26.) 

5 ’"Apynyov, literally, foremost leader. Compare ii. 10. Compare also πρόδρομον 

vi. 20). 

6 If this Epistle was addressed to the Christians of Jerusalem, the writer speaks here 
only of the existing generation; for the Church of Jerusalem had “resisted uate 
blood” formerly, in the persons of Stephen, James the Greater, and James the Less. 
But see introductory remarks, p. 495. 

7 Διαλέγεται. 

8 Prov. iii, 11-12. (LXX. nearly verbatim.) Philo quotes the passage to the 
same purpose as this Epistle. 

9 Throughout this passage it appears that the Church addressed was exposed to per- 
secution. The intense feeling of Jewish nationality called forth by the commencing 
struggle with Rome, which produced the triumph of the zealot party, would amply 
account for a persecution of the Christians at Jerusalem at this period; as is argued 
by ‘use who suppose the Epistle addressed to them. But the same cause would pro 
Βηδο the same effect in the great Jewish population of Alexandria. 


526 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


children] have been’ partakers, then are ye bastards and not 
sons. Moreover, we were chastened? by the fathers of our 9 
flesh, and gave them reverence ; shall we not much rather sub- 
mit ourselves to the Father of our? spirits, and live? For1¢ 
they, indeed, for a few days chastened us, after their own 
pleasure; but He for our profit, that we might be partakers of 
His holiness. Now no chastisement for the present seemeth 11 
to be joyous, but grievous; nevertheless afterward, unto them 
that are exercised thereby, it yieldeth the fruit of righteous- 
ness in peace.‘ 

Wherefore “ Lift up the hands which hang down and the fee-12 
ble Ienees,”> and “ make even paths for your feet ;”°® that the halt-13 
ing limb be not lamed,’ but rather healed. 

Warning agatnst Follow peace with all men, and holiness without 14 
which no man shall see the Lord. And look dili-15 
gently lest any man fall® short of the grace of God; “ ἐσϑέ 
any root of bitterness springing up trouble you,” 5 and thereby 
many be defiled; lest there be any fornicator, or profane per-16 
gon, as Esau, who for a single meal sold his birthright; for ye17 
know that afterward, when he desired to inherit the blessing, 


1 Observe the perfect γεγόνασι, referring to the examples of God’s children men- 
tioned in the preceding chapter. 

3 Elyousy madevtdc, The A. V. does not render the article correctly. 

3 Ἡμῶν is understood (without repetition) from the parallel σαρκὸς ἡμῶν, 

4 Καρπὸν εἰρηνικὸν δικαιοσύνης. God’s chastisements lead men to conformity to 
the will of God (which is δικαιοσύνη) ; and this effect (καρπός) of suffering is (εἰρηνι- 
noc) full of peace. There can be no peace like that which follows upon the submission 
of the soul to the chastisement of our heavenly Father ; if we receive it as inflicted by 
infinite wisdom and perfect love. 

5 This quotation is from Is. xxxv. 3, from LXX. (as appears by the words παρειμέ- 
νας and παραλελυμένα), but quoted from memory and not verbatim. The LXX. has 
ἰσχύσατε, χεῖρες ἀνειμέναι καὶ γόνατα παραλελυμένα. The quotation here approaches 
more nearly than this to the Hebrew original, and might therefore (if not quoted me- 
moriter) be considered an exception to the rule, which otherwise is universal through- 
out this Epistle, of adhering to the LXX. in preference to the Hebrew. 

6 Prov. iv. 26. (LXX. nearly verbatim.) 

7 Ἐκτραπῇ, be dislocated. The meaning of this exhortation seems to be, that they 
should abandon all appearance of Judaizing practices, which might lead the weaker 
brethren into apostasy. 

8 The most natural construction here is, to supply 7, as in verse 16. 

9. Deut. xxix.18. This quotation is a strong instance in favour of Bleck’s view, that 
the writer of this Epistle used the Alexandrian Text of the LXX. For tae Codex 
Alexandrinus (which, however, is corrupt here) reads μή τις ἐστὶν ἐν ὑμῖν ῥίζα πικοῖας 
ἄνω φύουσα ἐνοχλῇ, where the Codex Vaticanus has ἐν χολῇ (for ἐνοχλῇ), which cop 
respcnds more closely with the Hebrew. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 621 


he was rejected; finding no room for repentance, though he 
sotght it! earnestly with tears. 


is lor ye are not come to a mountain that may be Τὰ proportion 
to the superi 


touched* and that burneth with fire, nor to “ black- ority of the 
Gospel over the 


1g ness and darkness and tempest,”*® and “sound of 3, will 


i the danger of 
trumpet,”* and “voce of words” *—the hearers sPising it. 


whereof entreated that no more might be spoxen unto them ;° 
20 for they could not bear that which was commanded.’ (“ And 
if so much as a beast touch the mountain it shall be stoned ; ”* 
21 and so terrible was the sight that Moses said “JZ exceedingly 
22 fear and quake.” *)\—But ye are come unto Mount Sion, and 
23 to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem,” and to 
myriads" of angels in full assembly, and to the congregation 
of the first-born? whose names are written in heaven, and to 


! Although, with Chrysostom and De Wette, we refer this αὐτὴν grammatically to 
ustavoiav, yet we think the view of Bleek substantially correct, in referring it to 
τὴν εὐλογίαν. That is, in saying that Esau sought repentance with tears, the writer 
obviously means that he sought to reverse the consequences of his fault, and whtain 
the blessing. If we refer to Genesis, we find that it was, in fact, Jacob’s blessing (τὴν 
εὐλογίαν Gen. xxvii. 35-38, LXX.), which Esau sought with tears. 

Ὁ ψηλαφωμένῳ, present participle ; κεκαυμένῳ, perfect participle (not as A.V.). For 
the particulars here mentioned, see Exod. xix. 

3 Deat. iv. 11 σκότος, γνόφος, θύελλα. (LXX.) 

4 Exod. xix. 16, φωνὴ τῆς σάλπιγγος ἤχει. (LXX.) 

§ Deut. iv. 12, φωνὴν ῥημάτων. (LXX.) 

ἡ 9 Deut. v. 25 (LXX.), where προσθώμεθα accounts for προστεθῆναι here. 

7 We put a full stop after διαστελλόμενον, because that which the Israelites “ could 
not bear’? was not the order for killing the beasts, but the utterance of the com- 
mandments of God. See Ex. xx. 19. 

8 Quoted from Ex. xix. 12 (LXX., but not verbatim). The words ἢ βόλιδι κατα- 
τοξευθήσεται of the received text have been here interpolated from the Old Testament, 
and are not in any of the uncial MSS. 

9 Deut. ix. 19, ἔκφοβός εἰμι (LXX). This is the passage in the Old Testament 
which comes nearest to the present. It was the remembrance of that terrible sight 
which caused Moses to say this; much more must he have been terrified by the reality, 

10 This is (see Gal. iv. 26) the Church of God, which has its μητρόπολις in heaven, 
though some of its citizens are still pilgrims and strangers upon earth. 

4 We cannot suppose (with most interpreters) that μυρίασιν is to be taken by itself, 
as if it were ταῖς ἁγίαις μυρίασιν (cf. Jude 14,) and ἀγγέλων πανηγύρει put in appo- 
sition to it; nor can we take πανηγύρει καὶ ἐκκλησίᾳ together, which would make 
πανηγύρει redundant. But we take μυρίασιν ἀγγέλων πανηγύρει together, taking 
πανηγύρει as in apposition to μυρίασιν ἀγγέλων, or else as equivalent to ἐν πανηγύρει, 
which gives the same sense. Πανήγυρις properly means a festive assembly, which 
reminds us of “the marriage supper of the lamb.” 

12 Πρωτοτόκων. These appear to be the Christians already dead and entered into 
their rest ; ἀπογεγραμμένων means registered or enrolled. Cf. Luke ii. 1, and 
Phil. iv. 3. 


528 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 8T. PAUL. 


God: the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men? made 
perfect,? and to Jesus the mediator of a new covenant, and to 24 
the blood of sprinkling,s which speaketh better things than 
that of Abel. 

See that ye reject* not Him that speaketh. For if they 25 
escaped not, who rejected Him that spake’ on earth, much 
more shall not we escape, if we turn away from Him that 
speaketh from heaven. Whose voice then shook the earth, but 26 
now He hath promised, saying, “ Yet once more only® will I 
shake® not the earth alone but also heaven.” And this “ Yet 27 
once more only” signifieth the removal of those things that are 
shaken, as being perishable," that the things unshaken may 
remain immoveable. Wherefore, since we receive a kingdom 28 
that cannot be shaken, let us be filled with thankfulness ; ” 
whereby we may offer acceptable worship unto God, with reve- 29 
rence "" and godly fear. For “ our God is a consuming fire.” XIII. 
Exhortatio to _Let brotherly love continue. Be not forgetful to 1 


several mora 


duties, especi- entertain strangers, for thereby some have enter- 2 
ally to courage- 


ous profession tained angels unawares. Jtemember the prisoners 3 
of the faith, 5 


and obedience 7 τ τῇ . oA 
gnd obedience as though ye shared their prison; and the afilicted, 


1 The order of the Greek would lead us more naturally to translate to a judge, 
who is God of ail; but we have retained the A.V. in deference to the opinion of 
Chrysostom. é 

3 These dixazoc (being distinguished from the πρωτότοκοι above) are probably the 
worthies of the ancient dispensation, commemorated chap. xi. 

3 Τετελειωμένων, literally, who have attained their consummation. This they had 
not done until Christ’s coming. See xi. 40. 

4 Contrasted with the ὕδωρ ῥαντισμοῦ of Numbers xix. (LXX.) Compare ix. 13-14 
and x. 22. 

5 Or, if we read κρεῖττον and τὸν (with the best MSS.), “better than Abel.” The 
voice of Abel cried for vengeance (Gen. iv. 10). Compare xi. 4; the blood of Christ 
called down forgiveness. 

It is impossible to translate παραιτεῖσθαι by the same English word here and in verse 
19th ; hence the reference of the one passage to the other is less plain. than in the 
original. 

7 Χρηματίζοντα, literally, “ that spake oracularly.” 

8 "Arak, once, and once only. Cf. ix. 26, and x. 2. 

9 Yeiow is the reading of the best MSS. 

0 Hagg. ii. 6. (LXX., but not verbatim.) 

Us Πεποιημένων, used here as χειροποιητός is (ix. 11. ix. 24), and as we often uae 
“ things created” as equivalent to things perishable. 

13 "Eyouey χάριν, Compare χάριν ἔχει, Luke xvii. 9. If the meaning were “ Let 
us Dold fast [the] grace [which we have received],” it would be κατέχωμεν τὴν χάριν, 

1. Εὐλαβείας καὶ δέους is the reading of the hest MSS. 

44 Deut. iv. 24. (LXX. nearly verbatim.) 

8 Viz, Abraham and Lot. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 529 


4 as being yourselves also in the body. Let marriage ° teCburch. 
be held honourable? in all things, and let the marriage-bed be 
undefiled ; for? whoremongers and adulterers God will judge 

5 Let your conduct be free from covetousness, and be content 

6 with what ye have; for HE hath said “ Z will never leave thee 
nor forsake thee.”3 So that we may boldly say, “Zhe Lord 
ts my helper, and I will not fear. What can Man do unto 
me 24 

7 Remember them that were your leaders,’ who spoke to you 
the Word of God; look upon® the end of their life, and follow 
the example of their faith. 

8 Jesus Christ? is the same yesterday and to-day and for 

9 ever. De not carried away* with manifold and strange doc- 
trines. For it is good that the heart be established by grace} 
not by meats,? which profited not them that were occupied 

10 therein. We have an altar whereof they that minister unto 

11 the tabernacle have no right to eat. For” the bodies of those 
beasts whose blood the High Priest bringeth" into the Holy 


1 Τήμιος ὁ γάμος must be taken imperatively on the same grounds as ἀφιλάργυρος ὁ 
τούπος, Which immediately follows. 

* The MSS. A, D, and some others read ydp here, which is adopted by Lachmann 
and Bleek. 

3 Deut. xxxi. €. Κύριος ὁ ϑεὸς *** οὔτε μή ce ἀνῇ, οὔτε μή ce ἐγκαταλίπῃ 
(LXX.). This is said by Moses. In Josh. i. 5 (Χ Χ.) we find a direct promise from 
God, almost in the same words, οὐκ ἐγκατωλείψω σε, οὐδ' ὑπερόψομαίΐ σε, addressed to 
Joshua. The citation here, being not verbatim, may be derived from either of these 
places. Philo cites the same words as the text. 

4 Ps. exvili. 6. (LXX) 

5 Ἡγουμένους is not rulers, but leaders. Compare Acts xv. 22. "Avdpac ἡγουμένους 
ἐν τοῖς ἀδέλφοις. The word is here (cf. verse 17 and 24) applied to the presbyters or 
Dubone of the Church. See Vol. I. p. 434, note 7. 

6 ’Avafewpodvtes, ἃ very graphic word, not to be fully rendered by any English 
term. The meaning is “contemplate the final scene [ perhaps martyrdom], which 
closed their life and labours (ἀναστοοφὴ)."" 

7 The A. VY. here gives an English reader the very erroneous impression that 
‘Jesus Christ’ is in the objective case, and in apposition to “ the end of their conver 
sation.” 

8 Παραφέρεσθε is the reading of the best MSS. 

9 Βρώμασιν, The connection here is very difficult. The reference seems to be, in 
the first place, to Judaizing doctrines concerning clean and unclean meats; but thence 
the thought passes on to the sacrificial meats, on which the priests were partly sup- 
ported. Some think this verse addressed to those who had themselves been priests, 
which would be an argument for supposing the epistle addressed to the Church at Je- 
tusalem. (Compare Acts vi. 7.) 

10 The connection seems to be, that the victims sacrificed on the day of Atonement 
were commanded (Levit. xvi. 27) to be wholly burned, and therefore not eaten 
“ Cremabantur, inquit ; non ergo comedebantur a sacerdotibus.”” (Gomarus.) 

" Viz. on the day of Atonement. Compare Chaps, ix. and x. 

VOL. 11.—34 


530 THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. 


Place,’ are burned “ without the camp.”? Wherefore Jesus also, 12 
that He might sanctify the People by His own blood, suffered 
without the gate. Therefore let us go forth unto Him “with-13 
out the camp,” bearing His reproach. For here we have no14 
continuing city, but we seek one to come. 

By Him therefore let us offer unto God continually a saeri- 15 
fice of praise,‘ that is, “the fruit of our lips” * making confes- 
sion unto His name. And be not unmindful of benevolence 16 
and liberality; for such are the sacrifices which are acceptable 
unto God. 

Render unto them that are your leaders obedience and sub- 17 
mission ; for they on their part® watch for the good of your 
souls, as those that must give account; that they may keep 
their watch with joy and not with lamentation; for that would 
be unprofitable for you. 

The writer asks Pray for me; for I trust’ that I have a good1g 


their prayers, 


gives them his. conscience, desiring in all my conduct to live rightly. 


own, and com- 


municates in- But I the rather beseech you to do this, that I may 19 


formation from 


ala be restored to you the sooner. ὃ 

Now the God of peace, who raised up* from the dead the 20 
great “shepherd of the sheep,” * even our Lord Jesus, through 
‘he bloud of an everlasting covenant,—make you perfect in 21 


« The words περὶ ἁμαρτίας are omitted in the best MSS. 

5 Levit. xvi. 27. (LXX. verbatim). The camp (παρεμβόλη) of the Israelites was 
afterwards represented by the Holy City; so that the bodies of these victims were 
burnt outside the gates of Jerusalem. See above, p. 254, note 6. 

3 Τὴν, literally, the city which is to come. Compare x. 34 and the βασιλείαν 
ἀσάλευτον, xii. 28. 

4 The Christian sacrifice is a “sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving,” contrasted with 
the propitiatory sacrifices of the old law, which were for ever consummated by Christ. 
See x. 4-14, 

.5 Hosea xiv. 2. (LXX.) (The present Hebrew text is different.) 

6 Αὐτοΐ, emphatic. 

7 This seems to be addressed to a party amongst these Hebrew Christians who had 
taken offence at something in the writer’s conduct. 

8 We have already observed that this implies that a personal connection existed 
between the writer and the readers of this Epistle. The opinion of Ebrard, that this 
verse is written by St. Luke in St. Paul’s person, and verse 23d in his own person, 
appears quite untenable; no intimation of a change of person is given (compare Rom, 
xvi. 22); nor is there any inconsistency in asking prayers for a prosperous journey, 
and afterwards expressing a positive intention of making the journey. 

9 λλνάγειν is not to bring again (A. Y.), but to bring up from below, to raise up. 
(Rom. x. 7.) 

10 This is an allusion to a passage in Isaiah (Is. Ixiii. 11. LXX.) where God ia 
described as‘ He who brought up from the sea the shepherd of the sheep [viz. 
Moses}.” 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 53] 


every good work to do His will, working in you that which is 
well-pleasing in His sight, by Jesus Christ. To whom be glory 
for ever.1 Amen. 

22 I beseech you, brethren, to bear with these words of exhorta- 
tion; for I have written shortly. 

23 Know that our brother Timotheus is set at liberty; and with 
him, if he come speedily, I will see you. 

24 Salute all them that are your leaders, and all Christ’s 


people. 
2 They of Italy? salute you. 


Grace be with you all. Amen. Ls 

1 Tay αἰώνων is probably to be omitted both here and Rom. xi. 36, and xvi. 27, 

3 They are asked to excuse the apparent harshness of some portions of the letter, on 
the ground that the writer had not time for circumlocution. 

3 Ol ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. We agree with Winer (Gram. sect. 63, p. 484) in thinking 
that this ἀπὸ may be most naturally understood as used from the position of the 
readers, This was the view of the earlier interpreters, and is agreeable to Greek 
analogy. In fact, if we consider the origin in most languages of the gentilitial prepo- 
sitions (von, de, of, &c.), we shall see that they conform to the same analogy. Henca 
we infer from this passage that the writer was in Italy. 


pes ane eh a poo Vertes ἌΣ mat 
a aN eee eee Ohcerae walives 


ae | 
ΕΝ δ᾽. Pateiagh og ett abbas lian ol 


“sds iM Sid sony γβόνονι feriie Ray hits rad Gua 
δα Ὁ δὰ Canoe yD, Οὐ ποξοβρενμ δα 
τ ΤΡ 5 δα μαμονα αὶ. “ely tong ἐμὲ νοὶ a 4 
TOGO τ te) odin yr tt a 
Ny 8 Cee a Ri vid Lean ἐτῶν 
ig Ripe δ Ὁ 165.) ἥν. By: wali aif at i 
ee ee ae, 


Ure 2 Big é 
ϊ : rth CHEE TEE) sabes Mai δ τὰ a gue 
? - 4 fe ‘ cal a 
Ri ere yg rine graeme om 
; cides 
J not ens t era 
Va Ard Ares 
Ze AIAS 
vt fa! ee? At 
d ᾿ Τὰ ait Σ ἢ ng ᾿ 
nes a>, 4 e yet 5 i hy ν Nat ω Ν 
᾿ t sesh Ἢ Tet be ft a ᾿ δύ οἱ ἌΤΙ εὐ SA) inlet “ ἐγ" 
. αϑο ὭΣ τ ΑΝ ΥΩ δ Pony Ut τών, 
νἀ a Ὥ. ᾿ ἐ : te 1 hie > 


r a 
Ἶ ‘ 
Ἵ 2 7 x δ 
Ges J 
Ι ὃν ᾿Ὰ ee} . nee. 
~*~, ᾿ le 
4 es ‘ ; 


' 
- ἄν. 
. Fm 
aN ων 
; re ᾿ ‘ 
-. 
- p> ‘4 
a : 
pe 
bY, 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX I. 


ON THE DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISILES, 


BuForE we can fix the time at which these Epistles were written, we must take tas 
following data into account. 

1, The three Epistles were nearly cotemporaneous with one another. This is 
proved by their resembling each other in language, matter, and style of composition, 
and in the state of the Christian Church which they describe ; and by their differing 
in all these three points from all the other Epistles of St. Paul. Of course the full 
force of this argunient cannot be appreciated by those who have not carefully studied 
these Epistles; but it is now almost universally admitted by all! who have done so, 
both by the defenders and impugners of the autbenticity of the Pastoral Epistles. 
Hence if we fix the date of one of the three, we fix approximately the date of all. 

2. They were written after St. Paul became acquainted with Apollos, and there- 
fore after St. Paul’s first visit to Ephesus. (See Acts xviii. 24, and Titus iii. 13.) 

3. Hence they could not have been written till after the conclusion of that portion 
of his life which is related in the Acts; because there is no part of his history, between 
his first visit to Ephesus and his Roman imprisonment, which satisfies the historical 
conditions implied in the statements of any one of these Epistles. Various attempts 
have been made, with different degrees of ingenuity, to place the Epistles to Timothy 
and Titus at different points in this interval of time ; but all have failed, even te 
satisfy the conditions required for placing any single Epistle correctly.2— And no one 
nas ever attempted to place all three together, at any period of St. Paul’s life before 
the end of his first Roman imprisonment; yet this cotemporaneousness of the three 
Epistles is, as we have seen, a necessary condition of the problem. 

4, The Pastoral Epistles were written not merely after St. Paul’s first Roman im. 
prisonment, but considerably after it. This is evident from the marked difference in 
their style from the Epistle to the Philippians, which was the last written during that 
imprisonment. So great a change of style (a change not merely in the use of single 
words, but in phrases, in modes of thought, an€ in method of composition) must re 


We have noticed Dr. Davidson’s contrary opinion before ; and we should add that Wieseler may 
be considered another exception, only that he does not attempt to reply to the grounds stated by 
other critics for the cotemporaneousness of the three Epistles, but altogether ignores the question 
of internal evidence from style and Church organisation, which is the conclusive evidence here. 
Subjoined to this appendix will be found an alphabetical list of the words and phrases peculiar to 
the Pastoral Epistles. 

4 Wieseler’s is the most ingenious theory which has been suggested for getting over this difficulty ; 
but it has been shown by Huther that neither of the three Epistles can be placed as Wieseler places 
them without involving some contradiction auf the facts mentioned in them respectively. (See 
Huther’s Pastoralbriefe, pp. 12-25.) 


534 APPENDIX I. 


quire an interval of certainly not less than four or five years to account for it. And 
even that interval might seem too short, unless accompanied by circumstances which 
should further explain the alteration. Yet five years of exhausting labour, great 
physical and moral sufferings, and bitter experience of human nature, might suffice to 
account for the change. 

5. The development of Church organisation 1mplied in the Pastoral Epistles leads 
to the same conclusion as to the lateness of their date. The detailed rules for the 
choice of presbyters and deacons, implying numcrous candidates for these offices; the 
exclusion of new converts (νεόφυτοι 1) from the presbyterate; the regular catalogue 
of Church widows ; are all examples of this. 

6. The Heresies condemned in all three Epistles are likewise of a nature which 
forbids the supposition of an early date. They are of the same class as those attacked 
in the Epistle to the Colossians, but appear under a more matured form. They are 
apparently the same heresies which we find condemned in other portions of Scripture 
written in the later part of the Apostolic age, as for example, the Epistles of Peter and 
Jude. We trace distinctly the beginnings of the Gnostic Heresy, which broke out 
with such destructive power in the second century, and of which we have already 
scen the germ in the Epistle to the Colossians. 

7. The preceding conditions might lead us to place the Pastoral Epistles at anj 
point after a. p. 66 (see condition 4, above), ἡ. 6. in the last thirty-three years of the 
first century. But we have a limit assigned us in this direction, by a fact men- 
tioned in the Epistles to Timothy, viz., that Timotheus was still a young man (1 Tim. 
iv. 12, 2 Tim. ii, 22) when they were written. We must of course understand this 
statement relatively to the circumstances under which it is used: Timotheus was 
young for the authority entrusted to him; he was young to exercise supreme jurisdic- 
ton over all the Presbyters (many of them old men) of the churches of Asia. Ac- 
cording even to modern notions (and much more according to the feelings of anti- 
quity on the subject), he would still have been very young for such a position at the 
age of thirty-five. Now Timotheus was (as we have seen, Vol. I. pp. 197 and 265) 
a youth still living with his parents when St. Paul first took him in a.p. 51 (Acts xvi, 
1-3) as his companion. From the way in which he is then mentioned (Acts xvi. 1-3: 
compare 2 Tim.i. 4), we cannot imagine him to have been more than seventeen or eighteen 
at the most. Nor, again, could he be much younger than this, considering the part 
he soon afterwards took in the conversion of Macedonia (2 Cor. i. 19). Hence we 
may suppose him to have been eighteen years old in a.p. 51. Consequently, in 68 
(the last year of Nero), he would be thirty-five? years old. 

8.1 we are to believe the universal tradition of the early Church, St. Paul’s mar- 
tyrdom occurred in the reign of Nero. Hence, we have another limit for the date of 
the Pastoral Epistles, viz. that it could not have been later than a. p. 68, and this 
agrees very well with the preceding datum. 

It will be observed that all the above conditions are satisfied by the hypothesis 
adopted in Chapter XXVII., that the Pastoral Epistles were written, the two first just 
before, and the last during, St. Paul’s final imprisonment at Rome. Before examining 

1 1 Tim. iii. 6. 

3 No objection against the genuineness of the Pastoral Epistles has been more insisted on than 
that furnished by the reference to the youth of Timotheus in the two passages above mentioned. 
How groundless such objections are, we may best realise by considering the parallel case of those 
young Colonial Bishops, who are almost annually leaving our shores. Several of these have been 
not more than thirty-four or thirty-five years of age at the time of their appointment: and how 
naturally might they be addressed, Ly an elderly friend, in the very language which St. Paul here 
addresses to Timotheus. 

3 See the authorities for this statement above, p. 487 


DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. δὸξ 
fhe details which fix the order of these Epistles amongst themselves, we shall briefly 
consider the arguments of those who, during the present century, have denied the 
genuineness of these Epistles altogether. These objections, which were first suggested 
by Schleiermacher (who rejected 1 Tim. only), have been recently supported by Baur 
(with his usual unfairness and want of exegetical discrimination) and (much more 


ably and candidly) by De Wette. 
jecting the Epistles are as follows :-- 


Objection. 

1. The Pastoral Epistles cannot, on his- 
toric grounds, be placed in any portion 
of St. Paul’s life before the end of his first 
Roman imprisonment, from which he was 
never liberated. : 

2. The language is unlike that of St. 
Paul’s other Epistles. 


3. The mode of composition, the frequent 
intreduction of hortatory commonpiaces, 
and the want of connection, are un-Paul- 
ine. 


4 The Epistles are without a definite 
object, or do not keep that object consis- 
tently in view. 


5. More importance is attached to exter- 
nal morality, and to “soundness” of dog- 
matic teaehing, than in St. Paul's other 
Epistles. τ 


The chief cause assigned by these writers for re- 


Answer. 

1. This rejection rests on the arbitrary 
assumption, which we have already at- 
tempted to refute in Chap. XXVIL., that 
St. Paul was not liberated from his first 
imprisonment. 

2. The change of style is admitted ; but 
it may be accounted for by change of cir- 
cumstances and lapse of time. New 
words very soon are employed, when new 
ideas arise to require em. The growth 
of new heresies, the development of Church 
organisation, the rapid alteration of cir- 
cumstances in a great moral revolution, 
may fully account for the use of new 
terms, or for the employment of old terms 
in a new sense. Moreover the language 
of letters to individual friends might be 
expected to differ somewhat from that of 
public letters to churches. 

3. The change in these respects (such as 
it is) is exactly what we might expect to 
be caused by advancing age, the diminu- 
tion of physical vigour, and the partial 
failure of that inexhaustible energy which 
had supported a feeble bodily frame 
through years of such varied trials. 

4, This objection we have sufficiently 
answered in the preliminary remarks pre- 
fixed to the translation of the several 
Epistles. We may add that De Wette 
fixes very arbitrarily on some one point 
which he maintains to be the “ object” 
of each Epistle, and then complains tha$ 
the point so selected is not properly kept 
in view. On such a ground we might 
equally reject the most undoubtedly genu- 
ine Epistles. 

5. This change is exactly what we 
should expect, when the foundations of 
Christian doctrine and Christian morality 
were attacked by heretics. 


586 


Objection. 
6. More importance is given to the hie- 
rarchical element of the Church than in 
St. Paul’s other Epistles. 


7. The organisation of the Church de- 
scribed is too mature for the date assign- 
ed: especially, the exclusion of νεόφυτοι 
(1 Tim. iii. 6) from the Presbyterate 
shows ἃ long existence of the Church. 


8. The institution ofan Order of Widow- 
hood (1 Tim. ν. 9) is not probable at so 
early ἃ period. 


APPENDIX I. 


Answer. ; 

6. This again is what we should have 
anticipated, in Epistles written towards 
the close of the apostolic age, especially 
when addressed to an ecclesiastical officer 
We know that, in the succeeding period, 
the Church was (humanly speaking) saved 
from destruction by its admirable organi 
sation, without which it would have fallen 
to pieces under the disintegrating influ- 
ences which were at work within it 
When these influences first began to be 
powerful, it was evidently requisite to 
strengthen the organisation by which they 
were to be opposed. Moreover, as the 
time approached when the Apostles them- 
selves were to be withdrawn, it was neces- 
sary to take measures that the element 
of order which their government had 
hitherto supplied should not be lost to the 
Church. 

7. There is nothing in the church organ- 
isation which might not have been ex- 
pected at the period of 68 a. D., in churches 
which had existed fifteen years, or perhaps 
more. The πρεσβύτεροι and διώκονοι are 
distinct orders as early as the Epistle tc 
the Philippians. The ordaining of zpec- 
βύτεροι in every city was a step always 
taken by St. Paul immediately on the 
foundation of a church (Acts xiy. 23). 
On the other hand, there are some points 
in the Church organisation described, 
which seem clearly to negative the hy- 
pothesis of a date later than the Apostolic 
age ; especially the use of πρεσβύτερος 
and ἐπίσκοπος as Synonymous, 

8. The institution of such an order (so 
far as it is at all implied in this Epistle) 
is nothing more than what might be ex- 
pected to arise immediately from the 
establishment of a class of widows sup- 
ported by the Church (as described Acts 
vi. 1), such as existed from the very ear- ἢ 
liest period of the Church. Baar (by a 
mere arbitrary hypothesis) supposes that 
the Widows of our Epistle were the same 
with the order of Virgins (τὰς παρθένους 
τὰς λεγομένας χήρας, Ig. Smyrn. c. 13) 
which existed in the time of Ignatius 


DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 


Objection. 


9 Timotheus could not have been con- 
sidered young, after St. Paul’s first impri- 
sonment, 

10. The somewhat depreciatory tone in 
which Timotheus is addressed, does not 
agree with what we know of St. Paul’s 
great value for him. 


11. The Gnostic heresy is plainly at- 
tacked in the Pastoral Epistles ; yet it did 
not exist till towards the close of the first 
century. (Baur adds that the peculiar 
heresy of Marcion is distinctly attacked 
in 1 Tim.; but this is allowed by De 
Wette to be a mistake. See note on 
1 Tim. vi. 20). 


12. The heretics are vaguely described 
as future, yet occasionally as present; 
the present and future seeming to be 
blended together. 


13. Passages from the other Pauline 
Epistles are interpolated into these. 


537 


Answer. 

whereas this very passage is a provf of 
the earlier date of our Epistle; because 
the χήραι of 1 Tim. are especially to be 
selected from among those who had borne 
children. so that no virgin would have 
been admissible. 

9. This is fully answered above, p. 534. 


10. We must remember that St. Paul 
had witnessed the desertion of many of 
his disciples and friends (2 Tim. iv. 10), 
and it seems probable that Timotheus 
himself had shown some reluctance to 
encounter the great danger to which a 
visit to Rome at the close of Nero’s reign 
would have exposed every Christian. On 
the other hand, what motive could have 
induced a forger to represent Timotheus 
in this manner ? 

11. It is not the Gnostic heresy in its 
full development which is attacked in 
these Epistles, but the incipient form of 
that heresy. We see the germ of it so 
early as in the Epistle to the Colossians. 
And even in the Epistles to Corinth, there 
was a party which prided itself in γνῶσις 
(1 Cor. viii. 1), and seems to have been 
(in its denial of the resurrection, &c.) 
very similar to the early Gnostics, and at 
least to have contained the germ of the 
Gentile element of that heresy. (See Vol. 
I. p. 449.) 

12. This suits very well with the fact 
that the Gnostic heresy had as yet only 
appeared in its incipient form. Worse 
was still to come. Moreover, the same 
phenomenon occurs in the description of 
the μυστήριον τῆς ἀνομίας (2 Thess. ii.) 

13. A writer very naturally expresses 
the same thoughts in the same way, by 
an unconscious self-repetition. So we 
have seen in the Colossians and Ephesians, 
and in the Romans and Gaiatians, 


Having thus considered the objections which nave been made against the genuine 
ness of these Epistles, we may add to this negative view of the case the positive rea 
sons which may be given for believing them genuine. 

1. The external evidence of their reception by the Universal Church is conclusive 


538 APPENDIX I. 


They are distinctly quoted by Irenzeus,! and some of their peculiar expressions are 
employed in the same sense by Clement, St. Paul’s disciple.? They are included in 
the Canon of Muratori, and in the Peschito, and are reckoned by Eusebius among the 
Canonical Scriptures universally acknowledged. Their authenticity was never dis 
puted in the early Church, except by Marcion; and that single exception counts for 
nothing, because it is well known that he rejected other portions of Scripture, not on 
grounds of critical evidence, but because he was dissatisfied with their contents. 

2, The opponents of the genuineness of these Epistles have never been able to sug 
gest any sufficient motive for their forgery. Had they been forged with a view to 
refute the later form of the Gnostic heresy, this design would have been more clearly 
apparent. As itis, the Epistles to the Colossians and Corinthians might have been 
quoted against Marcion or Valentinus with as much effect as the Pastoral Epistles. 

3. Their very early date is proved, as we have before remarked, by the <ODRyICERe 
use of the words πρεσβύτερος and ἐπίσκοπος. 

4, Their early date also appears by the expectation of our Lord’s immediate coming 
(1 Tim. vi. 14,) which was not entertained beyond the close of the Apostolic age. 
See 2 Peter iii. 4. 

5. Their genuineness seems proved by the manner in which Timotheus is addressed. 
How can we imagine a forger of a subsequent age speaking in so disparaging a tone 
of so eminent a saint? 

6. In the Epistle to Titus four persons are mentioned (Artemas, Tychicus, Zenas, 
Apollos) ; in 1 Tim. two are mentioned (Hymenzeus and Alexander) ; in 2 Tim. sixteen 
are mentioned (Erastus, Trophimus, Demas, Crescens, Titus, Mark, Tychicus, Carpus, 
Onesiphorus, Prisca, Aquila, Luke, Eubulus, Claudia, Pudens, Linus). Now supposing 
these Epistles forged at the time De Wette supposes, viz. about 90 a.p., is it not cer- 
tain that some of these numerous persons must have been still alive? Or, at any rate, 
many of their friends must have been living. How, then, could the forgery by 
possibility escape detection? If it be said that some of the names occur only in the 
Pastoral Epistles and may have been imaginary, that does not diminish the difficulty ; 
for would it not have much surprised the Church, to find a number of persons men- 
tioned, in an epistle of Paul from Rome, whose very names had never been heard of? 

7. De Wette himself discards Baur’s hypothesis that they were written in the middle 
of the second century, and acknowledges that they cannot have been written later than 
about the close of the first century, 7. 6. about a. Ὁ. 80 or 90. Now surely it must be 
acknowledged that if they could not have been /ater than 80 or 90, they may well have 
been as early as A.D. 70 or 68. And this is all which is required to establish their 
genuineness.3 

Taking this point, therefore, as established, we come now to consider tka order of 
the three Epistles among themselves :— 


1 Jrenzus contra Heres. iii. sect. 3 and 4, distinctly quotes 2 Tim. and Titus as Epistles “7 St. Paul. 

Ἁ Εὐσεβεία is an instance. It will be observed that we donot rely on the suppose& quotations 
from the Pastorals in Clement, because we do not think them sufficiently clear to be conviacing. For 
the same reason we abstain from referring to Ignatius, Polycarp, and Justin Martyr, becaase the pas- 
sages in their writings which we believe to be allusions to the Pastoral Epistles are not Cstinctly ex- 
pressed as quotations, and it might therefore be said (as it has been said by Baur) that tho passages im 
the Pastorals were taken from them, not they from the Pastorals, 

3 The above discussion of the arguments for and against the authenticity of the Pastoral Epistles was 
written before the appearance of Dr. Davidson’s third volume, The reader whois acquaintod with that 
valuable work, will perceive that we differ from Dr. Davidson on some material points ; ner, after con- 
sidering his arguments, do we see reason to change our conclusions, But this difference Coes not pre- 
vent us from appreciating the candour and ability with which he states the arguments o» both sides, 
We would especially refer our readers to his statement of the difficulties in the way of tt » hypothesis 
that these Epistles were forged, pp. 149-163, 


DATE OF THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. 539 


1. 1 Tim. In this we find St. Paul had left Ephesus for Macedonia (1 Tim. i. 3), and 
had left Timothy at Ephesus to counteract the erroneous teaching of the heretics 
(iii. 4), and that he hoped soon to return to Ephesus (iii. 14). 

2. Tirus. Here we find that St. Paul had lately left Crete (i. 5), and that he was 
now about to proceed (iii. 12) to Nicopolis, in Epirus, where he meant to spend tke 
approaching winter. Whereas in 1 Tim. he meant soon to be back at Ephesus, and 
he was afterwards at Miletus and Corinth between 1 Tim. and 2 Tim. (otherwise 
2 Tim. iv. 20 would be unintelligible). Hence Titus! must have been written later 
than 1 Tim. 

3. 2 Tmt. We have seen that this Epistle could not (from the internal evidence οἱ 
its style, and close resemblance to the other Pastorals) have been written in the first 
Roman imprisonment. The same conclusion may be drawn also on historical grounds, 
as Huther has well shown (p. 23), where he proves that it could neither have been 
written before the Epistle to the Colossians nor after the Epistle to the Colossians 
during that imprisonment. The internal evidence from style and matter, however, iz 
so conclusive, that it is needless to do more than allude to this quasi-external evidence. 
In this Epistle we find St. Paul a prisoner in Rome (i. 17); he has lately been δὲ 
Corinth (iv. 20), and since he left Timothy (at Ephesus) he has been at Miletus (iv. 20). 
Also he has been, not long before, at Troas (iv. 13). 

The facts thus mentioned can be best explained by supposing (1) That after writing 
1 Tim. from Macedonia, St. Paul did, as he intended, return to Ephesus by way of 
Troas, where he left the books, &c. mentioned 2 Tim. iv. 13 with Carpus; (2) That 
from Ephesus he made a short expedition to Crete and back, and on his return wrotw 
to Titus; (Ὁ) That immediately after despatching this letter, he went by Miletus te 
Corinth, and thence to Nicopolis; whence he proceeded to Rome. 

To complete this subject, we add a summary of the verbal peculiarities of the Pas 
toral Epistles. 

1 Had 1 Tim. been written after Titus, St. Paul could not have hoped to be back soon at Ephesua 


1 Tim. iii. 14; for he had only just left Ephesus, and (on that hypothesis) would be intending to wintme 
at the distant Nicopotis, 


ὅ40 


APPENDIX I. 


PECULIAR WORDS AND PHRASES IN THE PASTORAL 


EPISTLES. 


Ir will be observed that most of the following words or phrases occur in more than 
one of these Epistles, and but one of them (καλός) in any of the other Epistles 


written by St. Paui. 


΄ 


The words or phrases marked * occur nowhere else in the New Testament. 
a means 1 Tiaa. 


ὃ means 2 Ti 
c means Titus. 


Thus a2 l3 c means occuring twice in 1 Tim., three times in 2 Tim., and once in 'δτι. 


*aipetixig sw 
4 , - 
ἀνεξίκακος . 


* ἀνόσιος 5 
ἀρνοῦμαι . 
*dptTiog . . 
* ἀστοχεῖν . 
βέβηλος . 


“ γενεαλογίαι . 
"γυμνασία. 
* διαβεβαιοῦσθεν 


* διάβολος (for calumnious) 


* διάγειν. . 


διδασκαλία (objectively ceed) 


δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν 


ἐκτρέπεσθαι. 
ἔντευξις 5 
“ ἐπιστομίζειν. 


* ἐπιφανεία (for παρουσία) 
* ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖν. 


εὐσεβεία ὃ 
εὐσεβῶ - 
εὐσέβῶς . 

* ἔχειν (to hold fast) 
ζητήσεις . 
ἤῤοναι . 


καθαρὰ (συ' erece or καρδία) 


καλός. 3: 


" κενοφωνίαι 


c. 

ὃ. 

ab. 

a b3 ct 

ὃ. 

a* ὃ. 

a3 5, 

ac. 

a. 

ac. 

abe. 

ac. 

at ὃ c3, 

ὦ" c, also used once in Hebrews, and four times by St 
Luke. (St. Paul always elsewhere uses 6:6, which 
occurs twenty-seven times in his other Epistles, bnt 
not once in the Pastorals.) 

a ὑ. 

a, 

c. 

abe. 


a 


αϑὸ ες, 

α, {ogee thirteen times; not used once in 

be, any other of St. Paul’s Epistles. 

a b. 

a*be. 

6. 

a? δ3, 

αἹἹ 3 c5 (used twenty-five times in the Pastorals, and 
only sixteen times in all the other Epistles written 
by St. Paul). 


5 lib 


PECULIAR WORDS AND PHRASES IN PASTORAL EPISTLES, 54] 


* λογομαχίαι (or -etv) 

" μακάριος Θεὸς . 

* ματαιολογία (or -οἱ) 
μῦθοι. . . 


* νεόφυτος : . 

5 οἰκουρὸς ο - 
παγὶς τοῦ διαβόλου 
παραιτεῖσθαι. . 


* παρακαταθήκη 
παρακολουθειν. 


* πάροινος 0 - 
* περιίστασθαι 3 
“ περιούσιος . . 


“πιστὸς ὁ λόγος . 


* πλήκτης : ὃ 
προσέχειν. . 
" σεμνότης 5 


* σωτὴρ (applied to Goa) 
σώφρων and its derivatives 


“τυφοῦσθι . - 


.αὖ. 
a’. 
ae. 

a* bc (only once besides in New Testament, viz. 2 Pet 
i. 16). 

a. 

6. 

α ὃ. 

5 OU 

5 list 

. αὖ. 

Rare 

« bce 

ae 

- a3 bc (this phrase seems always to introduce or accom 

pany a quotation). 

~ ae. 

. ate 

. αὐ c (also σεμνος is only used in Phil. iv. 8 and in 2%e) 

- a3 c3, 

. a εὐ ὃ (σωφροσύνη alone occurs elsewhere in N. Τ', 

viz. Acts xxvi. 25). 

. α ὃ. 


* ὑγιὴς (and derivatives ΑΗ ἢδα 


to doctrine) . 


. α 3 5, 


ὑπομιμνήσκειν (and deriva- 


tives) Β - 
" ὑποτύπωσις . ὃ 


Ὁ ἐπ 


* χάρις, ἔλεος, εἰρήνη (in the 


Salutations . 


- α ὃ (not c, though in T. R., see Note on Tit. ἱ, 4), 


ΠΝ 
- 


ὦ 


APPENDIX It. 


AE EIN De OP 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 


BIoGRAPHY OF ST. Patt. 


(?) St. Paul’s conversion [supposing the ἔτη 
τρία of Gal. i. 18 Judaically reckoned]. 
See Vol. I. p. 234, and note (B.) below. 

(?) At Damascus. 


(?) Flight from Damaseus [See Vol. I. p. 
234] to Jerusalem, and thence to Tarsus. 


(Ὁ) ) During these years St. Paul preaches 
in Syria and Cilicia, making Tarsus 

(?) his head-quarters, and probably un- 
dergoes, most of the sufferings men- 

(?) tioned at 2 Cor. xi. 24-26, viz. two 
of the Roman and the five Jewish 

(?) scourgings, and three shipwrecks. 
See Vol. I. p. 105 and 118, and rote 

(ὃ) on 2 Cor. xi. 25. 

He is brought from Tarsus to Antioch (Acts 


xi. 26) and stays there a year before the 
famine, 


He visits Jerusalem with Barnabas to relieve 
the famine. 


At ANTIOCH. 
At ANTIOCH. 


Ilis ‘First Missionary Journey’? from An- 
tioch to 

Cyprus, Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, Lys- 
tra, Derbe, 


and back through the same places to 
ANTIOCH. 


St. Paul and Barnabas attend the ‘Council 
of Jerusalem,.”? 
{See Vol. I, p, 227-284 and note (B.) be- 
low.] : 


His “Second Missionary Journey,’’ from 
Antioch to 
Cilicia, Lycaonia 
Galatia, 
Troas 
Philippi. Thessalonica, Bercea, 
Athens, and 
CorinTH— Writes 1 Thess. 


CoTEMPORARY EVENTS 


Death of Tiberius and accession of CaLicuLa 
(March 16). 


Death of Caligula, and accession of CLavpivs 
(Jan. 25), Judea and Samaria given to 
Herod Agrippa 1. 


Invasion of Britain by Aulus Plautius, 


Death of Herod Agrippa 1. (Acts xii.) [see 
note (A.) below.] 

Cuspius Fadus (as procurater) succeeds to 
the government of Judea. 


Tiberius Alexander made procurator of Judea 
. (about this time). 


Agrippa II, (Acts xxv.) made king of Chalcis 


Cumanus made procurator of Judea (about 
this time). 

Caractacus captured by the Romans in 
Britain ; 

Cogidunus (father of Claudia [?], 2 Tim. iv 
21) assists the Romans in Britain, 


Claudius expels the Jews from Rome (Acts 
xviii, 2). 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 


543 


A.D. BroGRaPay OF St. Pav. CoTEMPORARY EV=NTS. | 
δ | At ConminrH. Writes 2 Thess. 


54 Saye leaves Corinth, and reaches 
Summer)—Jerusalem at Pentecost, and 
thence goes to Antioch. 
(Autumn)—His ‘‘ Third Missionary Journey.”’ 
He goes to 
To EPHESUS. 


At EPHESts. 
At EPHESTS. 


55 
56 


57 (aren writes 1 Cor. 

Summer)—Leaves Ephesus for Macedonia, 

ἣν προ —Where he writes 2 Cor., and 
thence 

(Winter)—To Corryru, where he writes Gala- 


tians. 
(Spring) — He writes Romans, and leaves 
Corinth, going by Philippi and Miletus 
(Summer—To Jerusalem (Pentecost), where 
he is arrested, aud sent to Caesarea. 


58 
59 | At Casares. 
60 | (Autumn)—Sent to Rome by Festus (about 

August). 
(Winter)—Shipwrecked at Malta. 
el (Spring)—He arrives at Rome. 

62 

(Spring) —Writes< Colossians, 
By 

Ι 


At Rome. Philemon, 


Hee 


(Autumn)— Writes Philippians. 


(Spring)—He is aequitted, and goes to 
Macedonia (Phil. ii. 24) and Asia Minor 
(Philem, xxii.). 


6 (?) He goes to Spain. [For this and the 
subsequent statements, see Chap. XXVII.J 

65 | (Ὁ) In Spain. 

66 | (Summer)—From Spain (?) to Asia Minor 
(1 Tim. i. 8). 

67 Summer)—Writes 1 Tim. from Macedonia, 
Autumn)— Writes Titus from Ephesus, 
Winter)—At Nicopolis. 

68 Spring)—In prison at Rome. 


Writes 2 Tim. 
(Summer)—Executed (May or June). 


The tetrarchy of Trachonitis given to Agrippa 
7: 


Felix made procurator of Judsa. 
(C.) below.] 


[See nota 


Death of Claudius and accession of Nero 
(Oct. 13). 


Nero murders Agrippina. 


Felix is recalled and succeeded by Festus [see 
note (C.) below]. 


Embassy from Jerusalem to Rome, to petition 
about the wall [see note (C.) below]. 


Burrus dies ; 

Albinus succeeds Festus as procurator ; 
Nero marries Poppaza ; 

Octavia executed ; 

Pallas put to death. 


Poppexa’s daughter Claudia born. 


Great fire at Rome (July 19.), followed by 
persecution of Roman Christians ; 


Gessius Florus made procurator of Judza. 
Conspiracy of Piso, and death of Seneca 


The Jewish war begins. 


Deatk of Nero in the middle of June 


anna teaenenenenn een 


u ἐ4 APPENDIX II. 


Note (A.).—Dale of the Famine, in Acts xi. 28, 


We find in Acts xi. 28, that Agabus prophesied the occurrence of a famine, and that 
_ bis prophecy was fulfilled in the reign of Claudius; also that the Christians of Antioch 
resolved (ὥρισαν) to send relief to their poor brethren in Judea, and that this resolution 
was carried into effect by the hands of Barnabas and Saul. After relating this, St’ 
Luke digresses from his narrative, to describe the then state (κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τόν χρόνον) 
of the Church at Jerusalem, immediately before and after the death of Herod Agrippa 
(which is fully described Acts xii. 1-24). fe then resumes the narrative which he 
had interrupted, and tells us how Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch, after fulfill- 
ing their commistion to Jerusalem (Acts xii. 25). 

From this it would appear, that Earnabas and Saul went up to Jerusalem, to relieve 
the sufferers by famine, soon after the death of Herod Agrippa I. 

Now Josephus enables us to fix Agrippa’s death very accurately : for he tells us (Ant 
xix. 9, 2) that at the time of kis death he had reigned three fuli years over the whole 
of Judwa; and also (Ant. xix. 5, 1) that early in the first year of Claudius (41 s.p.) 
the sovereignty of Judza was conferred on him. Hence his death was in a.p, 44.1 

The famine appears to have begun in the year ajter his death; for (1) Josephus 
speaks of it'as having occurred during the government of Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius 
Alexander (Ant. xx. 5, 2). Now Cuspius Fadus was sent as Procurator from Rome on 
the death of Agrippa I., and was succeeded by Tiberius Alexander; and both their 
Procuratorsbips together only lasted from 4.0. 45 to a.p. 50, when Cumanus succeeded.* 
(2) We find from Josephus (Ant. xx. 2, 6, compare xx. 5, 2), that about the time of the 
beginning of Fadus’s government, Helena, Queen of Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte. 
sent corn to the relief of the Jews in the famine. (3) At the time of Herod Agrinpa’s 
death, it would seem from Acts xii. 20, that the famine could not have begun ; for the, 
motive of the Pheenicians, in making peace, was that their country was supplied with 
food from Judea, a motive which could not have acted while Judea itself was perish- 
ing of famine. 

Hence we conclude that the journey of Barnabas and Saul to Jerusalem with alms 
took place in a. p. 45. 


Nore (B.). 


In Vol. I. p. 233, we have remarked that the interval of 14 years (Gal. ii. 1) between 
the flight from Damascus and the Council of Jerusalem might be supposed to be either 
14 full years, or 13, or even 12 years, Judaically reckoned. It must not be imagined 
that the Jews arbitrarily called the same interval of time, 14, 13, or 12 years; but the 
denomination of the interval depended on the time when it began and ended, as fol- 
lows. If it began cn September Ist, a.p. 38, and ended October Ist, a.p. 50, it would 
be called 14 years, though really only 12 years and one month; because it began 
before the Ist of Tisri, and ended after the 1st of Tisri; and as the Jewish civil year 
began on the Ist of Tisri, the interval was contained in 14 different civil years. On 
the other hand, if it began October Ist, s.p. 38, and ended September Ist, a.p. 50, it 
would only be called 12 years, although really only two months less thar the former 


1 See additional authorities for thisin Wieseler, p 190. 
Ἢ Wieseler, p. 67, note 1, 


\ 


NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 545 


interval which was called 14 years. Hence, as we do not know ihe month of the 
flight from Damascus, nor of the Council of Jerusalem, we are at liberty to suppose 
that the interval between them was only a few weeks more than 12 years, and there- 
fore to suppose the flight in a.p. 38, and the Council in a.p. 50. 


Note (C.)—On the Date of the Recal of Fetiv. 


We have seen that St. Paul arrived in Rome in spring, after wintering at Malta, 
and that he sailed from Judea at the beginning of the preceding autumn, and was at 
Fair Havens in Crete in October, soon after “the Fast,’? which was on the 10th of 
Tisri (Acts xxvii. 9). He was sent to Rome by Festus, upon his appeal to Cesar, and 
his hearing before Festus had taken place about a fortnight (see Acts xxiv. 27 to xxy. 
1) after the arrival of Festus in the province. Hence the arrival of Festus (and con- 
sequently the departure of Felix) took place in the summer preceding St. Paul’s 
voyage. ᾿ 

This is confirmed by Acts xxiv. 27, which (ells 1's the t Pal har\ been in prison two 
eomplete years (διετία πληρωθεΐσης) at the time of Felix’s departure; for he was im- 
prisoned at a Pentecast, therefore Felix’s departure was just after a Pentecost. 

We know, then, the season of Felix’s recal, viz. the summer ; and we must deter- 
mine the date of the year. 

(a.) At the beginning of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Czesarea (7. 6. two years before 
Felix’s recal), Felix had been already (Acts xxiv. 10) “for many years Procurator 
of Judea” (ἐκ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ὄντα κρίτην τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ). “Many years” could not be 
less than 5 years ; therefore Felix had governed Juda at least (65--2=) 7 years at the 
time of his recal. Now Felix was appointed Procurator in the beginning of the 13th 
year of Claudius! (Joseph. Ant. xx. 7, 1, δωδεκατον ἔτος ἤδη πεπληρωκώς), that is, 
early in the year a.p. 53. Therefore Felix’s recal could not have occurred before a.p. 
(63--7—) 60. 

(8.) But we can also show that it could not have occurred after a.p. 60, by the 
following arguments. 

1. Felix was followed to Rome by Jewish ambassadors, who impeached him of 
mis-government. He was saved from punishment by the intercession of his brother 
Pallas, at a time when Pallas was? in special favour with Nero (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, 
9). Now Pallas was put to death by Nero in the year A.D. 02 ; and it is Improbable 
that at any part of that or the preceding year he should have had much influence 
with Nero. Hence Felix’s recal was certainly not after s.v. 62, and probably not 
after A.D. 60. 

2. Burrus was living (Joseph. Ant., quoted by Wieseler, p. 83) at the time when 
Felix’s Jewish accusers were at Rome. Now Burrus died not later than February 
A.p. 62. And the Jewish ambassadors could not have reached Rome during the sea- 
son of the Mare Clausum. Therefore they (and consequently Felix) must have coms 
to Rome not after the autumn of a.p. 61. 

3. Paul, on arriving at Rome, was delivered (Acts xxviii. 16) τῷ στρατοπεῤάρχῃ, 


1 Tacitus places the appointment of Felix earlier than this ; but on such a question his authority is 
not to be compared with that of Josephus. See Wieseler, p, 67, note 1. 

2 Palias had been mainly instrumental in obtaining Nero’s adeption by Claudius ; but by presuming 
too much on his favour, he excited the disgust of Nero at the very beginning of his reign (4. D. 54}. 
In A.D. 55 he was aecused of treason, but acquitted; and after this acquittal he seems to have 
regained his favour at Court. 


VOL, 11,—30 


546 APPENDIX II. 


not τοῖς στρατοπεδάρχαις ;' hence there was a single Prefect in command of the 
Pretorians at that time. But this was not the case after the death of Burrus, when 
Rufus and Tigellinus were made joint Preefects. Hence (as above) Paul could not 
have arrived in Rome before 4. Ὁ. 61, and therefore Felix’s recal (which was in the 
year before Paul’s arrival at Rome) could not have been after A.D. 60. 

Therefore Felix’s recal has been proved to be neither after a. p. 60, nor before 
a. Ὁ. 60; consequently it was in a. p. 60. 

(y.) This conclusion is confirmed by the following considerations :— 

1. Festus died in Judea, and was succeeded by Albinus ; we are not informed of 
the duration of Festus’s government, but we have proved (a) that it did not begin 
before A.D. 60, and we know that Albinus was in office in Juda in the autumn 
of A.D. 62 (at the feast of Tabernacles), and perhaps considerably before that time. 
(See Wieseler, p. 89.) Hence Festus’s arrival (and Felix’s recal) must have been 
either in 60 or 61. Now, if we suppose it in 61, we must crowd into a space of fifteen 
months the following events:—(a@) Festus represses disturbances. (b) Agrippa II. 
huilds his palace overlooking the temple. (c) The Jews build their wall, intercepting 
nis view. (d) They send a deputation to Rome, to obtain leave to keep their wall. 
(ε) They gain their suit at Rome, by the intercession of Poppa. (/) They return to 
Jerusalem, leaving the High Priest Ishmael as hostage at Rome. (g) Agrippa on their 
return nominates a new High Priest (Joseph), the length of whose tenure of office we 
are not told. (ἢ) Joseph is succeeded in the high priesthood by Ananus, who holds 
the office three months, and is displaced just before the arrival of Albinus. This suc- 
cession of events could not have occurred between the summer of Δ. Ὁ. 61 and the 
autumn of A. p. 62; because the double voyage of the Jewish embassy, with their resi- 
dence in Rome, would alone have occupied twelve months. Hence we conclude that 
from the arrival of Festus to that of Albinus was a period of not less than two years, 
and consequently that Festus arrived A.D. 60. 

2. The Procurators of Juda were generally changed when the Prpareiens of Syria 
were changed. (See Wieseler, p. 97.) Now Quadratus was succeeded by Corbulo in 
Syria a. Ὁ. 60 ; hence we might naturally expect Felix to be recalled in that year, 

3. Paul was indulgently treated (Acts xxviii. 31) at Rome for two years after hia 
arrival there. Now he certainly would not have been treated indulgently after the 
Roman fire in (July, 64). Hence his arrival was at latest not after (64—2—=) a.p. 62. 
Consequently Felix’s recal was certainly not after 61. 

4. After Nero’s accession (October 13, a. p. 54 Josephus)? mentions the following 
consecutive events as having occurred in Judaa :—(a) Capture of the great bandit 
Eleazar by Felix. (Ὁ) Rise of the Sicarii. (c) Murder of Jonathan unpunished. 
(d) Many pretenders to Inspiration or Messiahship lead followers into the wilderness. 
(6) These are dispersed by the Roman treops. (f) An Egyptian rebel at the head of 
a body of Sicarii excites the most dangerous of all these insurrections ; his followers 
are defeated, but he himself escapes. This series of events could not well have occu- 
pied less than three years, and we should therefore fix the insurrection of the Egyptian 
not before 4.p.57. Now when St. Paul was arrested in the Temple, he was at first 
mistaken for this rebel Egyptian, who is mentioned as ὁ Αὐγύπτιος ὁ πρὸ τουτῶν τῶν 
ἡμερῶν ἀιαστατώσας (Acts xxi. 38), an expression which would very naturally be used 
if the Egyptian’s insurrection had occurred in the preceding year. This would again 


1 The official phrase was in the plural, when there was more than one Prefect So Trajan writes, 
“vinctus mitti ad prefectos pretorii mei debet.’’—Plin. Ep. x. 65 
3 For the references, see Vieseler, p, 78, et seq. 


NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 547 


agree with supposing the date of St. Paul’s arrest to be a. p. 58, and therefore Felix’s 
recal a. D. 60. 

5. St. Paul (Acts xviii. 2) finds Aquila and Priscilla just arrived at Corinth from 
Rome, whence they were banished by a decree of the Emperor Claudius. We do not 
know the date of this decree, but it could not, at the latest, have been later than A. D. 
54, in which year Claudius died. Now the Acts gives us distinct information that 
between ihis first arrival at Corinth and St. Paul’s arrest at Jerusalem there were the 
following intervals of time, viz.: From arriving at Corinth to reaching Antioch 
1x years, from.reaching Ephesus to leaving Ephesus 214 years, from leaving Ephesus 
to reaching Jerusalem 1 year. (See Acts xviii. xix. and xx.) These make together 
δι, years; but to this must be added the time spent at Antioch, and between Antioch 
and Ephesus, which is not mentioned, but which may reasonably be estimated at 
x year. Thus we have 5% years for the total interval. Therefore the arrest of St 
Paul at Jerusalem was probably not later than (54-+51, =) a. p. 59, and may have 
been earlier ; which agrees with the result independently arrived at, that it waz 
actually in a.p. 58, 

It is impossible for any candid mind to go through such investigations as these, 
without seeing how strongly they confirm (by innumerable coincidences) the historical 
accuracy of the Acts of the Apcstles, 


ἈΠ cat; ibe bis ΔΑ eat 
ὙΠ ae ‘yd ne Ba rie ert 


ay 


INDEX. 


A. 


Appias, on the destruction of the Te 
by St. John, ii. $9 note. 

Acamas, promontory of, i. 159. 

Acco, ii. 231. 

Achai, i. 316; harbours of, 412; province of, under 
the Romans, 416. 

Acre, St. Jean d’, ii. 231. 

Acrocorinthus, the, i. 412; its importance, 7D. ; 
views from its summit, 2b. 

Acropolis, the, i. 846, 354: wood-cut view of the 
ruins of the, 356; view of the, restored, 376. 

Acts of the Apostles, i. 181. 

Adramyttium, i. 279; ii. 810. 

#gina, island of, i. 640. 

Afium-Karahissar, i. 271. 

Agabus, the prophet, i. 127; ii. 233, 

Agora, the, of Athens, i. 354. 

Agricola, i. 15. 

Agrippa, Herod, grandson of Herod the Great, i. 
111; his death, 128. 

Agrippa IL., ii. 272. 

Aizani, i. 277, 278. 

Ak-Sher, i. 271. 

Alban, Mount, ii. 560. 

Albinus, i. 259 note. : 

Alcibiades, character of, i. 865; fortifications of, 
at Cos, ii. 220. 

Alexander the coppersmith, ii. 85, 57. 

Alexander the Great, i. 7, 9; at Pamphylia, 163. 

Alexandria, eminence of, ii. 308. 

Alexandria Troas, i. 280,281; harbour of, 282, 

Ali Pasha, Governor of Bagdad, i. 187. 

Almalee, in Lycia, i. 167. : 

Almsgiving amongst the Jews, i. 66. 

“ Altar of the Twelve Gods” at Athens, i. 554;'to 
the “ Unknown God,” 804. 

Amphipolis, i. 319. 

Amphitheatres in Asia Minor, ii. 200. 

Amplias, ii. 195. 

Amyntas, king of Galatia, i. 23, 186. 

Ananias, i. 93, 94. 

Ancyra, description of, 1. 272, 273, 

Andrea, Cape St., i. 189. 

Andriace, ii. 315. 

Androclus, founder of Ephesus, ii. 71. 

Andronicus, “kinsman” of St. Paul, ii. 193. 

Anemone Appenina, the, in Pisidia, i, 167 note, 

Anemurium, cliffs of, i. 159. 

Ancyra, {. 247 note. 

Annus Novatus. See Gallio. 

Antioch, i. 109; Jewish Christians in, 116; descrip- 
tion and history of the city, 121 et seg. ; earth- 
quake and famine in, 126; a revelation at, 132. 

Antioch in Pisidia, i. 168; identified with the 
modern town of Jalobatch, 169; its foundation, 
170; called Cawsaria by Augustus, 7b. 

Antiochus Epiphanes, i. 26, 27 note. 

Antiochus Soter, i. 246, 

Antigonia Troas, See Alexandria Troas. 

Antinomianism, Corinthian, i. 45S; ii. 151. 

Antinomians, ii. 51. 

Antipas, son of Herod the Great, i. 28. 


mple οὗ Diana 


\ 


Antipater, i. 27. 

Antipatris, it. 269. 

Antonia, the fortress, ii. 251. 

Antonine Itinery, i. 617, 818. 

Antoninus, Pius. i. 871. 

Anxur, ii. 856, 55S. , 

Apelles, ii. 193. 

Apollo Patrous, temple of, i. 355. 

Apollonia identified by Mr. Arundell,{ 168, 

Apollonia on the Adriatic, description cf, i. 330 

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 120 note; notice of the Me 
of, 944. 

Apollos, i. 446; ii. 15 et seg. ; followers of, 31. 

Apostles, Acts of the, i. 191 y/their office in the 
Primitive Church, 432. 

Apostles and Elders, letter of the, to the Chris‘iana 
of Antioch, i. 221. 

Apostolic Church, the, i. 65, 

Appian Way, ii. 354. 

Appii Forum, ii. 359. 

Appendix: I. On the Date of the Pastoral Epistles, 
ii. 533. 11. Chronological Table, 542. 

Aquila, i. 886, 388, 422; ii. 19, 33 note. 

Aguila, the translator of the Old Testament inte 
Greek, i. 387. 

Arabia, the word, i. 96. 

Aram, i. 35. 

Aramean Jews, i. 35. 

Aratus, the Greek poet of Cilicia, i. 87S note, 

Araunah, threshing-floor of, ii. 246. 

Archelaus, son of Herod, i. 25; his banishment 
54. 

Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, i. 248. 

Archippus, ii. 21. 

Areopagus, i. 846, 354; description of the, 376. 

Aretas, King of Petra, i. 81; coins of, 107. 

Arethusa, pass of, 1. 320. 

Argeeus, mount, i. 186. 

Argo, the ship, i. 414. 

Aricia, town of, ii. 360, 

Aristarchus, ti. 311. 

Aristobulus, ii. 198. 

Aristotle, i. 859. 

Artemio, i. 140. 

Artemisian festival, ii. $3. 

Artemision, the Greek month, ii. 88. 

Asia, the word as used by the ancients, i, 237 δὲ 
seq. 

Asia Minor, robbers in, i. 162; ‘* water-floods ” 
of, 163; caravans in, 1653; table-lands of, 168; 
political divisions of, 235. 

Asiarcis, the, ii. 89, 

Aspendus, i. 160. 

“ Assemblies of the Wise,’ 1, 59. 

Assize-towns of the Romans, ii. 82 

Assos, i. 279; notice of, ii. 209. 

Asycritus, ii. 194, 

Athenian religion, notice of the, i. 868. 

Athenodorus, i. 105. 

Athens, compared with Corinth, i. 883; scenery# 
around, 846; description of the city of, 368 of 
seq.; its “ carefulness in religion,” 363; pagan 
ism of, compared with Christianity, 881 

Athos, Mount, i. 254, 286, 914, $43. 


INDEX. 


Attaleia, bay of, i. 159 ; town of, 161; history and 
description of, 200. 

Attalus Philadelphus, i. 161. 
ttalus III., King of Pergamus, i. 240. 

Attica, description of, i, 346. 

™ Augustan Band,” the, i. 28. 

Augustine, St., on the names 
* Paulus,” i. 152. 

\ulon, pass of, i. 990, 

Averrus, Lacus, ii, 852. 

Axius river, i. 314, 


“Saulus” anI 


B. 

Bate, ii. 352, 

Balaamites. See Nicolaitans, 

Barjesus, the Sorcerer, i. 147. 

Barnabas at Antioch, i. 103, 118; accompanies 
St. Paul to Jernsalem, with contribution-money 
in time of famine, 127; becomes one of the 
teachers at Antioch, 131; departs for Cyprus, 
134; arrives at Selucia, 137; at Salamis, 138; 
at Paphos, 141; brought before Sergius Paulus, 
148; visits Pamphylia, 158; arrives at Perga, 
160; at the table-land of Asia Minor, 167; 
reaches Antioch in Pisidia, 174; accompanies 
St. Paul to the synagogue there, 174; expelled 
from the city, 181; journeys towards Lycaonia, 
181; reaches Iconium, 182: flies from a conspi- 
racy of the Iconians to destroy him, 185; 
reaches Lystra, 188; goes to Derbe, 198; turns 
back and re-visits Lystra, Iconium, and Ar 
tioch, 199; reaches Perga, 200; accompanies 
St. Paul to Jerusalem, 211; arrives there, 213; 
his address to the Christian conference at Jeru- 
salem, 215; returns to Antioch, 220; quarrels , 
with and separates from St. Paul, 252; his sub- 
sequent life, 253. 

Basil, St. i. 371. 

Basilicas, the Pauline, ii. 471, 472. 

Basilides, the Gnostic, i. 459 note. 

Baptism, infant, i. 290. 

Baris, ti. 251. 

Βῆμα, the, i. 419 note ; ii. 252 

Benjamin, lot of, i. 53. 

Berenice, i. 25, 248; ii. 294. 

Bercea, description of, i, 339. 

Rethsaida, city of, i. 55. 

-thesda, pool of, ii. 252. 

#1n-bir-Kilisseh, i. 158. 

Bishop, office of, in the Primitive Church, i. 433, 

Bithynia, description of, i. 240. 

Bovillz, ii. 362. 

Buldur, marble road at, i. 16€; lake of, 168. 

Burrus, the pretorian prefect, ii. 364. 


σ. 
Cabbala, the, i. 88. 
Capua, ii. 857. 
Cesar, J.,i. 147. 
Ceesarea, i. 27, 28, 115; its theatre, 12S: descrip- 

tion of the city, ii. 250. 
Caius or Gaius, i. 400. 
Caligula, i. 82, 110. 
Campagna of Rome, ii. 361. 
Campanian Way, ii. 559. 
Candace, Queen, i. 19. 
Cappadocia, description of, i. 248. 
Capree, island of, ii. 350. 
Casilinum, ii. 857. 
Casius, Mount, i. 138, 
Catarrhactes river, i. 159. 
Cayster river, ii. 18. 
Caystrian meadows, ii. 71. 
Cenchrew, i. 348; notice of, 421; its geographical 
position, ii. 195 note. 

Cephas, the name, ii. 34 note. 
Cephisus river, i. 349, 359, 386. 
Ceramicus, the, at Athens, i. 853, 
Ceres, temple of, at Athens, i. 553. 
Cerinthus, his doctrines, i. 457. 
Cerenitis, lake, i. 319, 
Cestrus river, i. 159. 
Charity amongst the early Christians, . 130. 
“Chiefs of Asia,” ii. 84. 
Chios, ii. 18, 211. 
Chittim, i. 155. 


Chiee, family of, ii. 30. 

Chrestus, i. 386. 

Chrysorrhoas river, i. 58 

Chrysostom, John, i. 274, 

Christianity and Judaism, i. 31, 32. 

Christianity, dissemination of, in Antioch in Pisk 
dia, i. 180; compared with Greek philosophy 
868; its foundation in Achaia, ii. 16; in Rome, 
founder of, not known, 155. 

“Christians,” the name when first used, i. 118; 
extract from William of Tyre respecting, 120. 
Church, the Apostolic, i. 65; charity of its mem- 
bers, 66; first aspect of the, 66, 67; formation 
of the first, gf united Jews and Gentiles, 180; 
controversy in the, 204; great conference of the 
Apostles and Elders of the, at Jerusalem, 214; 
its decrees, 217; foundation of the, in Macedo- 
nia, 253; constitution of the primitive, 431, 452 
et seg.; ordinances of the, 437; festivals of the, 
1; divisions in the, 441; heresies in the, 445, 

6. 

Church of Philippi, ii. 92; veneration of for St. 
Paul, ἐδ. ; its liberality to the Apostle, 93, 123, 

Church of Tyre, ii. 229, 230. 

Church, the Roman, ii. 371. 

Cibyra, ‘‘ the Birmingham of Asia Minor,” i. 167. 

Cicero, i. 14, 15; as governor of Cilicia, 24; at 
Athens, 360. 

Cilicia, i. 14, 19; Rough Cilicia, 20; Flat Cilicia, 
21; as a Roman province, 23° under Cicero, 24; 
description of, 249. 

“ Cilician Gates,’ the, i. 199. 

“ Cilicium” tents, i. 47, 168. 

Cimon, statue of, i. 354. 

Cimon ef Athens, his victory over the Persians at 
Platva and Salamis, i. 160. 

Cithzron, hills of, i. 345. 

Claudia, ii. 474, 484 note. 

Claudius Lysias, ii. 254; letter of, to Felix, 270. 

Claudius, the Emperor, ii. 111, 113; his edict bun- 
ishing the Jews from Rome, i. 389, 

Cnidus, notice of, ii. 221, 918. 

Colosse, ii. 4, 13; description of, ii. 383 note. 

Colosse in Phrygia, i. 272 note. 

Colossians, Epistle to the, ii. 384. 

Colossus at Rhodes, the, ii. 223. 

Colonna, Cape, i. 345, 346. 

Colony, constitution of a Roman, i. 292. 

Commerce, Roman, ii. 307. 

Conference, great, of the Apostles and Elders at 
Jerusalem, i. 214, 215. 

Constantia, i. 141. 

Consular Way, ii. 355. 

Contributions for poor Jewish Christians, ii. 120, 
154. 

Conventus, ii. 82 note. 

Converts in the household of Nero, ii. 433. 

Coracesiun, cliffs of, i. 159. 

Coressus mountains, ii. 70. 

Corinth, i. 348, 383, 385, 411; its early history, 414 
under the Romans, 415; its destruction by Mum- 
mius, 415; re-establishment of the importance 
of the city ander Julius Cesar, 416; tumult 
at, 420. 

Corinthian Church, state of, in time of St. Paul, 
ii. 153; its subsequent character, ἐδ. ; ii. 80. 
Corinthians, First Epistle to the, ii. 33; Second, 

97. 

Corinthians, licentiousness of the, ii. 27, 28. 

Cornelius, j. 106, 115; conversion of, 114, 115. 

Corn-vessels of Egypt, ii. 308. 

Cos, island of, ii. 219. 

Cotyeun, i. 217. 

Council-house of Athens, i, 356. 

Cragus, Mount, ii. 225, 

Crassus, i. 147. 

Crenides, city of, i. 295. 

Crescens, ii. 467. 

Crispus, ‘‘ruler of the Synagogue,” i. 400. ' 

Croesus and the “ Ephesian Letters,” ii, 21. 

Cum2, ii. 352. 

Cuspius Fadus, ii. 253. 

Cybistra, i. 26. 

Cydnus, the river, i. 22, 48. 

Cyprus, i. 17, 116, 117, 134; as a Roman provnnen 
i. 14], 142; history of, i. 155. 


INDEX. 


D. 


Dalmatia, il. 126. 

Damaris, the female convert at Athens, i. 381. 

Damascus, i. $2; roads from, to Jerusulem, 84; 
history of, S6. 

Daphne, i. 125 

Deiotarus, King of Galatia, i. 229. 

Delos, slave-trade of, i. 20. 

Demas, ii. 378. 

Demetrius and the silversmiths, ii. 85. 

Demoniac slave, the, at Philippi, i. 300, 301. 

Demoniacs, the, of the New l'estament, i. 298, 

Demosthenes, statue of, i, 354. 

emus, the, of Thessatonica, i. 334. 

Denarius, silver, i. 3. 

Derbe, city of, i. 188, 198, 257, 261. 

“ Devil,’ and “ damon,” 1. 299. 

Dicearchia, ii. 552. 

Diana, temple of, at Perga, i. 160; statue of, by 
Praxiteles, 357. 

Diana of Ephesus, wership of, ii. 21; Temple of 
Ephesus, 73; worship of, 77. 

Dinocrates, i. 9. 

Dionysius, the convert at Athens, i. 381. 

Diogenes, tomb of, ii. 196 note. 

Diuw, i. 342. 

Drachmna, the, ii. 24 note. 

Drepanum, promontory of, i. 159; 

Drusilla, wife of Felix, ii. 286. 

Dyrrhachium, i. 322 rote. 


E. 


Faster, ii. 208, 

Ebionites, the, i. 458. 

Edessa, i. 335 note. 

Egnatia, Via, i. 510. 

Egyptian corn-vessels, ii. 808, 809. 

Elder, the name, i. 433. 

Elogium, i. 3. 

Elymas Barjesug, i. 147. 

Bene, “the first-fruits of Achaia,” i. 899; ii. 
193. 

Epaphras, ii. 21, 879, 383. 

Epaphroditus, ii. 429, 422, 435. 

τ" Ephesian letters,” ii. 21. 

Ephesian magic, ii. 21. 

Ephesians, Epistle to the, ii. 399; parallelism be- 
tween it and the Kpistle to the Colossians, 412. 
Ephesus, its geographical position, ii. 18; descrip- 
tion of, 69; its natural advantages, 70; founda- 
dation of the city, 2).; its present appearance, 
71; its celebrated temple, 73; political constitu- 
tion of, 80); tumult in the city, 86, 87; speech 

of the town-clerk, 857, 

Ephraim, hills of, ii. 268, 

Epistles of St. Paul; First Epistle to the Thessa- 
lonians, i. 39); Second Epistle to the Thesalo- 
nians, 402; First Epistle to the Corinthians, ii, 
83; Second Epistle to the Corinthians, 97; 
Epistle to the Galatians, 135; Epistle to the 
Romans, 157; Epistle to Philemon, 38); to the 
Colossians, 384; to the Ephesians, 399; to the 
Philippians, 423; First Epistle to Timotheus, 
449; Second to Timetheus, 475; Epistle to the 
Hebrews. 491. 

Epistles, Pastoral, on the date of the, 533; pecu- 
liar words and phrases 1n the, ii. 540, 

Epipole, ii. 348. 

Epictetus, philosophy of, i. 371. 

Npicureans, their philosophy, i. 369. 

Epicurus, garden of, i. 360; notice of him, 869 
note. 

Epiphan‘us, bishop of Salamis, i. 171 note, 253. 

Fponywi, the, i. 355. 

Erastus, ii. 29, 195. 

Frectheium, the, i. 338. 

Fssenes, the, i. 84. 

Wski-Karahissar, i. 271, 

Wtesian winds, ii, $3. 

Eubeea, island of, i, 343. 

Eunice, mother of Timotheus, i. 198 

Evodia, ii. 423. 

Yuroclydon the, ii. 326, 


551 


Eurymedon river, i. 159, 160. 

Eutychus, restored to life by St. Paul, il. 207. 
Exorcists, Jewish, ii. 23, 

Eyerdir, lake of, i. 16S. 


F. 


Fair Haveng, ii. 320. 

Famagousta, i. 139. 

Felix, ii. 275; summoned to Rome, 289. 

Fellows, Sir C., on places in Lycia and Asia 
Minor visited by St. Paul, i. 3458, οὐ sey. 

Festivals of the Primitive Church, i. 440. 

Westus, ii. 291. 

Formia, ii 357. 

Fundi, plain of, ii. 358. 

Furies, sanctuary of the, i. 355. 


G. 


Gaggitas river, i. 295. 

Gaius or Caius, i. 336; ii. 194. 

Galatia, description of, i. 243; foundation of, 246, 

Galatians, Epistle to the, ii. 135; note on the 
chronology of the, i. 227. 

Galen, i. 140. 

Gallesus, precipices of, ii. 70. 

Galli, the, of Galatia, i. 273. 

Gallio, originally called Annzus Novatus, pro-coa- 
sul of Achaia, i. 417, 

Gallogrecia, i. 244 note, 

Gamaliel, i. 56, 67. 

Games of Asia and Ephesus, ii. 83. 

Gate of St. Stephen, i. 74. 

Gauls, settlement of the, in Asia; i. 244. 

Gazith or the ‘* Stone Chamber,” i. 70. 

Gentiles at the Synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia, i 
178; addressed by St. Paul, 179: their recep- 
tion of the Word of God, 120); religiously and 
socially separated from the Jews, 2U0. 

Gibea, i. 55. 

Gilboa, Mount, i. 55. 

Gnosticism, ii. 333 οὐ seq. 

Gophna, ii. 267. 

Gospel first preached in Europe, i. 295. 

“ Grecians,”’ i. 36. 

Greek tongue, i. 10; a theological language, 10; 
its universal spread among the educated classea, 


τὸ: 

Greeks, the, i. 8; social condition of, 11. 

Grego, Cape, i. 139. 

Gregory Nazianzene, St., i. 372. 

Grotius, on the names “ Saulus” and “ Paulus,” i, 
151. 


H. 


Hamus, Mount, ii. 227. 

Haliaemon river, i. 339. 

Hannibal, in the fleet of Antiochus, i, 160. 

Hirmodius and Aristogeiton, statues of, i. 355. 

ifebrews, Epistle to the, its authorship, ii. 508, 513; 

i readers, 509; its object, 515; text of Hpistie, 

16. 

Helena, mother of King Izates, i. 126. 

Hellenist Jews, i. 35. 

IIeresies in the Primitive Church, i, 45, 446-.in cha 
latter Apostolic Church, 406, 

Hermas, ii. 194. 

Ifermes, ii. 194. 

Hlermon, Mount, i. 85. 

Herrmus river, i. 27S. 

Herod Agrippa, 1. i. 28, 111. 

Herod Agrippa, IL., ii. 272. 

Herod Antipas, i. 81. 

Merodion, ii. 193. 

Herod, King of Chalcis, ii. 274. 

Herod the Great, i 27; interview with Augustus, 
ἐν. death of, 54. 

Herodians, the, i. 34. 

Heroid’s theatre and amphitheatre, ii. 200. 

Herostratus, ii. 74. 

Hillel, Jewish school of, 3. 56, 57. 


I π΄ ---Φ 


δῦ 


Hospitality, Christian, i. 29¢, 297. 
Hymettus, Mount, i. 346, 247. 


1: 


Yeonium (modern Konieh), i. 182; its history, 7d. 
llissus, river, i. 349. 

Imbros, island of, i. 286. 

Illyricum, i. 316; Greek, ii. 126; Roman, 126. 
Informers at Rome, ii. 469. 

Introduction, i. ix. 

Isauria, i. 20. 

Tgaurian robbers, i. 162. 

Isbarta, i. 164 note. 

Isthmian Gumes, ii. 198. 

Isthmian stadium, note on the, ii. 196. 

Isthmus, notice of the, i. 410. 

“Ttalian Band,” the, i. 28, 

“Ttalian Cohort,’ the, of Cornelius, i. 116. 
Italy, misery of, during Rome’s splendour, i. 14. 
Izates, King of Adiabene, i. 19, 126, 


J. 


Jacob’s Well, i. 85. 

James, St., i. 127. \ 
James the Just, i. 216; his address to the confer- 
ence of Christians at Jerusalem, 7b. ; ii. 258. 

Jason, i. 383; ii. 194. 

Jebel-el-Akrab, i. 153. 

Jerusalem, state of, under the Romans, i. 55; con- 
ference at between the Christians and the Pha- 
rasaic Christians, i. 214, 

Jewish exorcists, ii. 23. 

Jewish mode of teaching, i. 58. 

Jewish names, history of, i. 150. 

Jewish spiritual pride and exclusive bigotry, 1. 
179. 

Jews, language spoken by, at the period of the 
Apostles, i. 3; religious civilization of the, 4; 
influence of, on the heathen world, 7; their dis- 
persion, 16; colony of, in Bubylonia, 7.; in 
Lydia and Phrygia, 17; in Africa, @.; in Alex- 
andria, ἐν. in Europe, 18; in Rome, zd. ; their 
proselytes, @).; forcibly incorporated with 
aliens, 19; Jews in Arabia, 7?.; in the east of 
the Mediterranean, 7. ; Jewish sects, 32; Jews 
not unfrequently Roman citizens, 46; state of 
the Jews after the death of Herod, 56; mode of 
teaching amongst, 5S; almsgiving amongst, 
65, 66; numerous in Salamis, 140; insurrection 
of, at Sulumis, 2.; synagogue of, at Antioch in 
Pisidia, 171; their spiritual pride and exclusive 
bigotry, 179; ‘mtrigues of Judaizers at Antioch, 
210; their influential position at Thessalonica, 
$26; colony of, at Bercea, 340; in Athens, 363; 
in great numbers in Athens, 355; banished from 
Rome by command of the Emperor Claudius, 
ib.; colonies of, in Asia Minor, 386, 3887; their 
charges against St. Paul at Corinth, 419; Jews 
at Ephesus, 423; their irritation at the pro- 
gress of Christianity, ii. 201; their conspiracy 
to take the life of St. Paul in the isthmus, 212; 
their hatred of the Roman soldiers at Jerusalem, 
253; their indignation at the appearance of St. 
Paul in the temple, 245; slaughter of Jews in 
the streets of Cwsarea, 281; Jews in Rome, 
369. 

goannes, Vincente, i. T4 note. 

John, the Baptist, ii. 13; disciples of the, 13. 

John, St., i. 127; his meeting with St. Paul, 219. 

John, “whose surname was Mark,” i. 129, 159; 
leaves St. Paul and Barnabas and returns to 
Jerusalem, 161, 221, 253. 

Jonathan, the high priest, ii. 275. 

Joppa, i. 28. 

doses, the Levite of Cyprus, i. 117. 

Judaizers generally, i. 444 

Judwa, history of, ii. 273; geographical position 
of, 1. T; netices of, 19; political changes in, 27; 
utate of, 54. 

Judas, i. 220, 222. 

Falia, ii 194. 

Julius, city of, i. 55, 


i a i σθασ τς τς... 


INDEX. 


Julias, the centurion, 27% 
Junias, * kinsman”? ef St. Paul, εἰ, 193. 
Justus, i. 399. _ 


K. 


Kara-dagh, or Black Mountain, i. 188. 
Kara-dagh, view of, i. 262, 
“ Keys, The,”’ 1. 139. 


Kiutayo. See Cotyeum, 
Κλεῖδες, i. 139. 
Konieh. See Iconium. 


Konieh, battle of, i. 258 note. 


1, 


Tadik, i. 271. 

Laodicea, church of, ii, 898, 

Laswa, ii. 320, 

Latmus, Mount, ii, 219, 

Lebanon i, 20. 

Lectum, Cape, ii. 208. 

Legions, Roman, ii. 277. 

Leoni, Port (the Pireus), i. 349 note. 

Lemnos, i. 285. ; 

Leonor, the Gaulish chieftain, i. 248. 

Libertines, synagogue of the, i. 66. 

Limyra. Greek tablets at, i. 166. 

Linus, ii. 474. 

Liris river, ii, 857. 

Lois, grandmother of Timotheus, 1. 198. 

Longinus, governor of Syria, ii. 253, 

“‘Long legs’? of Athens, the, i. 350, 

“Loug walls’? of Athens, i. 350. 

Lucius of Cyrene, i. 181, 182. 

Lucrine Lake, oyster beds of, 11. 351. 

Luke, St. his meeting with St. Paul, Siuas and 
Timotheus at Alexandria Troas, i. 284; they 
sail from Troas, 285; arrive at Samov race, 
286; reach Philippi, 299, left behiud a. Phi 
lippi, 311; visited by St. Paul at Philippi, ii. 
203 ; they both sail from Philippi ard arrive at 
Troas, 205 ; leaves Troas and arrives at Assos, 
208 ; at Miletus 214; at Patara, 226; al Tyre, 
228 ; at Cesarea, 232; at Jerusalem, 236 ; writes 
his Gospel, 288; accompanies St. Paul from 
Cesarea to Rome, 311; remains with him till 
the death of St. Paul, 312-486. 

Lutar, the Gaulish chieftain, i, 245, 

Lycabettus, i. 347. 

Lyceum, the, i. 359. 

Lydia, i, 198. 

Lydia, her profession of faith and baptism, i 
296. 

Lydius, the Isaurian robbex, {. 163 note. 

Lycaonia, i. 185. ‘ 

Lystra, city of, i. 187; visited by St. Paul, 190. 


M. 


Macedonia Prima, 1, 3155; Quarta, 315 note; se- 
cunda, 315, 

Macedonians, liberality of the, ii, 122. 

Macedonia Tertia, i. 815 note. 

Meander, valley of the, i. 170; river, ii. 218 
note. 

Magicians, oriental, i. 146, e seq 

Magnesia, ii. 214 note 

Malea, Cape, i. 412. 

Monnen, foster-brother of Herod Antipas, i 121, 

Marathon, i. 345. 

Marius, i. 147. 

Mark, John. See John Mark 

Martyn, Henry, i. 274. 

Mary, ii. 193. 

Massicus Hills, ii. 357. 

Megabyzi, or priests of Diana, ii. 78. 

Melisse, or priestesses of Diana, ii. 79, 

Melita, ii. 3841, 343. 

Mercurius, Propyleus, i. 357. 

Mesogeea, region of the, i. 346 

Massogis, ii. 76. 


, 


INDEX. 


Bilestone, the Golden, i. 355. 
Miletus, 11. 18, 214. 
Minerva Promachus, i. 348, 353 ; statue of, 868, 
Minerva Hygieia, statue of, i. 357. 

Minturne, ii. 357. 

Mithridates, king of Pontus, i. 248. 

Mitylene, notice ‘of, ii. 208. 

τ Mnason of Cyprus, Moab ie τς 290. 

Mnesicles the architect, i. 357 note 

Mummius, i. 415. 

Munychia, height of the, i. 349. 

Muratori’s Canon, ii. 438. 

Museum of Athens, the, i. 346. 

Mycale, ii. 212. 

Myra, ii. 315. 

Mysia, description of, i. 276. 


N. 

Narcissus, ii. 193, 

Navigation of the ancients, ii. 300, εἰ seq 

‘“Nazarenes,”’ i. 119. 

Nazarites, the, i, 422; the four, ii. 240, 241, vow 
of, ii. 243. 

Neapolis, or Nablous, i. 84; 

Neapolis ‘of Macedonia, i, 287, 288. 

Newxopog, ii. 79, 

Nereus, ii. 194. 

Nero, his marriage with Poppes, ii 

Nero, ii. 412, 

Neptune, his statue at Athens, i. 353. 

Nestor, tutor of Tiberius, i, 106. 

‘Nicholas of Antioch,” L 19. 

Nicholas, St., ii. 315. 

Nicolaitans or Balaamites, i. 457. 

Nicomedes Π]., king of Bithynia, i. 241. 

Nicopolis, ii. 128 note. 

Nicopolis in Epirus, ii, 465. 

Nicosia, i. 140. 

Nizib, battle of, i. 258 note. 

Note on certain Legends connected with St. Paul’s 
death, ii. 488 ; on the heresies of the later Apos- 
tolic age, ne 456 ; on the parallelism between 
the Epistles to the Colossians and the Ephesians, 
ii, 413. 

Nymphs of the Demus, i. 356. 


0. 


Oleander, the, in the Levant, i 166. 

Olives, Mount of, ii. 250. 

Olympas, ii. 194. 

Olympus, Mount, i. 314, 315. 

Onesimus, the slave, ii. 819. 

Onesiphorus, ii. 418. 

Onkelos, i. 58. 

Orontes, valley of the, i. 20; the river, 1. 122 
description of the, 135 

Ortigia, ii. 348. 

Overseer, oftice of, in the primitive Church, i. 483. 


Bs 


Pactyas, Mount, ii. 70. 
‘Painted Porch,” the, i. 368. 
Palatine, the, ii. 418. 


ii. 421. 


Paley’s Hor Paulina, ii 26 note, 
Pallas, death of, ii. 422 
Pamphylia, i, 159 ; sea ‘of, tb. 


Pamphylia, description of, i, 242, 

Pangeus, Mount, i. 287. 

Paoli, village of, in Pisidia, i. 164 note. 

Paphos, i. 141; New, history of, 156 εὖ seg.; Old 
156. 

Parnes, hills of, i. 546, 347. 

Paroreia, in Phrygia, i. 169. 

Parthenon, the, at Athens, i. 358, 

Patara, harbour of, ii. 225, 

Pairobas, ii. 194. e 

Paul, St. a Pharisee, i, 33; language of his m- 
fancy, 389 ; his childhood at Tarsus, 40; his de- 
seent from Benjamin, 43; his early education, 
43, 49; period of his birth, 44; his station in 
lite, Au: his boybood, 81: sent to Jerusalem 


͵ 
ἘΣ 


554 


2; his study there, 63; his early manhood, 
64; his taste for Greek literature, 65; his pres: 
ence at the death of St. Stephen, 74; his perse- 
cution of the Christians, 78; his journey te 
Damascus, 82, 83; importance of his conver- 
sion, 89; vision of Jesus Christ, 90; his call, 
91; his ‘blindness, 93 his recovery ’ of sight, 
95; his baptism, ib. ; his journey into Arabia 
Petrea, 96 : his return to Damascus, 99; con- 
spiracy to assassinate him,100 ; his escape, t.; 
his return to Jerusalem, 101; his meeting with 
the Apostles, 103: he withdraws to Syria and 
Cilicia, 105 ; travels with Barnabas to Antioch, 
118 ; carries the contribution money from An- 
tioch to Jerusalem, in time of famine, 127-5 de- 
parts for Cyprus, 154; arrives at Seleucia, 138 . 
at Salamis, ἐν. ; at Paphos, 141; his denuncia- 
tion of Elyinas Barjesus, 148, 149; his name 
changed to Paun, 149; visits Pamphylia, 158 ; 
arrives at Perga, 160s journeys to the table- 
land of Asia Minor, 167 ; reaches Antioch in 
Pisidia, 1745 his adress to the Jews in the 
synagorue there, 175; impression made on his 
hearers, 178; scene on the following Sabbath, 
119: expelled from the synagogue, ib. ; turns 
from the Jews and preaches to the Gentiles, 70. ; 
journeys towards Lycaonia, 181; arrives at 
Teonium, 182; eséapes from a conspiracy to 
erush him, 185; reaches Lystra, 188 ; his mira- 
cle there, 191 ; . worship ollered to him, 192; his 
address to the Lystrians, 193; stoned in the 
city, 196; recovers from apparent death, 197 ; 
travels to Derbe, 198 ; revisits Lystria, Iconium 
and Antioch, 199; reaches Perga, 200 ; travels 
to Jerusalem, 211 ; his companions on the jour- 
ney, ib..; his arrival at the Holy City, 218 ; his 
address fo the conference of Christians in Jeru- 
salem, 215; public recognition of his mission 
to the heathen, 219; his meeting with St. John, 
ib. ; returns to Antioch, 220; rebukes St. 
Peter ἢ for his weak conduct, 224; St. Paul’s per- 
sonal appearance, ib. ; St. Peter’s reconciliation 
with him, 226; he proposes to Barnabas to visit 
the ΡΣ ΧΗ 250 ; quarrels and separates from 
Barnabas, 251, 252 ; takes Silas with him into 
Cilicia, 254 ; takes Timotheus into companion- 
ship, 265; reaches Iconium, 268; journeys through 
Phrygia, O71; ;/arrives at Galatia , 274; his sick- 
ness, tb.; his reception there, 275 ; journeys to 
the gean, 2 77; arrives at Alexandria Troas, ὁ 282; 
is joined by St. Luke at Troas, 284 ; ; they sail 
from Troas, 285; arrive at Samothrace, 286; 
reach Philippi, 290 ; St. Paul preaches the Gos- 
pel for the first time in Europe, 295 ; the de- 
moniac slave, 300; St. Paul scourged and east 
into prison, 303; his conversion of the jailor, 
307 ; released from prison, 310 ; leaves Philippi, 
813; arrives at Thessalonica, 821; visits the 
synagogue at Thessalonica, 525 ; subjects of hia 
preaching, 326; his own labor for the means of 
support, 3829; leaves Thessalonica for Bercea, 
338 ; arrives there, 840; leaves the city, 343 ; 
his arrival on the coast of Attica, 346 ; lands at 
Athens, 352; his reflections amidst the idolatry 
at Athens, 362 ; “left in Athens alone,’ δ. - 
addresses the Athenians in the Agora, 373 ; ; goes 
up to the hill of the Areopagus, 374 ; his speech 
to the Athenians, 578; departs from Athens, 
381; takes up his abode at Corinth, ἐδ. ; his ad- 
dress to the Jews in the synagogue there, 389 ; 
rejoined by Silas and Timotheus, 7. ; writes hia 
First Epistle to the Thessalonians, 390 ; be turns 
from the Jews to the Gentile, 399 ; his vision, 
401; writes his Second Epistle to the Thessalo- 
nians, 402; continues to reside in Corinth, 406 ; 
brought by the Jews before Gallio, proconsul of 
Achaia, 418 ; who refuses to hear the charges, 
419; departs from Achaia, 421; takes his fare- 
well of the Church of Corinth, tb. ; sails from 
Cenchree by Ephesus ta Cxesarea, 4223 visits 
the synagogue at Nphesus, i. ; reaches Ceesa- 
rea, 424; leaves C:vsarea for Jerusalem, 7.; 
visits Antioch for the last time, 425 ; departs 
from Antioch, ii. 11; arrives at Ephesus, 19 
the Magicians of Ephesus, 22; burning of the 


any 


654 


mystic books, 24; the Apostle pays a short visit 
to Corinth, 26; returns to Ephesus, 28 ; writes 
she First Epistle to the Corinthians, 33; his 
future plans, 67; Demetrius and the silver- 
smiths, 85; Caius and Aristarchus seized by 
the mob, 86; tumult in Ephesus, 87; St. Paul 
bids farewell to the Christians of Ephesus, ib. ; 
departs from the city, ἐδ ; arrives at Alexandria 
Troas, 91; preaches the Gospel there, 92; sails 
from: Troas to Macedonia, ib.; lands at Nea- 
polis, ἐδ. ; proceeds to Philippi, %b.; his love 
for the Philippian Christians, ib. ; passes over 
to Macedonia, 94; state of his bodily healtk, 
w. ; rejoined by Titus, ib. ; writes his Second 
Epistle to the Corinthians, 97; collects contri- 
butions for the poor Christians in Judza, 120 ; 
he journeys southwards, 129; his feelings on 
approaching Corinth, 130; state of the Galatian 
Church, 183; writes his Epistle to the Gala- 
tians, 135; convinces the Corinthians of his 
Apostleship, 152; he punishes the disobedient 
by publicly casting them out of the Church, w. ; 
sends a letter by Phoebe to ihe Roman Church, 
154; his Epistle to the Romans, 156 ; conspir- 
acy of the Jews to take his life, 202 ; flies from 
Corinth to Macedonia, ib.; visits St. Luke at 
Philippi, 204; they leave there tozether, 7b. ; 
arrive at Troas, 205; St. Paul restores the life 
of Eutychus, 207 ; leaves Troas and arrives at 
Assos, 208 ; εὐ Miletus, 214 ; his speech to the 
Ephesian presbyters there, 216; he departs 
from Miletus, 219; arrives at Patara, 226; sails for 
Phoenicia, 227 ; arrives at Tyre, 228 ; leaves Tyre, 
230 ; arrives at Caesarea, 232; meets with Philip 
the Evangelist, ib. ; warned by Agabus of dan- 
ger to be apprehended at Jerusalem, 233 ; sets 
out for Jerusalemy 234; his reception by the 
Presbyters, 237; advice of the Christians of 
Jerusalem to St. Paul, 240; the four Nazarites, 
ἐν. ; St. Paul seized at the festival of Pentecost, 
244; beaten by the mob, 253 3 rescued by Clau- 
dius Lysias, 254; his conversation with Lysias, 
tw. ; the Apostle addresses the multitude from 
the stairs, 255; their rage, 258 ; sentenced by 
Lysias to “‘ receive the lashes,’ 259 ; asserts his 
rights as a Roman citizen, ib. ; taken before the 
Sanhedrin, 261; struck by order of the high- 
priest Ananias, 7b. ; tumult in the judgment- 
hall, 263; the Apostle taken back to the for- 
tress, 7b. ; conspiracy to assassinate him, 264 ; 
the plot discovered, 265 ; removed by Lysias to 
Cesarea to be judged by Felix, 266 ; ordered to 
be kept in Herod’s pretorium, 271 ; summon- 
ed before Felix, 283 ; charges brought against 
him, ἐδ. ; his speech before Felix, 284 ; remand- 
1, 256 ; brought up again before the governor, 
w.; imprisoned again, 287; brought before 
Festus, 291; his “ Appeal to Cesar,” ib.; brought 
before Herod Agrippa Il., 294; his speech to 
the king, ib. ; departs from Cxsarea for Rome, 
310; puts into Sidon, 311; reaches, Myra, 315 ; 
Cnidus, 318; anchors at Fair Havens, 320; 
sails from Fair Havens, 325; the storm, 826 ; 
leaky state of the vessel, St, Paul’s vision, 333 ; 
his address to the sailors, 1b. ; they anchor for 
the night, 335 ; wrecked on the coast of Melita, 
341; his :niracles at Malta, 344; sails from 
Malta, 348; puts into Syracuse ib. 3 visits 
Rhegium, 349; reaches Puteoli, εὐ. ; journeys 
from Puteoli towards Rome, 353; reaches 
Rome, 363 ; his interview with the Jews there, 
372; his occupations during his imprisonment 
at Rome, 377; Onesimus, 379; the Apostle 
writes his Epistle to Philemon, 380 ; writes his 
Epistle to the Colossians, 384; writes his Epis- 
tle to the Ephesians, 399 ; visited by Epaphro- 
ditus, 420; writes his Epistle to the Philippians, 
423 ; he makes many converts in Nero’s house- 


hold, 433; his trial before Nero, 441 ; charges | 
| Proseuchex, i, 294, 


brought against him, 443 ; acquitted, 446; he 
goes to Asia and Spain, ib. ; writes his First 
Epistle to Timotheus, 449 ; 
tle toTitus, 461 ; 


writes his Epis- | 
his second imprisonment at ° 


INDEX. 


Rome, 467 first stage of his final trial, 471, te 
remanded to prison, 473; writes his Second 
Epistle to Timotheus, 475 ; his death, 486, 

eee his visit to, and description of Athena, 
i. 345. 

Pedalium, the, of Strabo and Ptolemy, i. 139, 

Pedizus river, ib, 

Pella, i. 314, 

Pentecost, feast of, at Jerusalem, ii. 242 

Perga, i. 60. 

Pericles, statue of, at athens, i. 357, 

Peripatetics, the, i. 249. 

Persis, ii. 193, 

Pessinus, i. 273. 

Peter, St., i. 67, 115 ; in captivity, 128; his ad 
dress to the Conference of Christians at Jeru 
salem, 215, his weak conduct at Antioch, 223 
openly rebuked by St. Paul, 224; St. Peter’s 
personal appearance, i,; his reconciliation 
with St. Paul, 226, 

Persecution of Nero, ii, 434 note; 468, 

Petronius, i. 111, 

Phalerie Wall,-i. 351 note. 

Pharisees, the, i. 32 ; in Jerusalem, i. 228, 

Pharasaic Christians at Jerusalem, ii. 213. 

Phaselis, promontory of, i. 160 ; battles of, (2. 

Philemon, ii. 21 ; Epistle to, ii. 581. 

Philip, son of Herod the Great, i. 28, 

Philip, tetrach of Gaulonitis, i. 55. 

Philip the Asiarch, ii. 86 note. 

Philip the Evangelist, the companion of Stephea, 
i. 79 5 ii. 232 ; his family, ib. 

Philippi, description of, i. 290. 

Philippians, Epistle to the, ii, 423. 

Philo, i. 26, 111. 

Philologus, ii. 194. 

Philomelium, city of, i. 169 ; identified with Ak 
Sher, 169, 271, 272. 

Philosophy, Greek. notice of the older, i. 366. 
later schools, 370 > Spread of, 371. 

Phlegon, ii. 194. 

Phoebe of Cenchre, ii, 154, 

Pheenice, i. 212, 

Phoenicians, the, i. 9. 

Phoenix, harbor of, ii, 322. 

Physicians among the ancients, i. 312, 313. 

Pirzus, the, i. 346-349, 

Pisidia, i. 162; robbers of, 1b. ; violence of its 
flooded rivers, 163; mountain scenery of, 165-164 

Plata, battle of, i. 160. 

Plato, philosophy of, i. 366. 

Pliny on the Conyentus, or assize-town, ij. 82. 

Pnyx, the, i. 346, 354, 356. 

Polemo, II., King of Pontus, i. 24, 25, 248, 

Politarchs, the, of Thessalonica, i. 335, 

Polycarp, martyrdom of, ii. 86 note. 

Pompeiopolis, i. 21. 


Pompey the Great, i, 21; in Damascus, 26; af 


Jerusalem, 27. 
Pomptme marshes, ii. 359, 
Pontus, last king of, i. 25, 
Pontus, description of, i. 248, 
Poppea, ii. 422, 545, 
Posidonium at the Isthmus of Corinth, ii. 196, 
Posts established by Augustus, ii. 419, 
Pretorian Guards, ii, 278, 
Pretorium, ii. 416, 
Praxiteles, 353. 
‘* Presidents of the Games,” if. 83, 
Priam, Palace of, ii. 206. 
Prion, Mount, ii. 70, 89. 
Priscilla, i. 387, 388, 423; ii. 19 33 note, 
Proconsuls, 1. 142, et seq. 
Procuratores, Asix, ii. $2 note, 
Propretors, i. 142, et seq. 
Proselytes, Jewish, i. 18. 
Proselytes, female, at Damascus, i. 19, 172 megs, 
at Antioch in Pisidia, 171, 181 
Proseucha, at Lystra, i, 198, 


Ptolemais, ii. 231. 
Pudens, ii. 474. 
Puteoli, ii, 349-355 


INDEX. 


Pydua, i. 342. 
Pythagoras, philosophy of, {. 366. 


Q. 


Quadratus, governor of Syria, ii. 274, 
Quartus, ii. 195. 


R. 


 Rabbinism,”’ i. 56. 

Record-heuse of Athens, i. 355° 

Remond on the Jewish dispersions, i. 18. 

Rhegium, ii. 348. 

Rhodes, notice of, ii. 221. 

Rhodian fleet at Phaselis, i, 160. 

Rhyndacus river, i. 278. 

Roman Church, of Gentile origin, ii. 155; name 

᾿ of founder not known, ἐδ. 

Roman Amphitheatre, i. 12; Army, the, ii. 276; 
Commerce, ii, 307; fleet at Phaselis, i. 160; 
power in the East, i. 11; growth and govern- 
ment of, 12. 

Rome, description of, ii. 361. 

Rufus, ii. 194, 


8. 


Sadducees, the, i. 32. 

Sadducees, i. 67. 

Sagalassus, i. 163. 

St. John. at Ephesus, ii. 89. 

St. Paui’s Bay, view of, ii. 344, 

Salamis, i. 134, 189; copper mines at, 140; de- 
stroyed, 7b. ; sea fight at, tb. note; battle of, i. 
160, 343. 

Salonica, Gulf of, i. 343. 

Samaria, ii. 268, 

Samaritans, the, 1. 35, 79, 80. 

Samian shipbuilders, i. 414. 

Samos, ii. 18. 

Samothrace, i. 282, 283, 286. 

Sangarius river, i. 277. 

Sanhedrin, the, i. 56, 69; its power over foreign 
synagogues, 81; ii. 261. 

Saronic Gulf, i. 345. 

Sarus river, i. 260. 

Say, village of, i. 164 note. 

Say-Sou river, i. 164 note. 

Saul. Sve Paul, St. “Saul,” and ‘ Paul,” the 
words, i. 46. 

Sceva, sons of, the exorcists, ii. 23. 

Schools, Jewish, i. 60; customs in, 61. 

S8chmmai, Jewish school of, i. 56. 

Schoenus, port of, i. 413. 

Scio, ii. 211. 

8cylitzes Curopalates, i. 259 note. 

Secundus of Thessalonica, i. 336. 

Seleucia, foundation of, i. 122, 136 ; immense ex- 
cavation at, 137 ; its excellent harbour, ἐδ. 

Seleucus Nicator, i. 122. 

Selge, i. 168 ; robbers of, ib. 

Seneca, the philosopher, i. 871, 417, ᾿ 

Sergius Paulus, i. 141, 145, 146. 

Serres, i. 314 note. 

‘Seven Capes,” the, ii. 225, 

Sharon, plain of, ii. 268. 

Sheba, queen of, i. 19, 

Shipbuilders of Samos, i. 414, 

Ships of the ancients, ii, 300 e seq. 

Bide, i. 160. 

Zidon, notice of, ii. 312. 

Bilas, i. 220, 222 ; accompanies St. Paul to Cilicia, 


i, 264 ; scourged and cast into prison at Philippi, , 


i, 304; released from prison, 310; leaves Phi- 
lippi, 318 ; visits the Synagogue at Thessalonica, 
317 ; accompanies St. Paul to Bercea, 340 ; left 
behind witn Timotheus, at Bercea, 341; joins 
St. Paul at Corinth, 389 ; accompanies the Apos- 
ue to Ephesus, Caesarea, and Jerusalem, 422-- 
425 ; remains at Jerusalem, ii. 10. 
Silanus the proconsul, ii $1 note. 


555 


Silversmiths of Ephesus, ii, 85. 

Simeon, father of Gamaliel, i. 57. 

Simeon, son of Gamaliel, tb. 

Simeon, surnamed, Niger, i, 181, 132. 

Simon Magus, ii. 28 nole. 

Sinuessa, ii. 857. 

Slave-trade of Delos, i. 20, 

Smyrna, ii. 18. 

Socrates, character of, i. 365, 

Soli, town of, i, 21. 

Solomon, temple of, ii. 246. 

Solon, statue of, i, 354. 

Sopater of Beroea, i. 336, 

Sorcery, Jewish, ii. 23, 

Sosipater, ii. 195, 202. 

Sosthenes, chief of the Corintnian Jewish syna 
gogue, i. 419; beaten by the Greek mob, 420. 

Spruner’s “ Atlas Antiquus,”’ i 286 note. 

Stachys, ii. 193. 

Stadium, Isthmian, Note on the, 1". 196, 

Stadia, in Asia Minor, ii. 200, 

Stagirus, i, 920, 

Stephen, St., i. 66-68 ; his trial, 70; his martyr 
dom, 73; his prayer, 74 ; his burial, 77. 

Stoa Peecile, the, i. 860 

Stocks, the, i. 805 

Stoics, i. 860 ; their philosophy, 367. 

Strabo on Pamphylia, i. 159, 

Strato’s tower, ii. 280. 

Stromboli, ii. 849. 

Strymon river, i. 815. 

Students, Jewish, i. 62. 

Sulla at Athens, i. 851. 

“Sultan Tareek ’? road, i. 168, 

Sunium, Cape of, i. 845, 346. 

“Synagogue of the Libertines,” i. 18; the first, 
60; number of, in Jerusalem, 61, in Salami 
140; in Antioch in Pisidia, 1712; ancient ax 
modern, 172-174 ; the, at Thessalonica, 325 ; at 
Athens, 363 ; at Corinth, 389. 

Syntyche, ii. 423, 

Syracuse, ii. 347. 


ΠῚ 


Talniud, the, i. 59 

Tallith, the, i. 173. 

Tarsus. i. 22; coin of, ἐδ. ; named ‘ Metropolis,’ 
τὸ. ; condition of, under the Romans, 23; not a 
municipium, 45 ; scenery of, 48, 

Taurus, Mount, i. 29, 161, 257. 

“Taverns, The Three,’? ii. 360. 

Tectosages, the, i. 244 note. 

Tempe, Vale of, i. 848. 

Temple, position of the, ii. 245; temple of Solo- 
mon, 246; that of Zerubbabel, ib.; that of 
Herod, ib.; the Outer Court, tb.; ‘ Porch of 
Solomon, 247 ; the ‘‘ Beautiful Gate,” ἐδ. ; the 
Sanctuary, ib.; Court of the Women,248; the 
‘Treasury, tb.; the Court of Israel, 249; the 
Court of the Priests, ib. ; the hall Gazith, t. ; 
the Altar, ib. ; the Vestibule, 250; the Holy 
Place, ib.; the Holy of Holies, 2. ; connexion of 
the Temple with the fortress Antonia, 253 

Teucer, kingdom of, i. 140. 

Tertullus, ti. 282. 

Tetrapolis, the, i. 123. 

Thais, tomb of, ii. 196 note. 

Thales, philosophy of, i. 366. 

Thamna, ii. 268. 

Thasos, 1. 287 note. 

Theatre, the, of Athens, i. 356. 

Thecla, St., of Iconium, i. 183 ; legend of, 184. 

Themistocles, Tomb of, i. 348° his fortification ef 
the Pireus, 349. 

Therapeutz, the, i. 35. 

Therma, i. $22. 

Thermopylae, i. 345. 

Thessalonian letters, the, i. 330 

Thessalonians, First Epistle to the, i. 390 : Second, 
402. 

Thessaly, i. 315. 

Thessalonica, i. 3U6 ; description of, 321. 

Tiberias, i. 285 city of, 1. 55; sea of, 84, 


556 


Tiberius, i. 110, 147. 

“berius Alexander, ii. 253 note, 274. 

figranes, i. 136. 

Timotheus, i. 197, 198, 264; becomes the compa- 
nion cf St. Paul, 265; his 2ireumcision, 267 ; 
reaches Iconium, 268 ; accompanies St. Paul to 
Galatia and to the Aigean, 274, 277; sails from 
Troas, 285 ; arrives at Samothrace, 286 ; at Phi- 
lippi, 290; left behind at Philippi, 311; again 
with St. Paul at Beroea, 340°; left behind at 
Berea, 341; joins St. Paul at Corinth, 389; 
accompanies St’ Paul in his subsequent jour- 
neys, 421 et seq.; dispatched by St. Paul from 
Ephesus to Macedonia, ii. 29; First Epistle to, 
449 ; Second Epistle to, 475. 

Titus, 1. 211, 214; 11, 11; visits St. Paul at Phi- 
lippi, 94; his account of the state of the 
Church of Corinth, 95 ; directed by St. Paul to 
return to Corinth, 96; his character, 125; St. 
Paul’s Epistle to, 461. 

Troas, description of, ii. 205. 
Troas. 

Triopium, promontory of, ii, 222. 

Trogyllium, ii. 212. 

Trophimus, it. 91, 110 note. 

™ryphena, ii. 193. 

Tryphosa, . 

Tullianum,”’ the; i. 305. 
Tychicus, ii. 92, 380, 394. 
Tyrannus, ii. 20. 

Tyre, its situation and maritime supremacy, ii. 
229, 231. 

U. 


Unknown Gods, altars of the, i 350 note; 364. 
Urbanus, ii. 193, 


See Alexandria 


INDEX. 


Urbs libera, constitution of, 1, 333 ; its privilegan 


en 
vot. 
V . 


Valentinus, the Gnostic, i. 458 note. 
Ventidius Cumanus, ii. 253. 
Vestments, the sacred, ii. 253, 274, 
Via Appia, ii. 354, Egnatia, i. 316. 
Vitellius, i. 81, 111. 

Vulturnus river, ii. 357. 


W. 


‘Walls, Long,’? of Athens, i. 550. 

Wines of Chios, ii. 218 note. 

Women, intluence of, over the religious opinions 
of the ancients, i. 181; their loly influence in 
early Christianity, i. 297. 


X. 

Xanthus river, ii, 225 ; valley of the, 1. 166 
YG 

“Yailahs,’”? 1,165; that of Adalia, 16S. 
Z. 


Zabeans, the, ii. 13 note. 

Zea, i. 350. 

Zealots, the, i. 34. 

Zeno, school of, i. 360+ his pnftfogzopky 821, 
Zerubbabel, temple of, ii. 246 


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The Complete and Unabridged Work of 


CONYBEARE & HOWSON’S ren 
$3.0 


| eae AND EPISTLES OF 
With an Introduction by Bishop Simpson, reduced from $4.50 to $3.00. 


Doo PAUL, 


In consequence of the publication of abridgments, and otherwise mutilated Editions of 
this work, by two rival houses, in violation of the courtesies of the trade, we have been 
compelled to reduce the price of this great work, and in this connection desire that our 
Agents and the public should be rightly informed as to the superiority of our Complete 
Edition over all others in the field. This Edition is the complete and unabridged work, 
as arranged by the Authors themselves. The notes, references and explanations are in 
no way abridged, and the Complete Edition is the only one purchased by those who 
know the relative value and merits of the two. Our assertions are sustained by the 
following testimonials :— 


Extract from T. Ὁ. Woolsey, D.D., LL.D., President of ‘Yale College. 
I should regard THE ORIGINAL worK as far better than the most skillfully executed 
abridgment. 
| Norr. — The testimonial of President Woolsey, as used in connection with the 
People’s Edition was taken from The New Englander, published ten or twelve years 
ago, and recommending the Complete Edition. | 


From Rev. Prof. Horatio B. Hackett, D.D., Bapt. Theological Semincry, 
Newton Centre, Mass. 


It is superfluous to speak of the merits of this work. The full edition contains 
nothing which the authors did not regard as important to the illustration of their sub- 
ject, and nothing can be left out without impairing the value of the work. 


From Rev. W. Adams, D.D., Pustor of Madison Square Presbyterian Oiurch, N.Y. 
ἶ (Εσίγϑοί.) 

It would be injustice to the authors and to their subject to attempt any abridgment 
of such a work. 

From the New York Independent. 

This Edition includes the entire work, unabridged, and we should prefer it thus 
rather than Howson’s own abridgment (People’s Edition). 

This Edition has not only the advantage of being complete in text, notes, references, 
&e., but its value is greatly enhanced over the abridgment (People’s Edition), by being 
fully illustrated with maps, engravings, coins, antiquities, &c., which are of great 
importance to the correct understanding of the work. 

The Publishers of the abridged work quote from our advertisements ‘‘ Complete 
and Unabridged,”’ as follows: ‘‘Complete and Unabridged PEOPLE’S Hdition,”’ which 
is all correct as far as it goes, but they very cautiously avoid saying the ‘“‘ PEOPLE’S”’ 
Edition is itself an abridgment, and is printed from the 12mo. London Edition, in 
large type and paper, making a bulky octavo. Furthermore, lest our patrons may be led 
by the advertisements of the houses named to think the notes and references in our 
complete work are in a foreign language, we desire to state that such is not the case, 
except in a few instances where the original Greek and Latin are given, with explana- 
tions,—thus adding to the value and importance of the work; while in the abridged 
form these sentences are in nearly every instance entirely omitted. 


A Book of Great Value to Farmers, Mechanics and Workingmen of all Trades and Occupations. 


Farmers’ & Mechanics’ Manual 


WITH MANY VALUABLE TABLES, 


FOR 
Machinists, Manufacturers, Merchants, Engineers, Masons, Painters, Plumbers, 
Gardeners, Accountants, &c. 


By _W. 5. COURTNEY, anp GEO. E. WARING, Jr. 


AUTHOR OF ‘ELEMENTS OF AGRICULTURE,” ‘‘ DRAINING FOR PROFIT AND FOR HEALTH,” ‘‘ EARTH 
CLOSETS—IOW TO MAKE AND HOW TO USE THEM; AND FORMERLY AGRICULTURAL 
ENGINEER OF CENTRAL PARK, NEW YORK. 


MPRATICALLY A SUOK UY VACTS, 


WITH 200 PRACTICAL ILLUSTRATIONS AND OUTLINES. 


[Extracts from the Author's Preface.] 


Those who consult this book must remember that it is not a book of recipes or prescriptions, but 
for the most part a work of facts aud figures—assured analysis and demonstrations, about which there 
can be no dispute. Tle design was to produce a work of substantial and enduring value, and of universal 
application and use. * * * 'Tosum up, then, this book is offered as containing more that has been 
proyen by long use to be of value, more that is most necessary for every farmer and mechanic to know, 
and more of promising novelty, than any other that has ever been presented to the farmers and mechanics 
of America. It is complete in every particular in which it is possible for such a book to be complete; 
and, in addition to this, it is sufficiently suggestive in many other respects to induce its readers to read 
more, to think more, to experiment more, and to become more intelligent and more successful in the 
management of their business, as well as really happier and wiser men, 


A Book of Solid Worth and Practical Utility, Worth its Weight in Gord.” 


EVERY ARTISAN NEEDS. ἘΠῚ EVERY NAVIGATOR NEEDS IT, 

BUILDER OWNER OF STOCK ° es 

a CARPENTER cd « PAINTER 

ee BAIRYMAN δ { @QUARRYMAN ue 

cE EVGINKER se es HEAL ESTATE OWNER * ἐν 

as BARMER ἐξ τς STOCK RAISER 

--: GARDENER “Ὁ a "TANNER a 

HIOUSEILOLD se ge UNDERWRITER id 

ss HERON WORKER “ Mo VINE GRU ER id 

κε JOURNEYMAN “ εξ WORKMAN us 

as FL EEPER OF ACCOUNTS * τ ἐξ WOUNG MAN as 

et LAWYER ae ZEALOUS, INDUSTRIOUS AND 

¢ VEECH ANIC Ὁ Labor-Saving Man cannot afford to be without it, 


It will be comprised in one large Octayo Volume, of over five hundred pages and two hundred 
illustrations, and furnished in: 


Extra English Cloth, Gilt Back, - - - - - $3.00 
Embossed Morocco, Marbled Edges, - - - - - 3.50 
Half Calf, Antique, - - - - - - - 5.00 


Wanted Farmers, Mechanics, Teachers and Working Men and Women 
Liverywhere, to Sell this Work. 


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